The National Public Opinion Reference Survey (NPORS) is an annual survey of U.S. adults conducted by the "https://www.pewresearch.org/" Target="_blank">Pew Research Center. The Pew Research Center uses NPORS to produce benchmark estimates for several topics, including Americans' political and religion affiliations.

"https://www.ipsos.com/en-us" Target="_blank">Ipsos conducted the "https://www.pewresearch.org/methods/2024/07/08/how-pew-research-center-uses-its-national-public-opinion-reference-survey-npors/" Target="_blank">NPORS for Pew using address-based sampling and a multimode protocol. The survey was fielded Feb. 1, 2024, to June 10, 2024. Participants were first mailed an invitation to complete an online survey. A paper survey was later mailed to those who did not respond. In total, 2,535 respondents completed the survey online, 2,764 respondents completed the paper survey, and 327 respondents completed the survey over the phone (Total N=5,626). The survey was administered in English and Spanish. The AAPOR Response Rate 1 was 32 percent.

This data collection consists of public opinion surveys of the adult German population in November, 1968. Respondents were asked about their economic situation, the likelihood of inflation, the problems facing their communities and administrative responses to those problems, and their opinions of the chancellor, president, and the German political parties. See also the related collections, PRECONDITIONS OF THE FORMATION OF PUBLIC OPINION IN THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY, 1964 (ICPSR 7014), and PUBLIC OPINION SURVEYS: WEST GERMANY, DECEMBER 1968 (ICPSR 7091).

The Chicago Surveys are part of a long-running series of public opinion surveys conducted by The Chicago Council on Global Affairs every two years. This study is the 2012 Chicago Council Survey, designed to investigate the opinions and attitudes of the general public on matters related to foreign policy, and to define the parameters of public opinion within which decision-makers must operate. The 2012 Chicago Council Survey focuses on respondents' opinions of the United States' leadership role in the world and the challenges the country faces domestically and internationally. The survey covers the following international topics: relations with other countries, role in foreign affairs, possible threats to vital interests in the next ten years, foreign policy goals, benefits or drawbacks of globalization, situations that might justify the use of United States troops in other parts of the world, the number and location of United States military bases overseas, respondent feelings toward people of other countries, opinions on the influence of other countries in the world and how much influence those countries should have, United States participation in potential treaties, the United States' role in the United Nations and NATO, which side the United States should take in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, what measures should be taken to deal with Iran's nuclear program, the military effort in Afghanistan, opinions on efforts to combat terrorism, and the rise of China as a global power. Domestic issues include economic prospects for American children when they become adults, funding for government programs, the fairness of the current distribution of income in the United States, climate change, greenhouse gas emissions, and United States dependence on foreign energy sources. Demographic and other background information include age, gender, race/ethnicity, marital status, left-right political self-placement, political affiliation, employment status, highest level of education, and religious preference. Also included are household size and composition, whether the respondent is head of household, household income, housing type, ownership status of living quarters, household Internet access, Metropolitan Statistical Area (MSA) status, and region and state of residence.

This survey is part of the Horizon Europe Project "ActEU," which focuses on exploring the dynamics of political attitudes, behaviors, and representation within the multilevel system of the European Union during polarized times. In addition to traditional survey questions, the survey also includes two survey experiments.

The survey was administered through Computer-Assisted Web Interviews (CAWI) via an online access panel. Participants aged between 18 and 75 were selected to reflect the demographic diversity within the studied countries. The survey covers 10 European countries: Austria, Czech Republic, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Poland, and Spain. These countries were strategically chosen to represent the geographic and political diversity of Europe, facilitating cross-national comparisons of political attitudes, behaviors, and representation.

Data collection took place between April 15, 2024, and May 29, 2024. A total of 13,000 respondents participated, with 1,300 respondents per country.

We described public views toward harm reduction among Canadian adults and tested a social exposure model predicting support for these contentious services, drawing on theories in the morality policy, intergroup relations, addiction, and media communication literatures. A quota sample of 4645 adults (18+ years), randomly drawn from an online research panel and stratified to match age and sex distributions of adults within and across Canadian provinces, was recruited in June 2018. Participants completed survey items assessing support for harm reduction for people who use drugs (PWUD) and for seven harm reduction interventions. Additional items assessed exposure to media coverage on harm reduction, and scales assessing stigma toward PWUD (α = .72), personal familiarity with PWUD (α = .84), and disease model beliefs about addiction (α = 0.79). Most (64%) Canadians supported harm reduction (provincial estimates = 60% - 73%). Five of seven interventions received majority support, including: outreach (79%), naloxone (72%), drug checking (70%), needle distribution (60%) and supervised drug consumption (55%). Low-threshold opioid agonist treatment and safe inhalation interventions received less support (49% and 44%). Our social exposure model, adjusted for respondent sex, household income, political views, and education, exhibited good fit and accounted for 17% of variance in public support for harm reduction. Personal familiarity with PWUD and disease model beliefs about addiction were directly associated with support (βs = .07 and -0.10, respectively), and indirectly influenced public support via stigmatized attitudes toward PWUD (βs = 0.01 and -0.01, respectively). Strategies to increase support for harm reduction could problematize certain disease model beliefs (e.g., “There are only two possibilities for an alcoholic or drug addict – permanent abstinence or death”) and creating opportunities to reduce social distance between PWUD, the public, and policy makers.

These surveys of Macedonian public opinion were conducted on behalf of the International Republican Institute by the Brima market research firm. The surveys includes questions concerning general attitudes toward the government, the internal political situation in Macedonia (2015-2016), the implementation of the Przino Agreement and so forth. Data was collected over four time periods (June 6-15, 2015/ Sept 29-October 5, 2015 / January 16-27, 2016 / April 19-25, 2016) using in-person, face-to-face methodology by trained professional interviewers. The sample was prepared using the State Statistical Office data (2002 census results) for the population aged 18 and older, considering the structure of the population according to age, gender, education, type of housing, national affiliation and region and updated according to estimates and primary information, collected by Brima. Stratification was based on three stages: first, the number of respondents for each of the regions was specified in proportion to the size of the population aged 18 and older that live in it. Second, the sampling plan consisted of 164 sampling points located according to urban/rural split, municipality size and nationality diffusion. Third, the selection of households was based on random route method, whereby in urban areas, every third household on the left-hand side of the street was selected. In rural areas, the wave-wise approach is applied and the selected household is every fourth inhabited house/dwelling on both sides of the interviewer’s route/track, counting from the first house on the left. This poll was conducted with support from the United States Agency for International Development.

Public Opinion and Election Polling Market Outlook

The global market size for public opinion and election polling was valued at approximately $8.5 billion in 2023 and is projected to reach around $12.7 billion by 2032, growing at a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 4.5% during the forecast period. This growth is largely driven by advancements in data collection methodologies and the increasing importance of data-driven decision-making in political campaigns and public policy.

One of the primary growth factors for this market is the advancements in technology that have revolutionized data collection and analysis processes. The proliferation of smartphones and internet access has enabled polling organizations to reach a broader demographic more efficiently and accurately. Online polling, for instance, has gained substantial traction due to its cost-effectiveness and ability to gather real-time data. Additionally, the advent of artificial intelligence and machine learning algorithms has enhanced the accuracy of predictive models, making election forecasting more reliable.

Another significant driver is the increasing reliance on data-driven decision-making in political campaigns, government strategies, and private sector initiatives. Political parties and candidates are increasingly investing in sophisticated polling methods to gauge public opinion and tailor their campaigns accordingly. This trend is not limited to political entities; businesses and media organizations also leverage polling data to shape their marketing strategies and content, respectively. Moreover, academic institutions utilize public opinion data for social science research, further fueling market growth.

The growing emphasis on transparency and accountability in governance is also contributing to the market's expansion. Governments and public agencies are increasingly conducting public opinion polls to gauge citizen satisfaction and gather feedback on policies and programs. This approach helps in making informed decisions that align with public sentiment, thereby enhancing governance quality. The trend is particularly noticeable in democratic nations where public opinion significantly influences policy-making processes.

From a regional perspective, North America currently holds the largest market share, driven by a highly active political environment and advanced technological infrastructure. Europe follows closely, with significant contributions from countries like the UK, Germany, and France. The Asia Pacific region is expected to witness the highest growth rate during the forecast period due to increasing political activities and advancements in polling technologies. Latin America and the Middle East & Africa are also showing promising growth, albeit at a slower pace due to varying degrees of technological adoption and political stability.

Methodology Analysis

The methodology segment of the public opinion and election polling market is diverse, encompassing online polling, telephone polling, face-to-face polling, mail polling, and other methods. Online polling has gained significant traction in recent years due to its cost-effectiveness and ability to reach a wide demographic. With the proliferation of internet access and smartphones, online polls can gather real-time data quickly and efficiently, making them a preferred choice for many polling organizations. Moreover, advancements in data security and privacy have alleviated concerns over the integrity of online polling data.

Telephone polling remains a popular method, especially for reaching older demographics who may not be as comfortable with online platforms. This methodology allows for more in-depth conversations and the ability to clarify questions, thereby potentially yielding more accurate data. However, the increasing prevalence of mobile phones over landlines has necessitated adaptations in sampling strategies. Companies are increasingly using sophisticated algorithms to create representative samples of mobile users, thereby maintaining the robustness of telephone polling.

Face-to-face polling is often considered the gold standard for accuracy, as it allows for the collection of nuanced data through direct interaction. This method is particularly useful in regions with low internet penetration or among demographics that are less likely to participate in online or telephone polls. However, the high costs and logistical challenges associated with face-to-face polling can be prohibitive, limiting its widespread use. Despite these challenges, face-to-face polling remains essential f

The New York City Health Opinion Poll (HOP) is a periodic rapid online poll conducted by New York City Department of Health and Mental Hygiene. The goals of the poll are to measure adult New Yorkers’ awareness, acceptance and use — or barriers to use — of our programs; knowledge, opinions and attitudes about health care and practices; and opinions about public events that are related to health. The data collected through public health polling are rapidly analyzed and disseminated. This real-time community input informs programming and policy development at the Health Department to better meet the needs of New Yorkers.

The Latin America Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) implemented this survey in Jamaica as part of its 2010 of round surveys. The 2010 survey was conducted by Vanderbilt University and the Center for Leadership and Governance of the University of the West Indies (UWI).

The Chicago Council Surveys are part of a long-running series of public opinion surveys conducted by The Chicago Council on Global Affairs beginning in 1974. They were conducted quadrennially from 1974 to 2002, biennially from 2002 to 2014, and are now conducted annually. The surveys are designed to investigate the opinions and attitudes of the general public on matters related to foreign policy, and to define the parameters of public opinion within which decision-makers must operate. This public opinion study of the United States focused on respondents' opinions of the United States' leadership role in the world and the challenges the country faces domestically and internationally. Data were collected on a wide range of international topics, including: United States' relations with other countries, role in foreign affairs, possible threats to vital interests in the next ten years, foreign policy goals, situations that might justify the use of United States troops in other parts of the world, international trade, United States' participation in potential treaties, U.S. policy towards Russia in Ukraine, the embargo on Cuba and the effects of renewed diplomatic relations with Havana, views of the nuclear deal with Iran and what effects that deal is likely to have, and United States' relations with allies in Asia. Respondents were also asked their opinion on domestic issues including climate change, measures to improve the United States' economic competitiveness, and their views on US immigration policy. Demographic information collected includes age, gender, race/ethnicity, marital status, left-right political self-placement, political affiliation, employment status, highest level of education, and religious preference, household income, state of residence, and living quarters ownership status.

What are the consequences of including a “don’t know” (DK) response option to attitudinal survey questions? Existing research, based on traditional survey modes, argues that it reduces the effective sample size without improving the quality of responses. We contend that it can have important effects not only on estimates of aggregate public opinion, but also on estimates of opinion differences between subgroups of the population who have different levels of political information. Through a pre-registered online survey experiment conducted in the United States, we find that the DK response option has consequences for opinion estimates in the present day, where most organizations rely on online panels, but mainly for respondents with low levels of political information and on low salience issues. These findings imply that the exclusion of a DK option can matter, with implications for assessments of preference differences and our understanding of their impacts on politics and policy.

Variables include: age category; religion; literacy (ability to read and write); education; monthly household income; opinion of Indira Gandhi, Desai, Patil, Chavan, Nadar; opinion of Indira Gandhi as Prime Minister; occupation; biggest problems of people today; importance of voting; what would R do as leader in government, in local government; duty to country; individual's avenues of protest to government; R's experience influencing local or national decisions; problems for government solution, incl. uneducated children, high interest rates, housing conditions, unemployment, overpopulation, social inequalities; government officials' treatment of citizens with problems; identification of Congress Party members, national leaders; should laws always be obeyed; control of government by P.S.P., Jan Sangh, Communists, Swatantra party, would help, harm, or have no effect on country; opinion of election alliances by opposition parties to defeat Congress Party; preferred party coalition to defeat Congress Party; political party membership; ideals and aims of independence, are they being achieved; political party preference; election vote intention today; last election vote recall, for Lok Sabha; city; monthly income needed by family of four, comparison with R's family income; sex; rural/urban; most appropriate political positions for Radhakrishnan, I. Gandhi, Nadar, Desai, Chavan; predictions for 1967; is standard of living rising or falling.

Replication datasets and R script for the forthcoming publication, entitled "Measuring public opinion about autonomous vehicles using data from Reddit, Public Deliberation, and Surveys", in Public Opinion Quarterly, Special Issue on New Data in Social and Behavioral Research.

The MEDIATIZED EU project aims to study how the media discourses are constructed to foster or hamper the European project and how they resonate among the public by focusing on the elite-media-public triangle. The research was conducted in seven target countries: Ireland, Belgium, Estonia, Spain, Portugal, Hungary and Georgia.

This dataset is part of the integration of the MEDIATIZED EU project research data into the EU’s Open Research Data Pilot. In accordance with the Data Management Plan, public opinion survey data were deemed suitable for being openly shared through ORDP to be accessible and of use to other academic researchers in Europe and worldwide. Quantitative data derived from surveys was deemed suitable, with the only concerns being the heterogeneous nature of some of the survey questions in each target country.

The aim of the population surveys was to investigate public opinion about the media and elites in their country and the EU and how they interpret elite and media discourses on Europeanisation and European integration. The merged database allows the project participants and other researchers to compare their national research results with phenomena in other participating countries.

This dataset contains a subset of integrated survey data including those survey questions where comparative data was available. The final deliverable contains this subsection of the survey data which has been weighted and cleaned, in .SAV and .XLS formats, and provides the requisite codebook for the dataset.

For more on the MEDIATIZED EU project, visit our website at mediatized.eu or view our CORDIS profile at: https://cordis.europa.eu/project/id/101004534

This project has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation programme under grant agreement no 101004534. Views and opinions expressed are however those of the authors only and do not necessarily reflect those of the European Union or European Research Executive Agency. Neither the European Union nor the granting authority can be held responsible for them.

The Los Angeles Metropolitan Areas Studies (LAMAS) were conducted ten times between 1970 and 1976. The goal of the LAMAS studies is the development of a set of standard community profile measures appropriate for use in the planning and evaluation of public policy. In addition, individual study participants have the option of submitting questions to be asked in addition to the core items. Questions in this survey cover respondents' attitudes toward the following topics: air pollution, health care services in the community, local government politics, police relations, recreation and leisure time. Study participants' question topics include: clean air, mobility, political attitudes, education, integration/segregation, and health and psychological factors. This study is provided 'as is' and questions can be directed to the Data Archive staff.

Are you a data enthusiast? Do you like the opinions of the public? Did you know of all the Public Opinion Polls (POPs) that are open to the world and are available in Odesi? These POPs from various government departments, Gallup Canada, International Social Survey Programme (and more!) have been rescued and preserved by Carleton University. You can either download the microdata or simply view your analyses in a table, without having to know a stats analysis software. You will learn which polls are available and how to access and use them; and then you will be able to scrutinise them for yourself and/or recommend them to your friends, family, colleagues, and researchers!

Abstract

The Country Opinion Survey in Mali assists the World Bank Group (WBG) in gaining a better understanding of how stakeholders in Mali perceive the WBG. It provides the WBG with systematic feedback from national and local governments, multilateral/bilateral agencies, media, academia, the private sector, and civil society in Mali on 1) their views regarding the general environment in Mali; 2) their overall attitudes toward the WBG in Mali; 3) overall impressions of the WBG’s effectiveness and results, knowledge work and activities, and communication and information sharing in Mali; and 4) their perceptions of the WBG’s future role in Mali.

Geographic coverage

• Bamako
• Kayes
• Koulikoro
• Sikasso
• Segou
• Mopti
• Tombouctou
• Gao
• Kidal
• Taoudenit
• Menaka

Analysis unit

Stakeholder

Universe

Opinion leaders from national and local governments, multilateral/bilateral agencies, media, academia, the private sector, and civil society.

Kind of data

Sample survey data [ssd]

Sampling procedure

From March to July 2020, 938 stakeholders of the WBG in Mali were invited to provide their opinions on the WBG’s work in the country by participating in a Country Opinion Survey. Participants were drawn from the Office of the President, Prime Minister; offices of a Minister; offices of a Parliamentarian; employees of ministries/ministerial departments/implementation agencies; Project Management Units (PMUs) overseeing implementation of WBG projects; consultants/contractors working on WBG-supported projects/programs; local governments; independent government institutions; the judicial system; state-owned enterprises; bilateral and multilateral agencies; private sector organizations; the financial sector/private banks; private foundations; NGOs and community-based organizations; trade unions; faith-based groups; youth groups; academia/research institutes/think tanks; and the media.

Mode of data collection

Other [oth]

Research instrument

The questionnaire used to collect the survey data consisted of the following 8 sections: A. Overall Context B. Overall Attitudes toward the World Bank Group C. World Bank Group’s Work and Engagement on the Ground D. World Bank Group’s Support in Development Areas E. World Bank Group’s Knowledge Work and Activities F. The Future Role of the World Bank Group in Mali G. Communication and Information Sharing H. Background Information

The questionnaire was prepared in English and French.

Response rate

Response rate was 54%.

A part of the 2014 round of public opinion surveys implemented by LAPOP, the Colombia survey was carried out between March 28st and May 5th of 2014. It is a follow-up of the national surveys since 1991. The 2014 survey was conducted by Vanderbilt University and the Universidad de los Andes and the Observatorio de la Democracia with the field work being carried out by the Centro Nacional de Consultoria (CNC). The 2014 AmericasBarometer received generous support from many sources, including USAID, UNDP, IADB, Vanderbilt U., Princeton U., Université Laval, U. of Notre Dame, among others.

The 2017 Chicago Council Survey continues the Chicago Council on Global Affairs' series of investigations into American public opinion on United States foreign policy. These studies were conducted quadrennially from 1974 to 2002, biennially from 2002 to 2014, and are now conducted annually. They are designed to investigate the opinions and attitudes of the general public on matters related to foreign policy, and to define the parameters of public opinion within which decision-makers must operate. This public opinion study of the United States focused on respondents' opinions of the United States' leadership role in the world and the challenges the country faces domestically and internationally. Data were collected on a wide range of international topics, including: United States' relations with other countries, role in foreign affairs, possible threats to vital interests in the next ten years, foreign policy goals, international trade, the United States' participation in potential treaties, the United States' commitment to NATO, the basing of American troops abroad, policy towards the conflict in Syria, and the United States' relations with other countries. Respondents were also asked their opinion on US institutions, the US president, and federal government programs. Demographic information collected includes age, gender, race/ethnicity, marital status, left-right political self-placement, political affiliation, employment status, highest level of education, religious preference, household income, state of residence, and living quarters ownership status.