A special analysis of the Eurobarometer 2000 opinion poll on behalf of the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia. By SORA, Vienna, Austria, www.sora.at General recommendations and conclusions: These recommendations are based on findings hinted at in the data-analysis which do not permit the development of a complete set of policy recommendations. Policy recommendations should be based on a knowledge of causal relationships and the strength of effects which is beyond the scope of this project. Thus, the recommendations are linked and clearly connected to the evidence within the data. Political leadership: A quarter of all Europeans can be categorised as ‘ambivalent’ – meaning that they harbour positive and negative attitudes towards minorities at the same time. Data show that party affiliation is a part of the causal system producing attitudes towards minorities. Ambivalent people should be considered those who react most political leadership – awareness of this fact can help politicians to make their decisions. Unemployment: Experience with unemployment and the expectation of higher unemployment rates lead to an increase in hostile attitudes towards minorities. Sinking unemployment rates and information about a decrease in unemployment might reduce concerns about migration and minorities. Welfare: Since a large part of xenophobic concerns is about loss of welfare standards, policies which lend large majorities the feeling that they can participate in the increase of wealth within a growing economy will contribute significantly to reducing xenophobic concerns. Demographic developments and their impact have to be considered and researched. Particular attention should be paid to the number of retired people and the increasing number of old people with lower income and with low expectations within that group. An increase in hostility towards minorities might well get stronger in this group. Education: Higher education clearly correlates with positive attitudes towards minorities. More research should be carried out to determine the nature of this effect and establish whether the increase of higher education – which is a stable trend – will result in a more tolerant attitude within Europe in the coming decades. Personal relations: Supporting personal relationships between people of different religions, nations or with different skin colour increases tolerance. In the countries of Southern European, attitudes towards minorities seem to be influenced by other factors than in the rest of Europe. There is not enough evidence about causal relationships within this analysis to confirm that the conclusions mentioned above are meaningful for the southern part of Europe. #####The results by volumes are distributed as follows: * Volume A: Countries * Volume AA: Groups of countries * Volume A' (AP): Trends * Volume AA' (AAP): Trends of groups of countries * Volume B: EU/socio-demographics * Volume C: Country/socio-demographics ---- Researchers may also contact GESIS - Leibniz Institute for the Social Sciences: http://www.gesis.org/en/home/

This round of Eurobarometer surveys queried respondents on standard Eurobarometer measures, such as how satisfied they were with their present life, whether they attempted to persuade others close to them to share their views on subjects they held strong opinions about, whether they discussed political matters, and how they viewed the need for societal change. Additional questions focused on the respondents' knowledge of and opinions on the European Union (EU), including how well-informed they felt about the EU, what sources of information about the EU they used, whether their country had benefited from being an EU member, and the extent of their personal interest in EU matters. Respondents were asked how their present situation compared with five years ago, whether they thought it would improve over the next five years, and if in the last five years they themselves, a family member, or a close friend had been unemployed or if the company they worked for had "made people redundant," i.e., laid people off. Respondents were also asked about how much news they currently watched on TV, read about in newspapers, or listened to on the radio, how fair they felt the media coverage of the EU was, whether their image of the EU was positive or negative, and which groups or types of people (e.g., children, the elderly, politicians, teachers, lawyers, factory workers, farmers, etc.) had more and which had less advantages from their country's EU membership. Other questions focused on how satisfied respondents were with the way democracy worked in their country and in the EU, how important various European institutions were in the life of the EU and whether they trusted them, the amount of pride they had in their nationality, and if they were for or against EU features such as a single currency, an independent European Central Bank, a common foreign policy, a common defense and security policy, and a European Union that is responsible beyond national, regional, and local governments. Opinions were sought on possible EU social and political actions, which nonmember countries should become members, the role of the European Parliament, and whether the EU should have a constitution. Other topics of focus in the surveys included racism, general services, food labeling, and information and communication technologies. Several questions about people of different nationalities, religions, or cultures queried respondents as to whether they found these people disturbing, whether they themselves felt they were part of the majority or minority in their country, and if they had a parent or grandparent of a different nationality, race, religion, or culture. Respondents were asked to agree or disagree with a number of statements about issues involving minority groups and education, housing, social benefits, international sport, cultural life, religious practices, employment, and the economy. Additionally, respondent opinion was sought on the size of minority populations in their country, how relations with minorities could be improved, whether restrictions should be placed on minority workers from outside the EU, and the proper place in society for these minorities. A few questions also queried respondents about cultural and religious differences that immigrants (i.e., people who were not citizens of a member state of the EU) brought to the EU and how the EU should handle various situations involving this group of people. Questions regarding services of general interest, specifically mobile and fixed telephone services, electric, gas, and water supply services, postal services, transport services within towns/cities, and rail services between towns/cities, probed for respondent opinion on ease of access, price and contract fairness, quality of service, and clearness of service-provided information. For each service, respondents were asked whether in the last 12 months they had personally made a complaint about the service to any complaint-handling body and how they felt the situation was handled. Another section of the surveys queried respondents on how often they read food labels, if they thought there was too much or too little information on food labels, if they trusted and understood food labels, whether potential harm or benefit information should appear on the labels, who should be responsible for the information, and if food labels affected t

Hate speech, or intentional derogatory expressions about people based on assigned group characteristics, has been studied primarily in online contexts. Less is known about the occurrence of this phenomenon in schools. As it has negative consequences for victims, perpetrators, and those who witness it, it is crucial to characterize the occurrence of offline (i.e., in the school) and online hate speech to describe similarities and differences between these two socialization contexts. The present study aimed to investigate the prevalence of hate speech witnessing, victimization, and perpetration, in a sample of 3,620 7–9th graders (51% self-identified as female) from 42 schools in Germany and Switzerland. We found that 67% of the students witnessed hate speech in their school, and 65% witnessed online hate speech at least once in the past 12 months. Approximately 21% of the students self-identified as offline perpetrators and 33% as offline victims, whereas these percentages were lower for online hate speech (13 and 20%, respectively). In both settings, skin color and origin were the most common group references for hate speech (50% offline and 63% online). Offline hate speech mainly came from classmates (88%), unknown sources (e.g., graffiti; 19%), or teachers (12%), whereas online hate speech mostly came from unknown persons (77%). The most frequent forms of offline hate speech were offensive jokes (94%) and the spread of lies and rumors about the members of a specific social group (84%). Significant differences by country, gender, and migration background were observed. Girls reported more offline victimization experiences, less perpetration, and a greater frequency of witnessing hate speech. This difference was larger in magnitude in the online setting. Students in Switzerland reported being exposed to hate speech more often than students in Germany. Students with a migration background reported higher hate speech victimization based on skin color and origin than students without a migration background. The high prevalence of hate speech highlights the need for school-based prevention programs. Our findings are discussed in terms of the practical implications.

Six percent of European Union (EU) citizens who responded to a survey, conducted in 2019, reported to have encountered material which promotes racial hatred or religious extremism online more than ***** times in the past three years. In contrast, approximately ** percent of the respondents had never encountered such content.

The survey provides comparable data on the perceived extent and nature of antisemitism across a number of selected EU Member States, whether it is manifested as hate crime, hate speech, discrimination or in any other form that undermines Jewish people’s feelings of safety and security. The survey was commissioned by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA). It follows up on the agency’s first survey, conducted in seven countries in 2012.

The overall objectives of FRA’s second survey on discrimination and hate crime against Jews in the European Union (EU) are 1) to collect comparable data in the selected EU Member States and thereby contributing to the assessment and further development of policies that aim to protect the fundamental rights of Jewish people living in the EU; 2) to identify changes over time with respect to the results of the first survey on discrimination and hate crime against Jews in 2012; 3) to further develop research methodologies for surveying hard-to-reach groups using online survey tools; 4) to deliver FRA’s key stakeholders research evidence that can be used to raise awareness of fundamental rights and address gaps in the protection of rights.

The 2018 survey collected data from 16,395 self-identified Jewish respondents (aged 16 or over) in 12 EU Member States – Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, Spain, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. These Member States are home to over 96 % of the EU’s estimated Jewish population. The survey collected data through an open online survey and was available for respondents to complete for seven weeks in May–June 2018.

The survey asked respondents about their opinions on trends in antisemitism, antisemitism as a problem in everyday life, personal experiences of antisemitic incidents, witnessing antisemitic incidents and worries about becoming a victim of an antisemitic attack. The survey also provides data on the extent to which respondents consider antisemitic acts against the Jewish community – such as vandalism of Jewish sites or antisemitic messages in the broadcast media or on the internet – to be a problem in the countries. The survey collected data on the effects of antisemitism on respondents’ daily behaviour and their feelings of safety, and about any actions they take due to security fears. The questions about personal experiences of specific forms of harassment or physical violence were followed up with questions concerning the details of such incidents, including their frequency, the number and characteristics of perpetrators, and the reporting of the incident to any organisation or institution. The survey collected data about personal experiences of feeling discriminated against on different grounds and in various areas of everyday life – for example, at work, school, or when using specific services. The survey followed up on respondents’ discrimination experiences with questions concerning the reporting of incidents and the reasons for non-reporting. The survey also explored the level of rights awareness regarding antidiscrimination legislation, victim support organisations and knowledge of any legislation concerning the trivialisation or denial of the Holocaust. In addition, the survey collected socio-demographic data, such as respondents´ gender and age, educational background, employment status, and income.

Topics: 1. Rights awareness, perceptions and attitudes: perception of crime level, unemployment racism, antisemitism, immigration, government corruption, and intolerance towards Muslims as a problem in the country; increase vs. decrease of racism, antisemitism and intolerance towards Muslims in the country; perception of antisemitic acts against the Jewish community as a problem in the country (antisemitic graffiti, desecration of Jewish cemeteries, vandalism of Jewish buildings or institutions, expressions of hostility towards Jews in the street or other public places, antisemitism in the media, in political life, and on the internet including social media; increase vs. decrease of the aforementioned problems; frequency of personally experienced antisemitic comments of non-Jewish people (Jews have too much power in the country, Jews exploit Holocaust victimhood for their own purposes, the Holocaust is a myth or has been exaggerated, Israelis behave ‘like Nazis’ towards the Palestinians, world a better place without Israel, Jews are not capable of integrating into national ...

Against the background of the worldwide protests against police violence and racism after the violent killing of the African-American George Floyd in the USA, this survey examines how racism is perceived in Germany and what experiences people with a migration background have had with racism in Germany. For this purpose, both people with and without a migration background are interviewed. The study asks about the prevalence of racist prejudices in the everyday life of the interviewees, about experiences with racism in different areas of life, about the feeling of security, recognition and well-being in German society and about trust in politics, political institutions and the police. In addition, respondents are asked how they assess the current use of politics in combating racism and in which areas more should be done.

ObjectivesRacism is an important health determinant that contributes to ethnic health inequities. This study sought to describe New Zealand adults’ reported recent experiences of racism over a 10 year period. It also sought to examine the association between recent experience of racism and a range of negative health and wellbeing measures.MethodsThe study utilised previously collected data from multiple cross-sectional national surveys (New Zealand Health Surveys 2002/03, 2006/07, 2011/12; and General Social Surveys 2008, 2010, 2012) to provide prevalence estimates of reported experience of racism (in the last 12 months) by major ethnic groupings in New Zealand. Meta-analytical techniques were used to provide improved estimates of the association between recent experience of racism and negative health from multivariable models, for the total cohorts and stratified by ethnicity.ResultsReported recent experience of racism was highest among Asian participants followed by Māori and Pacific peoples, with Europeans reporting the lowest experience of racism. Among Asian participants, reported experience of racism was higher for those born overseas compared to those born in New Zealand. Recent experience of racism appeared to be declining for most groups over the time period examined. Experience of racism in the last 12 months was consistently associated with negative measures of health and wellbeing (SF-12 physical and mental health component scores, self-rated health, overall life satisfaction). While exposure to racism was more common in the non-European ethnic groups, the impact of recent exposure to racism on health was similar across ethnic groups, with the exception of SF-12 physical health.ConclusionsThe higher experience of racism among non-European groups remains an issue in New Zealand and its potential effects on health may contribute to ethnic health inequities. Ongoing focus and monitoring of racism as a determinant of health is required to inform and improve interventions.

This paper uses nationally representative, longitudinal data to examine experiences and fear of ethnic and racial harassment in public spaces among minorities in the UK, comparing levels of both before and after the 2016 EU Referendum. We do not find an increase in the prevalence of ethnic and racial harassment, but we do find higher levels of fear of ethnic and racial harassment in the period after the Referendum. The increase in fear following the vote was concentrated among more privileged individuals: those with higher levels of education, and those living in less socioeconomically deprived areas with lower levels of previous right-wing party support. We conclude that the Referendum exacerbated already higher levels of perceived discrimination among higher educated minorities while reducing the buffering effect of residence in “safe areas.”

The data consist of transcripts of interviews with 19 individuals from Brazil and 5 individuals from Colombia, who are all involved in Black and Indigenous activist organisations or in state agencies that are charged with promoting anti-racism and/or human rights. Each transcript begins with a paragraph giving contextual informationLatin America has often been held up as a region where racism is less of a problem than in regions such as the United States or Europe. Because most people are 'mestizos' (mixed race) and mixture is often seen as the essence of national identity, clear racial boundaries are blurred, resulting in comparatively low levels of racial segregation and a traditionally low public profile for issues of race. In Europe and the United States, the racial mixture and interaction across racial boundaries, which are typical of Latin America and are becoming more visible elsewhere, are heralded by some observers as leading towards a 'post-racial' reality, where anti-racism and multiculturalism - seen in this view as divisive policies that accentuate social differences - become unnecessary. Critics point out that mixture is not an antidote to racial inequality and racism in Latin America: they all coexist. This severely qualifies claims that mixture can lead to a 'post-racial' era. This project will investigate anti-racist practices and ideologies in Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia and Mexico. The project will contribute to conceptualising and addressing problems of racism, racial inequality and anti-racism in the region. We also propose that Latin America presents new opportunities for thinking about racism and anti-racism in a 'post-racial' world. Understanding how racism and anti-racism are conceived and practised in Latin America - in contexts in which mixture is pervasive - can help us to understand how to think about racism and anti-racism in other regions of the world, where notions of race have been changing in some respects towards Latin American patterns. It is also crucial to show the variety of ways in which mixture operates and co-exists with racism in Latin America - a region that is far from homogeneous. Research teams in each country, working with a range of organisations concerned with racism and discrimination, will explore how the organisations conceptualise and address key problems, which are becoming more salient in other regions, which confront similar scenarios. First, how to practice anti-racism when most people are mixed and when they may deny the importance of race and racism and themselves be both victims and the perpetrators of racism. Second, how to conceptualise and practice anti-racism when 'culture' seems to be the dominant discourse for talking about difference, but when physical difference (skin colour, hair type, etc.) remain powerful but often unacknowledged signs that move people to discriminate. Third, how to understand racism and combat it when race and class coincide to a great extent and make it easy to deny that race and racism are important factors. Fourth, how to make sure anti-racism addresses gender difference effectively, in a context in which mixture between white men and non-white women has been seen as the founding act of the nation. Fifth, how to pursue anti-racism when it is often claimed that there is little overt racist violence and that this is evidence of racial tolerance. We will explore how these elements structure - and may constrain - ideas about (anti-)racism within institutions, organisations and everyday practice. Our project will work with organisations in Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia and Mexico - countries that capture a good range of the region's diversity - to explore how racism and anti-racism are conceptualised and addressed in state and non-state circles, in legislation and the media, and in a variety of campaigns and projects. We aim to strengthen anti-racist practice in Latin America by feeding back our findings and by helping build networks; and to provide useful insights for understanding racism and anti-racism within and outside the region. The project carried out research in four countries, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador and Mexico. We started by scoping out a broad range of organizations and individuals who were working in a direct or indirect fashion to challenge racism and racial inequality. We then selected seventeen case studies (over a third of which were Indigenous), with which we worked in depth, while also touching on about twenty other cases in a less intensive way. The cases were selected in order to include both Black and Indigenous organisations and cases, and to include a range of cases from government bodies to grassroots activist movements, plus some legal processes in which a variety of actors and organizations were involved. Our methods were mainly ethnography and interviews, undertaken principally by the four postdoctoral researchers, each of whom worked in one country. Some interviews were done with the assistance of a research assistant hired in the country. The interviews were conducted mostly in 2017, with some in 2018, in localities appropriate to the case study, such as an organization’s offices, an individual’s residence, or an agreed neutral location (e.g. a café, a village square, a classroom). Some interviews were informal conservations, but most were at least semi-structured. Common interview guides were not used, as each interview was specific to the case in question. Many interviews were audio-recorded (some were video-recorded) and selected interviews were transcribed in full or in part. Files with the original audio recordings and the transcripts are stored on a secure server in the University of Manchester. The files uploaded here are a selection of the transcribed interviews.

Brazil and the United States are the two most populous countries in the Americas today. In 1500, the year that Pedro Álvares Cabral made landfall in present-day Brazil and claimed it for the Portuguese crown, it is estimated that there were roughly one million people living in the region. Some estimates for the present-day United States give a population of two million in the year 1500, although estimates vary greatly. By 1820, the population of the U.S. was still roughly double that of Brazil, but rapid growth in the 19th century would see it grow 4.5 times larger by 1890, before the difference shrunk during the 20th century. In 2024, the U.S. has a population over 340 million people, making it the third most populous country in the world, while Brazil has a population of almost 218 million and is the sixth most populous. Looking to the future, population growth is expected to be lower in Brazil than in the U.S. in the coming decades, as Brazil's fertility rates are already lower, and migration rates into the United States will be much higher. Historical development The indigenous peoples of present-day Brazil and the U.S. were highly susceptible to diseases brought from the Old World; combined with mass displacement and violence, their population growth rates were generally low, therefore migration from Europe and the import of enslaved Africans drove population growth in both regions. In absolute numbers, more Europeans migrated to North America than Brazil, whereas more slaves were transported to Brazil than the U.S., but European migration to Brazil increased significantly in the early 1900s. The U.S. also underwent its demographic transition much earlier than in Brazil, therefore its peak period of population growth was almost a century earlier than Brazil. Impact of ethnicity The demographics of these countries are often compared, not only because of their size, location, and historical development, but also due to the role played by ethnicity. In the mid-1800s, these countries had the largest slave societies in the world, but a major difference between the two was the attitude towards interracial procreation. In Brazil, relationships between people of different ethnic groups were more common and less stigmatized than in the U.S., where anti-miscegenation laws prohibited interracial relationships in many states until the 1960s. Racial classification was also more rigid in the U.S., and those of mixed ethnicity were usually classified by their non-white background. In contrast, as Brazil has a higher degree of mixing between those of ethnic African, American, and European heritage, classification is less obvious, and factors such as physical appearance or societal background were often used to determine racial standing. For most of the 20th century, Brazil's government promoted the idea that race was a non-issue and that Brazil was racially harmonious, but most now acknowledge that this actually ignored inequality and hindered progress. Racial inequality has been a prevalent problem in both countries since their founding, and today, whites generally fare better in terms of education, income, political representation, and even life expectancy. Despite this adversity, significant progress has been made in recent decades, as public awareness of inequality has increased, and authorities in both countries have made steps to tackle disparities in areas such as education, housing, and employment.

In 2023, the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) focused on national identity. The questions covered issues such as Finnishness, immigration attitudes, democracy, trust in the Finnish public sector and views on the European Union. This data consists of a questionnaire collected from Finns. The first question asked what characteristics of people were considered important for them to be considered Finnish. Respondents' pride in Finland was measured by statements on democracy, international political influence, economic achievements, social security system, achievements in sport, art and literature, the military, history and equality. The following statements covered a wide range of national and international policies, including protecting Finland's economy, environmental pollution, looking after Finland's own interests and the right of foreigners to buy land. Questions were also asked about transnational enterprises, free trade and international organisations and associations. Several statements dealt with different racial and ethnic groups, immigrants and their culture. Questions were also asked about trust in the Finnish public sector and views on personal influence and democracy. Questions on the European Union asked, for example, whether Finland benefits from membership of the Union and whether Finland should follow the Union's decisions even if it disagrees with them. It was also asked whether the European Union should have more or less power than the national governments of the Member States and how the respondent would vote if a referendum were held on Finland's continued membership of the European Union. Background variables included, among others, the respondent's gender, year of birth, marital status, level of education, occupation, voting behaviour, gross income, current labour market status, household size and metropolitan area. In addition, background variables included the education, occupation and labour market status of the respondent's spouse.

Attitude to the EU. Questions on further education. Attitude tominorities in the country. Racism. Family planning and occupation.Topics: 1. EU questions: nationality (multiple response possible);interest in politics; personal opinion leadership; postmaterialism;extent of obtaining news from radio, television and newspapers;self-classification of extent to which informed about the government ofthe country as well as about the EU; interest in information about theEU; preferred type of information and media; availability of newinformation technologies; attitude to membership of the country in theEU and advantageousness of membership for one´s own country; nationalcitizen or European citizen; countries favored to join the EU; attitudeto Switzerland and image of this country (scale); attitude to the EURO,a common European security and foreign policy and active and passivemunicipal right of EU foreigners to vote; attitude to Europeanresponsibility for matters that cannot be solved at national level;necessity of a majority in the European Parliament for the presidentand the members of the European Commission; attitude to equal rightsfor European Parliament and council of ministers; attitude to increasededucation of schoolchildren by European institutions; attitude to asubsidy for European film and television productions; preferreddivision of tasks between EU and nation-state in selected politicalareas. 2. Further education: attitude to life-long learning and reasonsfor further education even after school; preferred further educationmethod; most important reasons against personal further education;judgement on improvement of further education in personal as well asprofessional life; personal participation in further education measuresin the last 12 months; desire for increased effort of the EU in furthereducation measures; necessity of continual further education; mostimportant sources of information for further education; attitude to theinformation society and new information technologies (scale); currentcontentment with life as well as expected and previous contentment withlife five years ago; satisfaction with democracy; personal unemploymentand unemployment experience in family and circle of friends. 3. Minorities: national pride; feeling of political effectiveness orpowerlessness; perceived conflict between poor and rich; most importantpolitical problems; most important national political goals; attitudeto democracy; importance of human rights (scale); belonging to aminority; origin of parents or grandparents from another culture,religion, race or nationality; acceptance of ethnic, religious andcultural minorities (scale); assessment of the proportion minorities inthe country; personal friends from the area of minorities; mostimportant measures to improve relations with people of another race,religion and culture in one´s country; attitude to assimilation andintegration of minorities (scale); attitude to immigrants from non-EUcountries (scale); attitude to the right to asylum and to havingchildren and family members come later; advantages for the country fromthe presence of immigrants from non-EU countries; preferred measures ofEU institutions against racism; judgement on the success of the´European year against racism 1997´ (scale); perceived disturbancesfrom people of another race, religion or culture; social proximity tominority groups (Bogardus scale); acceptance of personal relations andwillingness to help regarding minorities; contacts in neighborhood andat work with minorities; prejudices regarding minorities (scale);concession of civil rights and liberties, democratic rights and civilrights to such minorities; self-classification of racism (scale).Preferred accomodation opportunities for older persons living alone;individual or government responsibility for seniors; total number ofchildren; ideal age for women at first as well as last child; full-timeor part-time employment; living separately or living together with apartner; employment situation of partner; ideas about an ideal divisionof labor between occupation and raising children for respondent as wellas for partner; preferred governmental measures to improve thesituation of families with children. Self-assessment on a left-rightcontinuum. In the Netherlands the following additional questions wereposed: extent to which informed about the Dutch presidency in thecouncil of ministers and significance of this presidency. The followingadditional question was posed to persons over 55 years old: mostimportant reasons for further education in retirement age. Also encodedwere: date of interview; time of start of interview; length ofinterview; number of persons present during interview; willingness ofrespondent to cooperate; possession of a telephone.

This research examines the ways in which recent East European migration to the UK has been racialised. 48 in-depth face-to-face interviews were carried out with 25 individual Hungarian (among the first of 'A8' migrants to the UK) and 23 individual Romanian (among the second wave of 'A2' migrants to the UK) migrants in Bristol. Focus groups were also conducted with groups of Hungarian migrants (5 groups) and Romanian migrants (5 groups). These were done to understand the main differences in the racialisation of A8 and A2 migration, to contribute to a more nuanced understanding of the migrants' experiences of exclusion and marginalisation, and to question the usefulness of the 'colour paradigm' for understanding and investigating racial phenomena. A self-completion follow-up questionnaire was used to also gain demographic data. Over the past several years, more than a million East Europeans have come to the UK. Most of these migrants have been channelled into low-skilled jobs (despite their higher qualifications). Most of them who stick around until 2011 will also likely tick 'white other' on the UK census form. But does being 'white' provide them any protections against the sorts of racism that previous immigrants to the UK have faced? The history of migration to the UK and elsewhere suggests that shared 'whiteness' offers few such protections. In many parts of the world, grievances associated with disadvantages are often experienced and described as 'racial' grievances, even when migrant and host nominally share the same 'race'. This research is thus interested in how, if at all, 'race' has been a factor in these recent migrations. The role of the government and media in disseminating (and legitimating) racialised understandings of migration has already received significant attention. Missing, however, is the perspective of the migrants themselves. This study aims to fill this gap with an in-depth investigation of the migrant perspective by comparing two understudied groups of migrants: Hungarians (representing those who arrived in 2004) and Romanians (representing those who arrived in 2007). 48 face-to-face in-depth interviews and 10 focus groups were carried out with Hungarian and Romanian migrants separately. A self-completion follow-up questionnaire was used to gain demographic data. Convenience sampling was used for this cross sectional (one-time) study.

Experimental designs were used to examine the effects of anti-racism messages on prejudice and whether the impact of messages depends on viewers' prior ambivalence toward ethnic minorities. Three types of anti-racism video advertisements were examined: a message presenting factual arguments in favour of ethnic minorities, focusing on people's beliefs about the groups; a message inspiring positive feelings about ethnic minority groups in message viewers; and a message highlighting behaviours that are non-prejudiced. Seven lab experiments and four internet experiments examined the effects of message variants on explicit and implicit measures of attitude toward ethnic minorities. Three experiments found that factually oriented messages can elicit more positive intergroup attitudes, although these effects occurred only for explicit measures of attitude. Another experiment found that prejudice can be reduced by pairing ethnic groups with positive emotion. Self-report prejudice can be reduced using rhetorical questions to make salient viewers' positive past behaviours toward ethnic minorities. Two advertisements modelling anti-racist behaviours actually increased prejudice, although less so among ambivalent individuals. The results yielded valuable clues about how to alter prejudice. Data were collected in experiments conducted in laboratories ( 7 experiments) and over the internet (4 experiments), with individual adult participants.

The study charted Finnish people's values and attitudes. The themes of the Autumn 2023 survey included politics in Finland, the reform of labour market legislation, racism, security and threats, international politics, presidential powers and role, and the future of Ukraine. First, the respondents were presented with attitudinal statements concerning a variety of social topics, such as politics, the labour market, entrepreneurship, Finland's foreign relations, hate speech, presidential powers and Finland's NATO membership. Next, the respondents' views on politics and politicians in Finland were examined with a series of attitudinal statements (e.g. 'Power is concentrated in too few hands, small circle of true decision-makers”, 'Listen carefully to citizens' opinions and carry out the will of the people”). The respondents' opinions on the reformation of labour legislation were surveyed by asking whether various labour market issues (e.g. political strikes, use of fixed-term contracts) should be regulated more loosely or strictly in the future or whether the legislation should remain the same as at present. The respondents' perception of their household's financial situation and their outlook on their own futures were also charted. On the topic of racism, the respondents were asked how big of an issue they considered racism to be in Finnish society, how racism they thought Finland was at the moment, how important it was to them that racism was not tolerated in Finland, and to what degree they found certain behaviours and actions to be racist (e.g. discrimination based on ethnic background, overlooking the job application of a person due to a name which indicates a minority ethnicity background, humour and entertainment involving ethnic, cultural, linguistic or religious minorities). Additionally, the respondents were asked how concerned they were about certain security threats (e.g. a military attack on Finland, a global economic crisis, efforts to destabilise Finnish society by hybrid influencing, violence by political extremist groups). Views on the powers, policies and roles of the Finnish President were investigated. Opinions on presidential power were surveyed by asking the respondents how much power the president should have in areas such as foreign and security policy, EU affairs, national defence, economic policy, labour market issues, and social and health policy. The respondents were also asked how suitable different roles (e.g. 'moral leader, who raises public debate on important issues and uses their authority to promote them”, 'international relations professional, who has an in-depth understanding of international politics and focuses on them”, 'a strong commander-in-chief, who is familiar with the armed forces and capable of making military decisions”) were for next the President of Finland in their opinion. The respondents' views were charted on what model of separation of powers between the government and the President was appropriate for Finland. The respondents were asked about their views on several influential countries in world politics (e.g. China, Russia, USA, the UK, Germany, Japan). The respondents' views on Russia, China and USA were surveyed with a more detailed series of statements that charted, for example, whether the countries were important trading partners or major military threats. Views on the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the ongoing war were also investigated with a series of statements (e.g. 'The threat of the war spreading to other countries is receding”, 'Ukraine will retake all the territories captured by Russia, including the Crimean Peninsula”, 'Nuclear weapons will not be deployed”). Finally, opinions were charted on Finland's NATO membership, Finland's EU membership and the currency change to euro. Background variables included the respondent's gender, age group, number of inhabitants in the municipality of residence, region (NUTS3), type of employer, working hours, type of employment contract, education, economic activity and occupational status, employment sector, trade union membership, what political party R would vote for in parliamentary elections, self-perceived social class, mother tongue and annual gross income of the R's household.

Data for paper published in Applied Cognitive Psychology March 2020We presented participants with a racially-ambiguous face and biased them into thinking it was Indian or British. These participants then constructed a facial composite, using E-Fit6. The composites were rated by separate groups of participants for racial appearance (Indian or European) and degree of resemblance to the target face.Constructors and raters were European, overseas Indian or Indians living in India. The datafile contains the raw data for this study: ratings of the ambiguous face's apparent race, the ratings of the composites' apparent race, and the ratings of the composites' resemblance to the target face.AbstractWe investigated how prior bias about a face's racial characteristics can affect its encoding and resultant facial composite construction. In total, 61 participant (24 Europeans, 18 Indians living in India and 19 Indians living in Europe) saw a racially ambiguous unfamiliar face and were led to believe it was either European or Indian. They created a composite of this face, using EFIT6. Two groups of independent raters (one Indian, the other European) then assessed the apparent race of each composite. A different two groups (one Indian, one European) assessed each composite's degree of resemblance to the target face, to determine whether this was influenced by the constructors' initial categorisation of the target face as “own-race” or “otherrace.” Composites appeared significantly more “Asian” or “European” according to the bias induced in their creators, but there was no evidence of any own-race bias in the resemblance ratings for the composites.

The survey, commissioned by the newsmagazine Suomen Kuvalehti, charted attitudes in Finland towards immigrants from different countries as well as beliefs about race. First, the respondents were asked to state their position on a scale from 0 to 10, where 10 indicated they hoped that Finland would be populated as much as possible by people of Finnish origin sharing the national values, and 0 that they hoped Finland would be populated as much as possible by people from a diversity of countries and ethnic backgrounds. Next, opinions were studied regarding how desirable or undesirable the respondents thought it was that immigrants of certain nationalities would come to Finland. The nationalities mentioned were Swedes, Germans, Russians, Estonians, US Americans, Somalis, Kosovars, Iraqis, Afghans, Syrians, Chinese, Thai and Ukrainians. The respondents were also asked to what extent they agreed with the following four statements: 'The mental abilities of black Africans are lower than those of white people living in Western countries', ' All people have equal value regardless of the colour of their skin or ethnic background', 'The white European race should be prevented from being mixed with darker races because otherwise the original population of Europe will become extinct before long ', and 'There is no such thing as 'race' since all human beings are genetically very much alike'. One question studied whether the respondents thought the Finnish media reported more negatively or positively on the Perussuomalaiset party (the Finns Party) than on the other political parties. Background variables included the respondent's gender, age, region of residence (NUTS3), major region of residence (NUTS2), city or type of municipality, education, occupational status and economic activity, household composition, number and ages of children living at home, total gross annual income of the household, and type of housing.

Although health provider racial/ethnic bias has the potential to influence health outcomes and inequities, research within health education and training contexts remains limited. This paper reports findings from an anonymous web-based study examining racial/ethnic bias amongst final year medical students in Aotearoa/New Zealand. Data from 302 students (34% of all eligible final year medical students) were collected in two waves in 2014 and 2015 as part of the Bias and Decision Making in Medicine (BDMM) study. Two chronic disease vignettes, two implicit bias measures, and measures of explicit bias were used to assess racial/ethnic bias towards New Zealand European and Māori (indigenous) peoples. Medical students demonstrated implicit pro-New Zealand European racial/ethnic bias on average, and bias towards viewing New Zealand European patients as more compliant relative to Māori. Explicit pro-New Zealand European racial/ethnic bias was less evident, but apparent for measures of ethnic preference, relative warmth, and beliefs about the compliance and competence of Māori patients relative to New Zealand European patients. In addition, racial/ethnic bias appeared to be associated with some measures of medical student beliefs about individual patients by ethnicity when responding to a mental health vignette. Patterning of racial/ethnic bias by student characteristics was not consistent, with the exception of some associations between student ethnicity, socioeconomic background, and racial/ethnic bias. This is the first study of its kind with a health professional population in Aotearoa/New Zealand, representing an important contribution to further understanding and addressing current health inequities between Māori and New Zealand European populations.

Purpose: This study explores whether communicative function (CF: reasons for communicating) use differs by socioeconomic status (SES), race/ethnicity, or gender among preschoolers and their mothers.Method: Mother–preschooler dyads (N = 95) from the National Center for Early Development and Learning’s (2005) study of family and social environments were observed during 1 structured learning and free-play interaction. CFs were coded by trained independent raters.Results: Children used all CFs at similar rates, but those from low SES homes produced fewer utterances and less reasoning, whereas boys used less self-maintaining and more predicting. African American mothers produced more directing and less responding than European American and Latino American mothers, and Latino American mothers produced more utterances than European American mothers. Mothers from low SES homes did more directing and less responding.Conclusions: Mothers exhibited more sociocultural differences in CFs than children; this suggests that maternal demographic characteristics may influence CF production more than child demographics at school entry. Children from low SES homes talking less and boys producing less self-maintaining coincided with patterns previously detected in pragmatic literature. Overall, preschoolers from racial/ethnic minority and low SES homes were not less deft with CF usage, which may inform how their pragmatic skills are described.Supplemental Material S1. Descriptives of proportion of child communicative functions by race/ethnicity, poverty, and gender.Supplemental Material S2. Descriptives of proportion of mother communicative functions by race/ethnicity and poverty.Kasambira Fannin, D., Barbarin, O. A., & Crais, E. R. (2018). Communicative function use of preschoolers and mothers from differing racial and socioeconomic groups. Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools. Advance online publication. https://doi.org/10.1044/2017_LSHSS-17-0004

As of December 2024, Lombardy was the region in Italy hosting the largest share of immigrants, followed by Emilia-Romagna, Lazio, and Piedmont. Lombardy is the region with the highest number of inhabitants in the country. The north Italian region has ten million residents, around one sixth of the total national population, and was housing 18,200 immigrants. The Mediterranean route to Europe  In 2020, 955 migrants died or went missing in the Italian Central Mediterranean Sea in the attempt to reach Europe. In 2024, 66,317 people arrived at the Italian shores, 91,300 individuals less compared to 2023. Death and missing cases still represent a serious hazard for the people who want to reach Italy from North Africa. Racism on the rise in Italy Race-related violence is strictly correlated with immigration. According to 2020 data, the cases of racial physical violence increased, in particular between 2016 and 2018. Over these three years, the cases of body violence ranged from 24 to 127 attacks. Similarly, insults, threats, and harassment became more widespread. Between 2017 and 2019, the cases grew from 88 to 206, while only in the first three months of 2020 there were 53 episodes of racist insults, threats, and harassment.