In 2023, the rate of forcible rapes in the United States stood at 38 per 100,000 inhabitants. As the FBI revised the definition of rape in 2013, the 2023 rate is a slight decrease from 1990, when there were 41.2 forcible rapes per 100,000 inhabitants. What is forcible rape? According to the FBI, forcible rape is defined as “sexual penetration, no matter how slight, with a body part or object without the consent of the victim.” This definition changed in 2013 from the previous definition, which specified “carnal knowledge of a female victim forcibly and against her will.” Attempted rape was included in the previous definition, but statutory rape and other sexual offenses were excluded. The old definition was seen as problematic, as people of any gender can be raped. Since the revision of the definition of rape, reported rapes increased, although it is not clear if this is due to the revised definition or if the rate itself has increased. Rape in the United States While rape and sexual assault have been extensively talked about in the U.S. in recent years, especially since the start of the #metoo movement, there is still a large number of sexual offences committed each year. Sadly, the majority of sex offences in the U.S. are carried out against individuals age 20 and under. Astoundingly, the Anchorage, Alaska metropolitan area had the highest rape rate in the United States in 2023, followed by St Joseph in Missouri and Kansas. Since rape and sexual assault continue to be underreported in the United States, it is important to find a solution to this devastating problem.

In 2023, there were 127,216 reported rape cases in the United States. This figure also includes attempts and assaults to commit rape, but unforced statutory rape and other sex offenses are excluded. Sexual assault in the U.S. What is particularly common when it comes to sexual assault, is that many victims know their assailant. A rapist being a stranger lurking in the shadows is less likely than people may like to think. Additionally, most cases of rape or sexual assault in the United States often report the fact that the assailant did not have a weapon on them. These are frightening thoughts for anyone, which has led the U.S. to take a deeper look at what exactly is happening.

metoo

Sexual assault, in any form, has been a long simmering problem in the U.S.; one which has only recently begun to be addressed in the public spotlight. The #metoo movement began to go viral in October 2017 in response to sexual assault allegations against movie producer Harvey Weinstein. The movement aims to show just how widespread sexual assault is, and over half of Americans support the movement.

Alaska saw the highest rape rate in the United States in 2023, with 118.4 rapes per 100,000 inhabitants. The lowest rate was found in New Jersey, with 17.9 rapes per 100,000 inhabitants. Sexual assault in Alaska Fighting sexual assault in Alaska is particularly difficult due to small, isolated, close-knit communities who can be wary of airing their dirty laundry to outsiders, as well as a low number of law enforcement employees in the state. In addition, Alaska’s low population is spread out over a large land area, meaning that in the event of an assault being reported to police, it can take law enforcement hours, or even days, to reach the most isolated communities. The victims of sexual assault There tends to be more reported female victims of sexual assault than male victims. However, since sexual assault is typically an underreported crime, especially among males, these figures could be, and probably are, much higher. In addition, many victims of sexual offenses tend to be young, although sexual assault can occur at any age.

This dataset includes all valid felony, misdemeanor, and violation crimes reported to the New York City Police Department (NYPD) for all complete quarters so far this year (2016). For additional details, please see the attached data dictionary in the ‘About’ section.

In 2023, Anchorage, Alaska had the highest rape rate in the United States with 144.6 offenses of rape per 100,000 inhabitants. The St. Joseph metropolitan statistical area, in Missouri and Kansas, had the second-highest rape rate in the country, at 141.4 offenses per 100,000 of the population.

In the United States, significantly more women than men are sexually assaulted. In 2023, about ******* women were raped or sexually assaulted in the U.S. - a decrease from the previous year. In comparison, ******* men were raped or sexually assaulted in 2023, which was an increase compared to the year before.

In 2023, Texas had the highest number of forcible rape cases in the United States, with 15,097 reported rapes. Delaware had the lowest number of reported forcible rape cases at 194. Number vs. rate It is perhaps unsurprising that Texas and California reported the highest number of rapes, as these states have the highest population of states in the U.S. When looking at the rape rate, or the number of rapes per 100,000 of the population, a very different picture is painted: Alaska was the state with the highest rape rate in the country in 2023, with California ranking as 30th in the nation. The prevalence of rape Rape and sexual assault are notorious for being underreported crimes, which means that the prevalence of sex crimes is likely much higher than what is reported. Additionally, more than a third of women worry about being sexually assaulted, and most sexual assaults are perpetrated by someone the victim knew.

This study had four key goals. The first goal was to identify how many women in the United States and in college settings have ever been raped or sexually assaulted during their lifetime and within the past year. The next goal was to identify key case characteristics of drug-facilitated and forcible rapes. The third goal was to examine factors that affect the willingness of women to report rape to law enforcement or seek help from their support network. The last goal was to make comparisons between the different types of rape. Part 1 (General Population) data consisted of a national telephone household sample of 3,001 United States women, whereas Part 2 (College Population) data consisted of 2,000 college women selected from a reasonably representative national list of women attending four year colleges and universities. Both data parts contain the same 399 variables. Interviews were completed between January 23 and June 26, 2006. Respondents were asked questions regarding risk perception, fear of violence, and accommodation behavior. The women were also asked their opinions and attitudes about reporting rape to the authorities and disclosing rape to family members, peers, or other individuals. This includes questions about barriers to reporting and experiences that women have had being the recipient of a disclosure from a friend, relative, or other individual. The respondents were asked a series of questions about rape, including different types of forcible, drug- or alcohol-facilitated, and incapacitated rape. For women who endorsed one or more rape experiences, a wide range of rape characteristics were assessed including characteristics around the nature of the event, perpetrator-victim relationship, occurrence of injury, involvement of drugs or alcohol, receipt of medical care, and whether the rape was reported to the authorities. The respondents were also asked a series of questions regarding substance use, including prescription and illegal drugs and alcohol. Additionally, a series of questions related to post-traumatic stress disorder and depression were asked. Finally, the women were asked to provide basic demographic information such as age, race, ethnicity, and income.

Despite the fact that most states enacted rape reform legislation by the mid-1980s, empirical research on the effect of these laws was conducted in only four states and for a limited time span following the reform. The purpose of this study was to provide both increased breadth and depth of information about the effect of the rape law changes and the legal issues that surround them. Statistical data on all rape cases between 1970 and 1985 in Atlanta, Chicago, Detroit, Houston, Philadelphia, and Washington, DC, were collected from court records. Monthly time-series analyses were used to assess the impact of the reforms on rape reporting, indictments, convictions, incarcerations, and sentences. The study also sought to determine if particular changes, or particular combinations of changes, affected the case processing and disposition of sexual assault cases and whether the effect of the reforms varied with the comprehensiveness of the changes. In each jurisdiction, data were collected on all forcible rape cases for which an indictment or information was filed. In addition to forcible rape, other felony sexual assaults that did not involve children were included. The names and definitions of these crimes varied from jurisdiction to jurisdiction. To compare the pattern of rape reports with general crime trends, reports of robbery and felony assaults during the same general time period were also obtained from the Uniform Crime Reports (UCR) from the Federal Bureau of Investigation when available. For the adjudicated case data (Parts 1, 3, 5, 7, 9, and 11), variables include month and year of offense, indictment, disposition, four most serious offenses charged, total number of charges indicted, four most serious conviction charges, total number of conviction charges, type of disposition, type of sentence, and maximum jail or prison sentence. The time series data (Parts 2, 4, 6, 8, 10, and 12) provide year and month of indictment, total indictments for rape only and for all sex offenses, total convictions and incarcerations for all rape cases in the month, for those on the original rape charge, for all sex offenses in the month, and for those on the original sex offense charge, percents for each indictment, conviction, and incarceration category, the average maximum sentence for each incarceration category, and total police reports of forcible rape in the month. Interviews were also conducted in each site with judges, prosecutors, and defense attorneys, and this information is presented in Part 13. These interviewees were asked to rate the importance of various types of evidence in sexual assault cases and to respond to a series of six hypothetical cases in which evidence of the victim's past sexual history was at issue. Respondents were also presented with a hypothetical case for which some factors were varied to create 12 different scenarios, and they were asked to make a set of judgments about each. Interview data also include respondent's title, sex, race, age, number of years in office, and whether the respondent was in office before and/or after the reform.

This study was an evidence-based review of sexual assault preventive intervention (SAPI) programs. A total of 67 publications including articles, government reports, and book chapters (excluding dissertations) representing 59 studies met the inclusion criteria and were included in the data abstraction process. In order to be included in the review, the resource had to be an English-language publication, published between 1990 and June 2003, of a SAPI evaluation of a primary or secondary preventive intervention program that targeted people who were adolescent-age or older, and which included outcome measures and a pre-test/post-test or between-group differences design. The findings for the article reviews are presented in evidence tables, for the general population in Part 1 and the evidence tables for individuals with disabilities in Part 2.

All BPD data on Open Baltimore is preliminary data and subject to change. The information presented through Open Baltimore represents Part I victim based crime data. The data do not represent statistics submitted to the FBI's Uniform Crime Report (UCR); therefore any comparisons are strictly prohibited. For further clarification of UCR data, please visit http://www.fbi.gov/about-us/cjis/ucr/ucr. Please note that this data is preliminary and subject to change. Prior month data is likely to show changes when it is refreshed on a monthly basis. All data is geocoded to the approximate latitude/longitude location of the incident and excludes those records for which an address could not be geocoded. Any attempt to match the approximate location of the incident to an exact address is strictly prohibited.

In 2023, 376,038 women were victims of rape or sexual assault in the United States, while the corresponding number of men who were raped or sexually assaulted in that year was 104,979.

Abstract (en): The purpose of this study was to provide an in-depth look at rapes and attempted rapes in the United States. Part 1 of the collection offers data on rape victims and contains variables regarding the characteristics of the crime, such as the setting, the relationship between the victim and offender, the likelihood of injury, and the reasons why rape is not reported to police. Part 2 contains data on a control group of females who were victims of no crime or of crimes other than rape. The information contained is similar to that found in Part 1. All persons in the United States. A stratified multistage cluster sample. 2005-11-04 On 2005-03-14 new files were added to one or more datasets. These files included additional setup files as well as one or more of the following: SAS program, SAS transport, SPSS portable, and Stata system files. The metadata record was revised 2005-11-04 to reflect these additions.2000-09-29 SPSS data definition statements were updated and SAS data definition statements were added to this collection. Also, the codebooks and data collection instrument are now available in two PDF files. Funding insitution(s): United States Department of Justice. Office of Justice Programs. Bureau of Justice Statistics. The codebooks and data collection instrument for this collection are provided by ICPSR as Portable Document Format (PDF) files. The PDF file format was developed by Adobe Systems Incorporated and can be accessed using PDF reader software, such as the Adobe Acrobat Reader. Information on how to obtain a copy of the Acrobat Reader is provided on the ICPSR Website.This collection of rape cases was taken from the NATIONAL CRIME SURVEY: NATIONAL SAMPLE, 1973-1983 (ICPSR 7635). The definition of rape in the survey includes attempts that involve a verbal threat of rape only. The data in Part 1 were collected at the incident level. Part 2 data were collected at the person level, with information for up to four incidents per person.

The purpose of this study was to use data from the National Crime Survey (NCS) and the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) to explore whether the likelihood of police notification by rape victims had increased between 1973-2000. To avoid the ambiguities that could arise in analyses across the two survey periods, the researchers analyzed the NCS (1973-1991) and NCVS data (1992-2000) separately. They focused on incidents that involved a female victim and one or more male offenders. The sample for 1973-1991 included 1,609 rapes and the corresponding sample for 1992-2000 contained 636 rapes. In their analyses, the researchers controlled for changes in forms of interviewing used in the NCS and NCVS. Logistic regression was used to estimate effects on the measures of police notification. The analyses incorporated the currently best available methods of accounting for design effects in the NCS and NCVS. Police notification served as the dependent variable in the study and was measured in two ways. First, the analysis included a polytomous dependent variable that contrasted victim reported incidents and third-party reported incidents, respectively, with nonreported incidents. Second, a binary dependent variable, police notified, also was included. The primary independent variables in the analysis were the year of occurrence of the incident reported by the victim and the relationship between the victim and the offender. The regression models estimated included several control variables, including measures of respondents' socioeconomic status, as well as other victim, offender, and incident characteristics that may be related both to the nature of rape and to the likelihood that victims notify the police.

This statistic shows the rate of rape/sexual assault victimization in the United States from 2008 to 2012 distinguished by poverty level. Between 2008 and 2012, the rate of rape and sexual assault in poor households stood at 2.2 per 1,000 persons which is the highest compared to households in other poverty levels.

A 2021 survey found that around 13.5 percent of female high school students in the United States were victims of rape within the last twelve months. This number was significantly higher in many states such as West Virginia, Arkansas, and Louisiana. Rape among male high school students were highest in South Carolina, Massachusetts, and Arkansas.

The U.S. rape and colza seed market fell sharply to $1.3B in 2024, waning by -16.8% against the previous year. The market value increased at an average annual rate of +2.3% from 2012 to 2024; however, the trend pattern indicated some noticeable fluctuations being recorded in certain years. As a result, consumption attained the peak level of $1.6B. From 2023 to 2024, the growth of the market remained at a lower figure.

United States Exports of rape or colza seeds, whether or not broken to Thailand was US$15.63 Thousand during 2013, according to the United Nations COMTRADE database on international trade. United States Exports of rape or colza seeds, whether or not broken to Thailand - data, historical chart and statistics - was last updated on June of 2025.

data culled from http://www.disastercenter.com/crime/uscrime.htm accessed October 28 2014. These are rate per 100,000 people, so not technically per capita, but the trend lines will be identical in a strict per capita calculation (the scale for the y axis merely changes)