The graph illustrates the number of babies born in the United States from 1995 to 2025. The x-axis represents the years, labeled from '95 to '25, while the y-axis shows the annual number of births. Over this 30-year period, birth numbers peaked at 4,316,233 in 2007 and reached a low of 3,596,017 in 2023. The data reveals relatively stable birth rates from 1995 to 2010, with slight fluctuations, followed by a gradual decline starting around 2017. The information is presented in a line graph format, effectively highlighting the long-term downward trend in U.S. birth numbers over the specified timeframe.

In 2021, the birth rate in the United States was highest in families that had under 10,000 U.S. dollars in income per year, at 62.75 births per 1,000 women. As the income scale increases, the birth rate decreases, with families making 200,000 U.S. dollars or more per year having the second-lowest birth rate, at 47.57 births per 1,000 women. Income and the birth rate Income and high birth rates are strongly linked, not just in the United States, but around the world. Women in lower income brackets tend to have higher birth rates across the board. There are many factors at play in birth rates, such as the education level of the mother, ethnicity of the mother, and even where someone lives. The fertility rate in the United States The fertility rate in the United States has declined in recent years, and it seems that more and more women are waiting longer to begin having children. Studies have shown that the average age of the mother at the birth of their first child in the United States was 27.4 years old, although this figure varies for different ethnic origins.

This data set contains estimated teen birth rates for age group 15–19 (expressed per 1,000 females aged 15–19) by county and year.

DEFINITIONS

Estimated teen birth rate: Model-based estimates of teen birth rates for age group 15–19 (expressed per 1,000 females aged 15–19) for a specific county and year. Estimated county teen birth rates were obtained using the methods described elsewhere (1,2,3,4). These annual county-level teen birth estimates “borrow strength” across counties and years to generate accurate estimates where data are sparse due to small population size (1,2,3,4). The inferential method uses information—including the estimated teen birth rates from neighboring counties across years and the associated explanatory variables—to provide a stable estimate of the county teen birth rate.
Median teen birth rate: The middle value of the estimated teen birth rates for the age group 15–19 for counties in a state.
Bayesian credible intervals: A range of values within which there is a 95% probability that the actual teen birth rate will fall, based on the observed teen births data and the model.

NOTES

Data on the number of live births for women aged 15–19 years were extracted from the National Center for Health Statistics’ (NCHS) National Vital Statistics System birth data files for 2003–2015 (5).

Population estimates were extracted from the files containing intercensal and postcensal bridged-race population estimates provided by NCHS. For each year, the July population estimates were used, with the exception of the year of the decennial census, 2010, for which the April estimates were used.

Hierarchical Bayesian space–time models were used to generate hierarchical Bayesian estimates of county teen birth rates for each year during 2003–2015 (1,2,3,4).

The Bayesian analogue of the frequentist confidence interval is defined as the Bayesian credible interval. A 100*(1-α)% Bayesian credible interval for an unknown parameter vector θ and observed data vector y is a subset C of parameter space Ф such that
1-α≤P({C│y})=∫p{θ │y}dθ,
where integration is performed over the set and is replaced by summation for discrete components of θ. The probability that θ lies in C given the observed data y is at least (1- α) (6).

County borders in Alaska changed, and new counties were formed and others were merged, during 2003–2015. These changes were reflected in the population files but not in the natality files. For this reason, two counties in Alaska were collapsed so that the birth and population counts were comparable. Additionally, Kalawao County, a remote island county in Hawaii, recorded no births, and census estimates indicated a denominator of 0 (i.e., no females between the ages of 15 and 19 years residing in the county from 2003 through 2015). For this reason, Kalawao County was removed from the analysis. Also , Bedford City, Virginia, was added to Bedford County in 2015 and no longer appears in the mortality file in 2015. For consistency, Bedford City was merged with Bedford County, Virginia, for the entire 2003–2015 period. Final analysis was conducted on 3,137 counties for each year from 2003 through 2015. County boundaries are consistent with the vintage 2005–2007 bridged-race population file geographies (7).

SOURCES

National Center for Health Statistics. Vital statistics data available online, Natality all-county files. Hyattsville, MD. Published annually.

For details about file release and access policy, see NCHS data release and access policy for micro-data and compressed vital statistics files, available from: http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/nvss/dvs_data_release.htm.

For natality public-use files, see vital statistics data available online, available from: https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data_access/vitalstatsonline.htm.

National Center for Health Statistics. U.S. Census populations with bridged race categories. Estimated population data available. Postcensal and intercensal files. Hyattsville, MD. Released annually.

For population files, see U.S. Census populations with bridged race categories, available from: https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/nvss/bridged_race.htm.

REFERENCES

1. Khan D, Rossen LM, Hamilton B, Dienes E, He Y, Wei R. Spatiotemporal trends in teen birth rates in the USA, 2003–2012. J R Stat Soc A 181(1):35–58. 2017. Available from: http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/rssa.12266/abstract.

2. Khan D, Rossen LM, Hamilton BE, He Y, Wei R, Dienes E. Hot spots, cluster detection and spatial outlier analysis of teen birth rates in the U.S., 2003–2012. Spat Spatiotemporal Epidemiol 21:67–75. 2017. Available from: http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1877584516300442.

3. Rue H, Martino S, Lindgren F. INLA: Functions which allow to perform a full Bayesian analysis of structured additive models using Integrated Nested Laplace Approximation. R package, version 0.0. 2009.

4. Rue H, Martino S, Chopin N. Approximate Bayesian inference for latent Gaussian models by using integrated nested Laplace approximations. J R Stat Soc B 71(2):319–92. 2009.

5. Martin JA, Hamilton BE, Osterman MJK, Driscoll AK, Mathews TJ. Births: Final data for 2015. National Vital Statistics Reports; vol 66 no 1. Hyattsville, MD: National Center for Health Statistics. 2017. Available from: https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/nvsr/nvsr66/nvsr66_01.pdf (1.9 MB).

6. Carlin BP, Louis TA. Bayesian methods for data analysis. Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press, 2009.

7. National Center for Health Statistics. County geography changes: 1990–2012. Available from: http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/nvss/bridged_race/County_Geography_Changes.pdf (39 KB).

The statistic shows the 20 countries with the lowest fertility rates in 2024. All figures are estimates. In 2024, the fertility rate in Taiwan was estimated to be at 1.11 children per woman, making it the lowest fertility rate worldwide. Fertility rate The fertility rate is the average number of children born per woman of child-bearing age in a country. Usually, a woman aged between 15 and 45 is considered to be in her child-bearing years. The fertility rate of a country provides an insight into its economic state, as well as the level of health and education of its population. Developing countries usually have a higher fertility rate due to lack of access to birth control and contraception, and to women usually foregoing a higher education, or even any education at all, in favor of taking care of housework. Many families in poorer countries also need their children to help provide for the family by starting to work early and/or as caretakers for their parents in old age. In developed countries, fertility rates and birth rates are usually much lower, as birth control is easier to obtain and women often choose a career before becoming a mother. Additionally, if the number of women of child-bearing age declines, so does the fertility rate of a country. As can be seen above, countries like Hong Kong are a good example for women leaving the patriarchal structures and focusing on their own career instead of becoming a mother at a young age, causing a decline of the country’s fertility rate. A look at the fertility rate per woman worldwide by income group also shows that women with a low income tend to have more children than those with a high income. The United States are neither among the countries with the lowest, nor among those with the highest fertility rate, by the way. At 2.08 children per woman, the fertility rate in the US has been continuously slightly below the global average of about 2.4 children per woman over the last decade.

Vast records of our everyday interests and concerns are being generated by our frequent interactions with the Internet. Here, we investigate how the searches of Google users vary across U.S. states with different birth rates and infant mortality rates. We find that users in states with higher birth rates search for more information about pregnancy, while those in states with lower birth rates search for more information about cats. Similarly, we find that users in states with higher infant mortality rates search for more information about credit, loans and diseases. Our results provide evidence that Internet search data could offer new insight into the concerns of different demographics.

In 1991, the birth rate for girls aged 10 to 14 years in the United States stood at 1.4 births per every thousand girls. Since 1991, this rate has consistently decreased, dropping to .2 in the year 2023. This statistic depicts the number of births per thousand U.S. females aged 10 to 14 years between 1991 and 2023. Teenage pregnancy and contraception Over the years, the rate of teenage pregnancy and birth has declined in the United States, most likely due to lower rates of sexual activity in this age group as well as increased use of birth control methods. However, the use and accessibility of contraceptives remains a problem in many parts of the United States. For example, in 2021, only 21 percent of sexually active high school students reported using the birth control pill to prevent pregnancy before their last sexual intercourse. This rate was highest among white high students and lowest among Black students, with only 11 percent reporting use of the birth control pill before their last intercourse. Condom use is more prevalent among high school students than use of the pill, but still only just over half of high school students reported using a condom the last time they had sex as of 2021. Disparities in teenage pregnancy Although rates have decreased over the past decades, teenage pregnancy and birth rates in the U.S. are still higher than in other Western countries. Geographic, racial, and ethnic disparities in teen birth rates are still prevalent within the country. In 2023, teenage birth rates were highest among Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islanders. Other contributing factors to high teen birth rates also include poor socioeconomic conditions, low education, and low-income status.

Number and percentage of live births, by month of birth, 1991 to most recent year.

BackgroundAssisted Reproductive Technology (ART) reports generated by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) exclude embryo banking cycles from outcome calculations.MethodsWe examined data reported to the CDC in 2013 for the impact of embryo banking exclusion on national ART outcomes by recalculating autologous oocyte ART live birth rates. Inflation of reported fresh ART cycle live birth rates was assessed for all age groups of infertile women as the difference between fresh cycle live births with reference to number of initiated fresh cycles (excluding embryo banking cycles), as typically reported by the CDC, and fresh cycle live births with reference to total initiated fresh ART cycles (including embryo banking cycles).ResultsDuring 2013, out of 121,351 fresh non-donor ART cycles 27,564 (22.7%) involved embryo banking. The proportion of banking cycles increased with female age from 15.5% in women 44 years. Concomitantly, the proportion of thawed cycles decreased with advancing female age (P 44. The inflation of live birth rates in thawed cycles could not be calculated from the publically available CDC data but appears to be even greater.ConclusionsUtilization of embryo banking increased during 2013 with advancing female age, suggesting a potential age selection bias. Exclusion of embryo banking cycles from national ART outcome reports significantly inflated national ART success rates, especially among older women.PrécisExclusion of embryo banking cycles from US National Assisted Reproductive Technology outcome reports significantly inflates reported success rates especially in older women.

Biochemical and ectopic pregnancies were included.A fetus with 21 trisomy was terminated at 18 weeks’ gestation.**The cost is speculated to be lower. The cost ranged from $8,000–10,000 U.S. per trial in other hospitals in Japan. A technical charge was not included in the cost because this study was conducted for clinical research.Subsequent live birth rate in patients who underwent PGD or conceived naturally.

Text A, Representation theorem for a right eigenvector of an irreducible non-negative matrix. Text B, Theorem for infinite series expansion of characteristic equation. Text C, Original definition of type-reproduction number. Text D, Extension theorem of type-reproduction number. (ZIP)

In 2023, the birth rate among teenagers and young adult women aged 15 to 19 stood at 13.1 births per every thousand women. This statistic shows the U.S. birth rate among teenagers and young adult women, aged 15-19 years, between 1991 and 2023. Teenage pregnancy and birth Teenage pregnancy and births are related to a number of negative outcomes. Babies born to teenage mothers are more likely to be premature and have a low birth weight, and teen mothers often experience gestational hypertension and anemia. Additionally, there are significant adverse effects on socioeconomic and educational outcomes for teenage parents. Teenage pregnancy is usually unplanned and due to the negative consequences mentioned above the ratio of legal abortions to live births in the United States is highest among teenagers. In 2022, there were 374 legal abortions per 1,000 live births among girls and young women aged 15 to 19 years, compared a ratio of 284 legal abortions per 1,000 live births among women aged 20 to 24 years. Contraceptive use among teens Contraceptive use is the best way for sexually active teenagers to avoid unwanted pregnancies, but use and accessibility remain problems in the United States. In 2021, only 23 percent of high school girls in the U.S. used the birth control pill to prevent pregnancy before their last sexual intercourse. Use of the birth control pill to prevent pregnancy is highest among white teenagers and lowest among Black teenagers, with only 11 percent of Black teenagers reporting use in 2021. Condom use is more common among high school students, but still only around half of sexually active students reported using a condom during their last sexual intercourse in 2021.

BackgroundWe examined over a million California birth records for 2010 through 2021 to investigate whether disparities in preterm birth (PTB) by nativity and race support the widely held but hitherto unsubstantiated belief that genetic differences explain the persistent Black-White disparity in PTB.MethodsWe examined PTB rates and risk ratios among African-, Caribbean-, and U.S.-born Black women compared to U.S.-born White women. Multivariate analyses adjusted for maternal age, education, number of live births, delivery payer, trimester of prenatal care initiation, pre-pregnancy BMI, smoking, and prevalence of poverty in a woman’s residence census tract; and for paternal education.ResultsIn adjusted analyses, African-born Black women’s PTB rates were no different from those of U.S.-born White women.DiscussionThe results add to prior evidence making a genetic etiology for the racial disparity in PTB unlikely. If genetic differences tied to “race” explained the Black-White disparity in PTB among U.S.-born women, the African immigrants in this study would have had higher rates of PTB, not the lower rates observed. Multiple explanations for the observed patterns and their implications are discussed. Failure to distinguish causes of PTB from causes of the racial disparity in PTB have likely contributed to erroneous attribution of the racial disparity to genetic differences. Based on the literature, unmeasured experiences of racism, including racism-related stress and adverse environmental exposures, are plausible explanations for the PTB disparity between Black and White U.S.-born women. The favorable birth outcomes of African-born Black immigrants may reflect less exposure to racism during sensitive life periods, e.g., childhood, when they were in African countries, where Black people are in the racial majority.

M: prior miscarriage, S: prior stillbirth, L: prior live birth, OR: the cycles of oocyte retrieval, ET: cycles of embryo transfer.SA: spontaneous abortion, T: term delivery, IUFD: intrauterine fetal death, EP: ectopic pregnancy, BP: biochemical pregnancy.Carrier status of the 37 patients who underwent PGD.

a Includes Costa Rica, Dominican Republic, Guatemala and Panamab Adjusted for infant sex, maternal age groups (

Baby Navel Sticker Market Outlook

The global baby navel sticker market size was valued at approximately USD 250 million in 2023, and it is forecasted to reach around USD 450 million by 2032, growing at a CAGR of 6.5% from 2024 to 2032. This growth is driven by increasing awareness among parents about infant hygiene and the benefits of using navel stickers for newborn care.

The rising awareness about infant hygiene is a significant growth factor driving the baby navel sticker market. New parents are increasingly becoming cautious about the health and hygiene of their newborns, leading to a higher adoption of products that ensure the well-being of babies. Baby navel stickers, which help in protecting the umbilical stump from infections, have gained considerable attention. Additionally, the growing availability of these products in various retail outlets has facilitated easier access for consumers, further contributing to the market's expansion.

Another driving factor is the increasing birth rate in various developing regions. Countries in Asia Pacific and Africa, for example, have higher birth rates compared to developed regions, leading to a substantial demand for infant care products, including baby navel stickers. As healthcare infrastructure improves in these regions, there is a corresponding rise in the use of specialized infant care products. Furthermore, government initiatives aimed at improving maternal and child health are expected to bolster the market growth.

The product innovations and advancements in material technology have also played a crucial role in market growth. Manufacturers are continually developing new materials that are more comfortable and safer for infant skin. The introduction of hypoallergenic and breathable materials has made baby navel stickers more appealing to parents concerned about allergies and skin irritations. These innovations not only enhance the safety and effectiveness of the products but also expand their market reach.

From a regional perspective, the market is witnessing significant growth in Asia Pacific and North America. While Asia Pacific is driven by the large population base and higher birth rates, North America benefits from higher disposable incomes and greater awareness about infant care products. Europe also presents considerable opportunities due to its well-established healthcare infrastructure and increasing focus on pediatric health. Latin America and the Middle East & Africa, while growing at a relatively slower pace, are expected to catch up as awareness and healthcare accessibility improve.

In addition to the growing market for baby navel stickers, the demand for Birth Announcement Services has seen a notable increase. As new parents celebrate the arrival of their newborns, they often seek creative and personalized ways to share the joyous news with family and friends. Birth Announcement Services offer a range of options, from traditional printed cards to digital announcements, allowing parents to choose a format that best suits their style and preferences. This trend is driven by the desire to create lasting memories and share the excitement of a new addition to the family. The rise of social media platforms has further amplified this trend, as parents look for visually appealing and shareable content to post online. Companies providing these services are continually innovating, offering customizable designs and packages that cater to diverse tastes and budgets.

Product Type Analysis

The baby navel sticker market is segmented into disposable and reusable types. Disposable baby navel stickers have gained significant traction among parents due to their convenience and hygienic benefits. These stickers are designed for single use, which ensures that there is no risk of contamination or reuse, making them extremely safe for newborns. The ease of use and the assurance of hygiene make disposable navel stickers a preferred choice for many parents, contributing to a larger market share.

On the other hand, reusable baby navel stickers are designed for multiple uses and can be washed and sterilized between uses. While they offer the advantage of being more cost-effective in the long run, they require more effort in terms of maintenance. Reusable stickers are gaining popularity among environmentally conscious consumers who are looking to reduce waste. The increasing emphasis on sustainable and eco-friendly products has given a boost t

The United States National Institutes of Health (NIH) imposed a public access policy on all publications for which the research was supported by their grants; the policy was drafted in 2004 and took effect in 2008. The policy is now 11 years old, yet no analysis has been presented to assess whether in fact this largest-scale US-based public access policy affected the vitality of the scholarly publishing enterprise, as manifested in changed mortality or natality rates of biomedical journals. We show here that implementation of the NIH policy was associated with slightly elevated mortality rates and mildly depressed natality rates of biomedical journals, but that birth rates so exceeded death rates that numbers of biomedical journals continued to rise, even in the face of the implementation of such a sweeping public access policy.

In 2023, Mississippi had the highest rate of teen births in the United States with approximately ** teen births per 1,000 women aged between 15 and 19 years. This statistic depicts the birth rates of teenagers in the United States aged 15 to 19 years in 2023, by state.

• All data are expressed as number (%)Characteristics of the study populations*.

BackgroundWhile the high prevalence of preterm births and its impact on infant mortality in the US have been widely acknowledged, recent data suggest that even full-term births in the US face substantially higher mortality risks compared to European countries with low infant mortality rates. In this paper, we use the most recent birth records in the US to more closely analyze the primary causes underlying mortality rates among full-term births.Methods and findingsLinked birth and death records for the period 2010–2012 were used to identify the state- and cause-specific burden of infant mortality among full-term infants (born at 37–42 weeks of gestation). Multivariable logistic models were used to assess the extent to which state-level differences in full-term infant mortality (FTIM) were attributable to observed differences in maternal and birth characteristics. Random effects models were used to assess the relative contribution of state-level variation to FTIM. Hypothetical mortality outcomes were computed under the assumption that all states could achieve the survival rates of the best-performing states. A total of 10,175,481 infants born full-term in the US between January 1, 2010, and December 31, 2012, were analyzed. FTIM rate (FTIMR) was 2.2 per 1,000 live births overall, and ranged between 1.29 (Connecticut, 95% CI 1.08, 1.53) and 3.77 (Mississippi, 95% CI 3.39, 4.19) at the state level. Zero states reached the rates reported in the 6 low-mortality European countries analyzed (FTIMR < 1.25), and 13 states had FTIMR > 2.75. Sudden unexpected death in infancy (SUDI) accounted for 43% of FTIM; congenital malformations and perinatal conditions accounted for 31% and 11.3% of FTIM, respectively. The largest mortality differentials between states with good and states with poor FTIMR were found for SUDI, with particularly large risk differentials for deaths due to sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS) (odds ratio [OR] 2.52, 95% CI 1.86, 3.42) and suffocation (OR 4.40, 95% CI 3.71, 5.21). Even though these mortality differences were partially explained by state-level differences in maternal education, race, and maternal health, substantial state-level variation in infant mortality remained in fully adjusted models (SIDS OR 1.45, suffocation OR 2.92). The extent to which these state differentials are due to differential antenatal care standards as well as differential access to health services could not be determined due to data limitations. Overall, our estimates suggest that infant mortality could be reduced by 4,003 deaths (95% CI 2,284, 5,587) annually if all states were to achieve the mortality levels of the best-performing state in each cause-of-death category. Key limitations of the analysis are that information on termination rates at the state level was not available, and that causes of deaths may have been coded differentially across states.ConclusionsMore than 7,000 full-term infants die in the US each year. The results presented in this paper suggest that a substantial share of these deaths may be preventable. Potential improvements seem particularly large for SUDI, where very low rates have been achieved in a few states while average mortality rates remain high in most other areas. Given the high mortality burden due to SIDS and suffocation, policy efforts to promote compliance with recommended sleeping arrangements could be an effective first step in this direction.

Determining threshold values for ZIP codes using results from REIS analysis.