The 2020 recession did not follow the trend of previous recessions in the United States because only six months elapsed between the yield curve inversion and the 2020 recession. Over the last five decades, 12 months, on average, has elapsed between the initial yield curve inversion and the beginning of a recession in the United States. For instance, the yield curve inverted initially in January 2006, which was 22 months before the start of the 2008 recession. A yield curve inversion refers to the event where short-term Treasury bonds, such as one or three month bonds, have higher yields than longer term bonds, such as three or five year bonds. This is unusual, because long-term investments typically have higher yields than short-term ones in order to reward investors for taking on the extra risk of longer term investments. Monthly updates on the Treasury yield curve can be seen here.

The Federal National Mortgage Association, commonly known as Fannie Mae, was created by the U.S. congress in 1938, in order to maintain liquidity and stability in the domestic mortgage market. The company is a government-sponsored enterprise (GSE), meaning that while it was a publicly traded company for most of its history, it was still supported by the federal government. While there is no legally binding guarantee of shares in GSEs or their securities, it is generally acknowledged that the U.S. government is highly unlikely to let these enterprises fail. Due to these implicit guarantees, GSEs are able to access financing at a reduced cost of interest. Fannie Mae's main activity is the purchasing of mortgage loans from their originators (banks, mortgage brokers etc.) and packaging them into mortgage-backed securities (MBS) in order to ease the access of U.S. homebuyers to housing credit. The early 2000s U.S. mortgage finance boom During the early 2000s, Fannie Mae was swept up in the U.S. housing boom which eventually led to the financial crisis of 2007-2008. The association's stated goal of increasing access of lower income families to housing finance coalesced with the interests of private mortgage lenders and Wall Street investment banks, who had become heavily reliant on the housing market to drive profits. Private lenders had begun to offer riskier mortgage loans in the early 2000s due to low interest rates in the wake of the "Dot Com" crash and their need to maintain profits through increasing the volume of loans on their books. The securitized products created by these private lenders did not maintain the standards which had traditionally been upheld by GSEs. Due to their market share being eaten into by private firms, however, the GSEs involved in the mortgage markets began to also lower their standards, resulting in a 'race to the bottom'. The fall of Fannie Mae The lowering of lending standards was a key factor in creating the housing bubble, as mortgages were now being offered to borrowers with little or no ability to repay the loans. Combined with fraudulent practices from credit ratings agencies, who rated the junk securities created from these mortgage loans as being of the highest standard, this led directly to the financial panic that erupted on Wall Street beginning in 2007. As the U.S. economy slowed down in 2006, mortgage delinquency rates began to spike. Fannie Mae's losses in the mortgage security market in 2006 and 2007, along with the losses of the related GSE 'Freddie Mac', had caused its share value to plummet, stoking fears that it may collapse. On September 7th 2008, Fannie Mae was taken into government conservatorship along with Freddie Mac, with their stocks being delisted from stock exchanges in 2010. This act was seen as an unprecedented direct intervention into the economy by the U.S. government, and a symbol of how far the U.S. housing market had fallen.

(1) Introduction: this data set is based on the method proposed by Brutsaert to calculate the change of groundwater storage revealed by baseflow recession analysis in 10 basins in the Eastern Tibetan Plateau. (2) Data source and processing: the runoff data of hydrological stations are from the hydrological yearbook of the people's Republic of China. According to the Brutsaert's method, the baseflow recession analysis is carried out to calculate relevant variables, so as to obtain the change of groundwater storage in each basin. (3) The data set has a time resolution of years. (4) The data set provides a reference for the change of groundwater storage in the Eastern Tibetan Plateau and further improves the level of understanding.

Prior to the 2020 recession, the yield curve was only inverted for 141 days, which was much shorter than the average 248 days preceding the previous five U.S. recessions. For instance, the yield curve was inverted for 235 days between the inversion in January 2006 and the start of the 2007-2009 recession. A yield curve inversion refers to the event where short-term Treasury bonds, such as one or three month bonds, have higher yields than longer term bonds, such as three or five year bonds. This is unusual, because long-term investments typically have higher yields than short-term ones in order to reward investors for taking on the extra risk of longer term investments. Monthly updates on the Treasury yield curve can be seen here.

Euroscepticism, the political position which opposes European integration or proposes leaving the EU, peaked in the early 2010s during the period of the Eurozone crisis. Approval of the EU had been stable at a relatively high level in the 2000s, with around half of respondents having a positive image of the Union, before sharply dropping from 2010 onwards to under a third of respondents. In spite of the spike in negative attitudes towards the EU, the total share of respondents with a negative outlook never exceeded the share of those with a positive one. By 2020, disapproval of the EU was back down to below twenty percent, and has fallen further since. The share of respondents with a positive image of the bloc has risen back to pre-financial crisis levels, signifying a remarkable turnaround in the public image of the EU. Whether this reflects a secular trend, or is the result of the external shocks of Covid-19 and the Russian invasion of Ukraine, which have both forced the member states of the union to cooperate on further integration measures, is yet to be seen. The Eurozone Crisis and the rise of euroscepticism Euroscepticism in the 2010s was driven by a succession of crises in both the economic and political spheres, which were latched onto by populists of both the far-left and far-right. The Eurozone crisis was triggered in 2010 by financial market pressure on the heavily indebted countries on the EU's periphery who were also member of the Euro currency area (Greece, Ireland, Italy, Portugal, and Spain, among others). The economies of these member states had suffered greatly during the global financial crisis and great recession, with the collapse of their housing markets and failure of their banking systems meaning that their governments had to take on increasing debt burdens. As it became clear that their debt levels were unsustainable, the yield on their government debt spiked, meaning that new borrowing became unaffordable. In most cases, the 'Troika' of the EU Commission, ECB, and IMF stepped in to provide bailouts, but with harsh austerity conditions which generated further unemployment and social discontent. The crisis was largely resolved by late 2012, as ECB chief Mario Draghi resolved to do "whatever it takes" to stabilize yields and to save the Euro. Nevertheless, Greece remained in deep trouble until after 2015, with question marks remaining about whether they would leave the Euro. Greece finally exited its Troika bailout program in 2018. Increasing migration flows and populist discontent While the Eurozone crisis was resolved (or at least delayed until a future date) by the middle of the decade, the populist political forces which it had unleashed began to have successes across the continent. The humanitarian crisis trigerred by the fleeing of millions of people from the war in Syria and other conflicts in the Middle East & North Africa towards Europe poured fuel on the fire of populism. Parties who opposed migration took power in Central & Eastern Europe, with Poland's Law and Justice Party and Hungary's Fidesz becoming some of the EU's biggest adversaries over the 2010s. Far-right parties in Western Europe such as the AfD in Germany, National Rally in France, Lega in Italy, PVV in the Netherlands, and Vox in Spain began to have unprecedented electoral success. These parties were buoyed by the Brexit referendum in the UK, where the populist challenger UKIP had forced the ruling Conservative Party to announce a vote on the UK's membership of the EU. With the referendum won by the 'leave' side, populist forces in other countries sought to capitalize on this momentum by entering government and, if not leaving the EU entirely, forcing changes to the way the union is run. While much ink was spilled over the threat this populist challenge posed to the EU, in many cases when populist parties entered government, such as Syriza in Greece and the Five Star Movement in Italy, they softened their tone towards leaving the union and focused rather on domestic politics than EU reform. Covid-19, Russia-Ukraine War, and the decline of euroscepticism? By the end of the decade of the 2010s, the populist and eurosceptic wave which had swept over the continent began to recede. Voters became dissatisfied with the achievements of many populist parties once they had entered office and a series of external shocks would further dampen the hostility towards the EU. The Covid-19 Pandemic struck in early 2020, and while the EU has been criticized for not having a united response to the crisis and being slow to organize the roll-out of vaccination programs, the pandemic focused populist energies towards anti-lockdown and anti-vaccination campaigns which targeted national governments rather than the EU. The pandemic also produced a "rally around the flag" effect, whereby the public approval of establishment forces which were seeking...

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner.

The Skills Survey is a series of nationally representative sample surveys of individuals in employment aged 20-60 years old (since 2006, the surveys have additionally sampled those aged 61-65). The surveys aim to investigate the employed workforce in Great Britain. Although they were not originally planned as part of a series and had different funding sources and objectives, continuity in questionnaire design has meant the surveys now provide a unique, national representative picture of change in British workplaces as reported by individual job holders. This allows analysts to examine how various aspects of job quality and skill levels have changed over 30 years.The first surveys in the series were carried out in 1986 and 1992. These surveys also form part of this integrated data series, and are known as the Social Change and Economic Life Initiative (SCELI) and Employment in Britain (EIB) studies respectively.

The 1997 survey was the first to collect primarily data on skills using the job requirements approach. This focused on collecting data on objective indicators of job skill as reported by respondents. The 2001 survey assessed how much had changed between the two surveys and a third survey in 2006 enhanced the time series data, while providing a resource for analysing skill and job requirements in the British economy at that time. The 2012 survey aimed to again add to the time series data and, coinciding as it did with a period of economic recession, to provide insight into whether workers in Britain felt under additional pressure/demand from employers as a result of redundancies and cut backs. In addition, a series dataset, covering 1986, 1992, 1997, 2001, 2006 and 2012 is also available . A follow-up to the 2012 survey was conducted in 2014, revisiting respondents who had agreed to be interviewed again. The 2017 survey was the seventh in the series, designed to examine to what extent pressures had continued as a result of austerity and economic uncertainties triggered, for example, by Brexit as well as examining additional issues such as productivity, fairness at work and the retirement intentions of older workers.

Each survey comprises a large number of respondents: 4,047 in the 1986 survey; 3,855 in 1992; 2,467 in 1997; 4,470 in 2001; 7,787 in 2006; 3,200 in 2012; and 3,306 in 2017.

The project to carry out the 2017 survey was funded by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC), Cardiff University and the Department for Education with funding from the Welsh Government to boost the sample in Wales (ES/P005292/1).

The four specific objectives for SES2017, stemming from the overarching aim (to provide data on the skills and employment experiences of working life in Britain in 2017) were as follows:

1. To chart the level and distribution of, and changes to, some of the key drivers of productivity such as work organisation, job-related well-being, the skills requirements of jobs, and the incidence, volume and quality of training and learning.
2. To describe and analyse the level and distribution of key aspects of job quality in 2017 – such as employee involvement, work intensity, insecurity and well-being at work – and make comparisons with earlier data points in the series.
3. To use the data to develop distinctive, original and substantive contributions to scholarship surrounding job quality and job skill, and the connections these aspects of work have with productivity and innovation.
4. To make the data available and provide the necessary documentary material to allow further analyses by academic and policy-based researchers in the field of skills and job quality.

Further information may be found on the Cardiff University Skills and Employment Survey 2017 and How Good is My Job websites.

A standard End User Licence version of the SES2017 is available under SN 8581. It contains less detailed geographical information, covering Government Office Regions. Users are advised to download SN 8581 to see if it is suitable for their requirements before making an application for this study (SN 8581), the Special Licence version.
Main Topics:

The total value of investments of pension funds in Sweden decreased from 2007 to 2008 by almost 38 billion U.S. dollars, due to the global recession. Since then it has grown overall with some fluctuation, reaching a value of approximately 705.7 billion dollars as of 2021.

SOP Dataset (2006–2015). SOP data of the 26 patients examined at our institution from 2006 to 2015. (XLSX 13 kb)

The spread between 10-year and two-year U.S. Treasury bond yields reached a positive value of 0.1 percent in November 2024. The 10-year minus two-year Treasury bond spread is generally considered to be an advance warning of severe weakness in the stock market. Negative spreads occurred prior to the recession of the early 1990s, the tech-bubble crash in 2000-2001, and the financial crisis of 2007-2008.

The Ahklun Mountains support the only extant glaciers in western Alaska. The glaciers were originally mapped by the U.S. Geological Survey using photogrammetry methods based on 1972 - 1973 aerial photos. We surveyed for presence or absence of the glaciers by fixed-wing aircraft in 2006. Of 109 glaciers originally mapped, 10 (9%) had disappeared. Using aerial imagery of a subset of 76 glaciers at three time steps between 1957 - 2009, we determined the average rate of areal loss was 45% over 52 years. At this rate, it is likely that all Ahklun Mountain glaciers will be extinguished by the end of the current century.

Shows the daily level of the federal funds rate back to 1954. The fed funds rate is the interest rate at which depository institutions (banks and credit unions) lend reserve balances to other depository institutions overnight, on an uncollateralized basis. The Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) meets eight times a year to determine the federal funds target rate.

United States US: Total Inland Freight Transport: %: Road data was reported at 55.907 % in 2021. This records a decrease from the previous number of 57.139 % for 2020. United States US: Total Inland Freight Transport: %: Road data is updated yearly, averaging 50.455 % from Dec 1994 (Median) to 2021, with 28 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 57.139 % in 2020 and a record low of 43.979 % in 2011. United States US: Total Inland Freight Transport: %: Road data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. The data is categorized under Global Database’s United States – Table US.OECD.ITF: Freight Transport by Mode of Transport: OECD Member: Annual. [COVERAGE] Road freight transport is any movement of goods using a road vehicle on a given road network. When a road vehicle is being carried on another vehicle, only the movement of the carrying vehicle (active mode) is considered. TOTAL INLAND FREIGHT TRANSPORT Rail freight transport is any movement of goods using a railway vehicle or a given railway network. When a railway is being carries on another rail vehicle only the movement of the carrying vehicle (active mode) is being considered. Inland waterways freight transport is any movement of goods using IWT vessels which is undertaken wholly or partly on navigable inland waterways. Bunkers and stores supplied to vessels in ports are excluded. When an IWT vessel is being carried on another vehicle, only the movement of the carrying vehicle (active mode) is taken into account. [COVERAGE] TOTAL INLAND FREIGHT TRANSPORT Between 2006 and 2009, the decrease in rail freight transport was due to the impact of the recession. Between 2014 and 2016, the decrease in rail freight transport was due mainly to a large drop in costal shipments by rail. Inland waterways freight transport includes domestic lakewise shipments and 60% of foreign lakewise shipments. [STAT_CONC_DEF] Since 2012, road freight transport is regularly revised following improvements to the Freight Analysis Framework tool.

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner.

The Skills Survey is a series of nationally representative sample surveys of individuals in employment aged 20-60 years old (since 2006, the surveys have additionally sampled those aged 61-65). The surveys aim to investigate the employed workforce in Great Britain. Although they were not originally planned as part of a series and had different funding sources and objectives, continuity in questionnaire design has meant the surveys now provide a unique, national representative picture of change in British workplaces as reported by individual job holders. This allows analysts to examine how various aspects of job quality and skill levels have changed over 30 years.The first surveys in the series were carried out in 1986 and 1992. These surveys also form part of this integrated data series, and are known as the Social Change and Economic Life Initiative (SCELI) and Employment in Britain (EIB) studies respectively.

The 1997 survey was the first to collect primarily data on skills using the job requirements approach. This focused on collecting data on objective indicators of job skill as reported by respondents. The 2001 survey assessed how much had changed between the two surveys and a third survey in 2006 enhanced the time series data, while providing a resource for analysing skill and job requirements in the British economy at that time. The 2012 survey aimed to again add to the time series data and, coinciding as it did with a period of economic recession, to provide insight into whether workers in Britain felt under additional pressure/demand from employers as a result of redundancies and cut backs. In addition, a series dataset, covering 1986, 1992, 1997, 2001, 2006 and 2012 is also available . A follow-up to the 2012 survey was conducted in 2014, revisiting respondents who had agreed to be interviewed again. The 2017 survey was the seventh in the series, designed to examine to what extent pressures had continued as a result of austerity and economic uncertainties triggered, for example, by Brexit as well as examining additional issues such as productivity, fairness at work and the retirement intentions of older workers.

Each survey comprises a large number of respondents: 4,047 in the 1986 survey; 3,855 in 1992; 2,467 in 1997; 4,470 in 2001; 7,787 in 2006; 3,200 in 2012; and 3,306 in 2017.

The Skills and Employment Survey 2012: Follow-up Survey, 2014 (SES2012_R) is a longitudinal follow-up survey from a re-interviewed sample of respondents to the SES2012(SN 7466). SES2012 objectives included the comparison of key aspects of workers' experiences of their jobs with past patterns and to provide insights into how the British workforce felt the direct aftermath of the Great Recession.

From 2,497 respondents in SES2012 who agreed to be re-interviewed, 1,108 follow-up interviews were completed approximately two years after the baseline, in the period from January-August 2014. SES2012_R's purpose was to analyse change in key work-related items at the level of individuals since the baseline. The questionnaire follows up on job classification and skills, detailed nature of the job, ICT usage on the job, the organisation working for, the job since the baseline interview, training since the baseline, well-being at work, and basic time-variant demographic characteristics.

Further information is available from the Skills and Employment Survey 2012 webpage and the Project 2.5 Good Jobs, Bad Jobs: A Longitudinal Analysis webpage.


Main Topics:

The deposited data file combines data from the follow-up interviews in 2014 with information from the baseline in 2012 (SES2012, SN 7466). It comprises of items that were collected both at the baseline and at the follow-up, a selection of derived variables to ease analysis and time-invariant individual information from the baseline that were not asked again at follow-up. Apart from a few exceptions that are documented in the available list of variables, item non-response due to refusal or 'don't knows' have been allocated unique values.

During the period beginning roughly in the mid-1980s until the Global Financial Crisis (2007-2008), the U.S. economy experienced a time of relative economic calm, with low inflation and consistent GDP growth. Compared with the turbulent economic era which had preceded it in the 1970s and the early 1980s, the lack of extreme fluctuations in the business cycle led some commentators to suggest that macroeconomic issues such as high inflation, long-term unemployment and financial crises were a thing of the past. Indeed, the President of the American Economic Association, Professor Robert Lucas, famously proclaimed in 2003 that "central problem of depression prevention has been solved, for all practical purposes". Ben Bernanke, the future chairman of the Federal Reserve during the Global Financial Crisis (GFC) and 2022 Nobel Prize in Economics recipient, coined the term 'the Great Moderation' to describe this era of newfound economic confidence. The era came to an abrupt end with the outbreak of the GFC in the Summer of 2007, as the U.S. financial system began to crash due to a downturn in the real estate market.

Causes of the Great Moderation, and its downfall

A number of factors have been cited as contributing to the Great Moderation including central bank monetary policies, the shift from manufacturing to services in the economy, improvements in information technology and management practices, as well as reduced energy prices. The period coincided with the term of Fed chairman Alan Greenspan (1987-2006), famous for the 'Greenspan put', a policy which meant that the Fed would proactively address downturns in the stock market using its monetary policy tools. These economic factors came to prominence at the same time as the end of the Cold War (1947-1991), with the U.S. attaining a new level of hegemony in global politics, as its main geopolitical rival, the Soviet Union, no longer existed. During the Great Moderation, the U.S. experienced a recession twice, between July 1990 and March 1991, and again from March 2001 tom November 2001, however, these relatively short recessions did not knock the U.S. off its growth path. The build up of household and corporate debt over the early 2000s eventually led to the Global Financial Crisis, as the bursting of the U.S. housing bubble in 2007 reverberated across the financial system, with a subsequent credit freeze and mass defaults.

Mean habitat variables and wet season prey biomass from 2006–2010.

The Skills Survey is a series of nationally representative sample surveys of individuals in employment aged 20-60 years old (since 2006, the surveys have additionally sampled those aged 61-65). The surveys aim to investigate the employed workforce in Great Britain. Although they were not originally planned as part of a series and had different funding sources and objectives, continuity in questionnaire design has meant the surveys now provide a unique, national representative picture of change in British workplaces as reported by individual job holders. This allows analysts to examine how various aspects of job quality and skill levels have changed over 30 years.The first surveys in the series were carried out in 1986 and 1992. These surveys also form part of this integrated data series, and are known as the Social Change and Economic Life Initiative (SCELI) and Employment in Britain (EIB) studies respectively.

The 1997 survey was the first to collect primarily data on skills using the job requirements approach. This focused on collecting data on objective indicators of job skill as reported by respondents. The 2001 survey assessed how much had changed between the two surveys and a third survey in 2006 enhanced the time series data, while providing a resource for analysing skill and job requirements in the British economy at that time. The 2012 survey aimed to again add to the time series data and, coinciding as it did with a period of economic recession, to provide insight into whether workers in Britain felt under additional pressure/demand from employers as a result of redundancies and cut backs. In addition, a series dataset, covering 1986, 1992, 1997, 2001, 2006 and 2012 is also available . A follow-up to the 2012 survey was conducted in 2014, revisiting respondents who had agreed to be interviewed again. The 2017 survey was the seventh in the series, designed to examine to what extent pressures had continued as a result of austerity and economic uncertainties triggered, for example, by Brexit as well as examining additional issues such as productivity, fairness at work and the retirement intentions of older workers.

Each survey comprises a large number of respondents: 4,047 in the 1986 survey; 3,855 in 1992; 2,467 in 1997; 4,470 in 2001; 7,787 in 2006; 3,200 in 2012; and 3,306 in 2017.

The four specific objectives for the Skills and Employment Survey, 2012 (SES2012), stemming from the overarching aim to provide data on the skills and employment experiences of working life in Britain in 2012, were as follows:

• to describe and analyse the level and distribution of skills requirements of jobs in British workplaces in 2012 and compare these patterns with earlier data points
• to describe and analyse the level and distribution of key aspects of workers' experiences of their jobs in 2012, and compare with earlier data points
• to use the data to develop distinctive, original and substantive contributions to scholarship surrounding job quality and job skill
• to make the data available and provide the necessary data support and infrastructure for further analysis by academic or policy-based researchers in the field of skills and job quality

Further information is available from the Skills and Employment Survey 2012 web page. A follow-up survey was conducted in 2014 (see SN 8264), where respondents to SES2012 were revisited to gather information on their skills and employment experiences since 2012.

A Special Licence access version of this study including finer detailed geographical variables (Travel-to-Work Areas, or TTWA), is available under SN 7645.

For the second edition (May 2014) an updated version of the data file and the accompanying Technical Briefing document. The depositor has provided the following advice: "Users are altered to errors recently detected in the 4-digit coding of SOC (both 2000 and 2010 versions). This has resulted in further changes to the coding of SOC2000 at 3, 2 and 1-digits as well as amendments to the weighting variables which are partly based on SOC (weightall and weight0612)." The Skills and Employment Survey series dataset, held under SN 7467, has also been updated accordingly.

United States US: Rail Freight Transport: Tonne-km per One Thousand Units of Current USD GDP data was reported at 78.767 Ratio in 2023. This records a decrease from the previous number of 86.982 Ratio for 2022. United States US: Rail Freight Transport: Tonne-km per One Thousand Units of Current USD GDP data is updated yearly, averaging 167.106 Ratio from Dec 1994 (Median) to 2023, with 30 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 251.683 Ratio in 1995 and a record low of 78.767 Ratio in 2023. United States US: Rail Freight Transport: Tonne-km per One Thousand Units of Current USD GDP data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. The data is categorized under Global Database’s United States – Table US.OECD.ITF: Freight Transport by Mode of Transport: OECD Member: Annual. [COVERAGE] RAIL FREIGHT TRANSPORT Rail freight transport is any movement of goods using a railway vehicle or a given railway network. When a railway is being carries on another rail vehicle only the movement of the carrying vehicle (active mode) is being considered. [COVERAGE] RAIL FREIGHT TRANSPORT Between 2006 and 2009, the decrease was due to the impact of the recession. Between 2014 and 2016, the decrease was due mainly to a large drop in costal shipments by rail.

Lehman Brothers, the fourth largest investment bank on Wall Street, declared bankruptcy on the 15th of September 2008, becoming the largest bankruptcy in U.S. history. The investment house, which was founded in the mid-19th century, had become heavily involved in the U.S. housing bubble in the early 2000s, with its large holdings of toxic mortgage-backed securities (MBS) ultimately causing the bank's downfall. The bank had expanded rapidly following the repeal of the Glass-Steagall Act in 1999, which meant that investment banks could also engage in commercial banking activities. Lehman vertically integrated their mortgage business, buying smaller commercial enterprises that originated housing loans, which allowed the bank to expand its MBS holdings. The downfall of Lehman and the crash of '08 As the U.S. housing market began to slow down in 2006, the default rate on housing loans began to spike, triggering losses for Lehman from their MBS portfolio. Lehman's main competitor in mortgage financing, Bear Stearns, was bought by J.P. Morgan Chase in order to prevent bankruptcy in March 2008, leading investors and lenders to become increasingly concerned about the bank's financial health. As the bank relied on short-term funding on money markets in order to meet its obligations, the news of its huge losses in the third-quarter of 2008 further prevented it from funding itself on financial markets. By September, it was clear that without external assistance, the bank would fail. As its losses from credit default swaps mounted due to the deepening crash in the housing market, Lehman was forced to declare bankruptcy on September 15, as no buyer could be found to save the bank. The collapse of Lehman triggered panic in global financial markets, forcing the U.S. government to step in and bail-out the insurance giant AIG the next day on September 16. The effects of this financial crisis hit the non-financial economy hard, causing a global recession in 2009.

Species are presented in descending order of cumulative frequency representing 99% of individuals captured in throw-traps during 2006–2010 dry seasons.

Kenya Average Auction Price: Coffee: USD data was reported at 2.860 USD/kg in Sep 2018. This records a decrease from the previous number of 3.350 USD/kg for Aug 2018. Kenya Average Auction Price: Coffee: USD data is updated monthly, averaging 3.050 USD/kg from Jan 2003 (Median) to Sep 2018, with 187 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 8.400 USD/kg in Jan 2011 and a record low of 0.000 USD/kg in Jun 2015. Kenya Average Auction Price: Coffee: USD data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by Kenya National Bureau of Statistics. The data is categorized under Global Database’s Kenya – Table KE.P001: Average Auction Price. Data for Aug-2006, Aug-2007, Jun-2008 and July-2009 was abnormal because coffee facing recession during this period.