In 2022, about 70 percent of women in the United States were registered to vote. This is higher than the share of men who were registered to vote in that same year.

In U.S. presidential elections since 1964, voter turnout among male and female voters has changed gradually but significantly, with women consistently voting at a higher rate than men since the 1980 election. 67 percent of eligible female voters took part in the 1964 election, compared to 72 percent of male voters. This difference has been reversed in recent elections, where the share of women who voted has been larger than the share of men by around four percent since 2004.

In the lead-up to the 2022 midterm election, an estimated 17 million people registered to vote in the last year. Of those, around 46.19 percent of registrants identified as female. The total number of new registrants since November 2021 can be found here.

As of July 2024, the male population had a higher number of registered voters from abroad in Mexico, with approximately 847,509 voters. In contrast, the female population accounted for around 675,466 registered voters.

In 2024, about 51 percent of eligible voters for the Dominican Republic general election of May 18th were women. The male population of the Caribbean country made up around 49 percent of the voters.

As of 2023, approximately 52 percent of the registered voter that reside in Spain are women. However, the largest age group is men between the ages of 45 and 49 with about 1.76 million voters. This is also the age group with the largest number of female voters with approximately 1.75 million.

As of March 2024, approximately 44.28 million people were registered to vote in the National Assembly election, which is scheduled to be held in South Korea on April 10, 2024. Out of the total registered voters, about 22.4 million were women and around 22 million were men.

AP VoteCast is a survey of the American electorate conducted by NORC at the University of Chicago for Fox News, NPR, PBS NewsHour, Univision News, USA Today Network, The Wall Street Journal and The Associated Press.

AP VoteCast combines interviews with a random sample of registered voters drawn from state voter files with self-identified registered voters selected using nonprobability approaches. In general elections, it also includes interviews with self-identified registered voters conducted using NORC’s probability-based AmeriSpeak® panel, which is designed to be representative of the U.S. population.

Interviews are conducted in English and Spanish. Respondents may receive a small monetary incentive for completing the survey. Participants selected as part of the random sample can be contacted by phone and mail and can take the survey by phone or online. Participants selected as part of the nonprobability sample complete the survey online.

In the 2020 general election, the survey of 133,103 interviews with registered voters was conducted between Oct. 26 and Nov. 3, concluding as polls closed on Election Day. AP VoteCast delivered data about the presidential election in all 50 states as well as all Senate and governors’ races in 2020.

Using this Data - IMPORTANT

This is survey data and must be properly weighted during analysis: DO NOT REPORT THIS DATA AS RAW OR AGGREGATE NUMBERS!!

Instead, use statistical software such as R or SPSS to weight the data.

National Survey

The national AP VoteCast survey of voters and nonvoters in 2020 is based on the results of the 50 state-based surveys and a nationally representative survey of 4,141 registered voters conducted between Nov. 1 and Nov. 3 on the probability-based AmeriSpeak panel. It included 41,776 probability interviews completed online and via telephone, and 87,186 nonprobability interviews completed online. The margin of sampling error is plus or minus 0.4 percentage points for voters and 0.9 percentage points for nonvoters.

State Surveys

In 20 states in 2020, AP VoteCast is based on roughly 1,000 probability-based interviews conducted online and by phone, and roughly 3,000 nonprobability interviews conducted online. In these states, the margin of sampling error is about plus or minus 2.3 percentage points for voters and 5.5 percentage points for nonvoters.

In an additional 20 states, AP VoteCast is based on roughly 500 probability-based interviews conducted online and by phone, and roughly 2,000 nonprobability interviews conducted online. In these states, the margin of sampling error is about plus or minus 2.9 percentage points for voters and 6.9 percentage points for nonvoters.

In the remaining 10 states, AP VoteCast is based on about 1,000 nonprobability interviews conducted online. In these states, the margin of sampling error is about plus or minus 4.5 percentage points for voters and 11.0 percentage points for nonvoters.

Although there is no statistically agreed upon approach for calculating margins of error for nonprobability samples, these margins of error were estimated using a measure of uncertainty that incorporates the variability associated with the poll estimates, as well as the variability associated with the survey weights as a result of calibration. After calibration, the nonprobability sample yields approximately unbiased estimates.

As with all surveys, AP VoteCast is subject to multiple sources of error, including from sampling, question wording and order, and nonresponse.

Sampling Details

Probability-based Registered Voter Sample

In each of the 40 states in which AP VoteCast included a probability-based sample, NORC obtained a sample of registered voters from Catalist LLC’s registered voter database. This database includes demographic information, as well as addresses and phone numbers for registered voters, allowing potential respondents to be contacted via mail and telephone. The sample is stratified by state, partisanship, and a modeled likelihood to respond to the postcard based on factors such as age, race, gender, voting history, and census block group education. In addition, NORC attempted to match sampled records to a registered voter database maintained by L2, which provided additional phone numbers and demographic information.

Prior to dialing, all probability sample records were mailed a postcard inviting them to complete the survey either online using a unique PIN or via telephone by calling a toll-free number. Postcards were addressed by name to the sampled registered voter if that individual was under age 35; postcards were addressed to “registered voter” in all other cases. Telephone interviews were conducted with the adult that answered the phone following confirmation of registered voter status in the state.

Nonprobability Sample

Nonprobability participants include panelists from Dynata or Lucid, including members of its third-party panels. In addition, some registered voters were selected from the voter file, matched to email addresses by V12, and recruited via an email invitation to the survey. Digital fingerprint software and panel-level ID validation is used to prevent respondents from completing the AP VoteCast survey multiple times.

AmeriSpeak Sample

During the initial recruitment phase of the AmeriSpeak panel, randomly selected U.S. households were sampled with a known, non-zero probability of selection from the NORC National Sample Frame and then contacted by mail, email, telephone and field interviewers (face-to-face). The panel provides sample coverage of approximately 97% of the U.S. household population. Those excluded from the sample include people with P.O. Box-only addresses, some addresses not listed in the U.S. Postal Service Delivery Sequence File and some newly constructed dwellings. Registered voter status was confirmed in field for all sampled panelists.

Weighting Details

AP VoteCast employs a four-step weighting approach that combines the probability sample with the nonprobability sample and refines estimates at a subregional level within each state. In a general election, the 50 state surveys and the AmeriSpeak survey are weighted separately and then combined into a survey representative of voters in all 50 states.

State Surveys

First, weights are constructed separately for the probability sample (when available) and the nonprobability sample for each state survey. These weights are adjusted to population totals to correct for demographic imbalances in age, gender, education and race/ethnicity of the responding sample compared to the population of registered voters in each state. In 2020, the adjustment targets are derived from a combination of data from the U.S. Census Bureau’s November 2018 Current Population Survey Voting and Registration Supplement, Catalist’s voter file and the Census Bureau’s 2018 American Community Survey. Prior to adjusting to population totals, the probability-based registered voter list sample weights are adjusted for differential non-response related to factors such as availability of phone numbers, age, race and partisanship.

Second, all respondents receive a calibration weight. The calibration weight is designed to ensure the nonprobability sample is similar to the probability sample in regard to variables that are predictive of vote choice, such as partisanship or direction of the country, which cannot be fully captured through the prior demographic adjustments. The calibration benchmarks are based on regional level estimates from regression models that incorporate all probability and nonprobability cases nationwide.

Third, all respondents in each state are weighted to improve estimates for substate geographic regions. This weight combines the weighted probability (if available) and nonprobability samples, and then uses a small area model to improve the estimate within subregions of a state.

Fourth, the survey results are weighted to the actual vote count following the completion of the election. This weighting is done in 10–30 subregions within each state.

National Survey

In a general election, the national survey is weighted to combine the 50 state surveys with the nationwide AmeriSpeak survey. Each of the state surveys is weighted as described. The AmeriSpeak survey receives a nonresponse-adjusted weight that is then adjusted to national totals for registered voters that in 2020 were derived from the U.S. Census Bureau’s November 2018 Current Population Survey Voting and Registration Supplement, the Catalist voter file and the Census Bureau’s 2018 American Community Survey. The state surveys are further adjusted to represent their appropriate proportion of the registered voter population for the country and combined with the AmeriSpeak survey. After all votes are counted, the national data file is adjusted to match the national popular vote for president.

In this paper, we revisit the effect of ballot access laws on voter confidence in the outcome of elections. We argue that voter confidence is conditioned by partisanship. Democrats and Republicans view election laws through a partisan lens, which is especially triggered when coalitions lose. We used The Integrity of Voting data set, along with other data sets, to test our hypotheses. The sample frame for the Integrity of Voting Survey was eligible persons who voted in the 2020 Presidential elections with accessible internet email addresses. Our sample consisted of two samples from two different vendors. Surveys were conducted with 17,526 voters drawing on two independent samples of registered voters who reported voting in the 2020 Presidential election. Email addresses for registered voters in each state were purchased from L2, a commercial vendor specializing in obtaining email addresses for registered voters. Interviews were solicited from one million voters in all 50 states, with 10,770 completed interviews for a response rate of .011%. A second sample of internet interviews were solicited and completed with 6,756 2020 voters using Dynata’s proprietary select-in survey of voters in selected states with smaller populations of registered voters. A minimum of roughly 100 2020 election voters were interviewed in each state. Our state samples were weighted using a raking technique on age, race, gender, education, and vote mode demographics from the U.S. Census Bureau’s 2020 Voting and Registration in the Election of November 2020 supplement to the Current Population survey (2021), as well as party identification totals from post-election exit polls conducted by the Associated Press (2020). Surveys were conducted between the first week in December, 2020 and the first week in February 2021.

Although public attention to transgender (trans) politics has increased dramatically in recent years, the scholarly community still has a limited understanding of how trans and gender non-conforming (GNC) individuals participate in the political system. Trans/GNC individuals are faced with a dual reality. On one hand, they are part of a highly organized and activated group whose rights depend on political engagement; on the other hand, individuals often face barriers to political participation including a lack of proper identification and low socioeconomic status. In this paper, we explore the effects of these competing forces on trans/GNC voter registration. We use the theory of oppositional consciousness to hypothesize that being part of a political and highly mobilized population helps trans/GNC individuals overcome barriers to participation. Using data on over 5,000 self-identified trans/GNC individuals from the 2011 National Transgender Discrimination Survey we show that, though individuals are less likely to participate if they lack gender-conforming identification, on the whole trans/GNC individuals in this survey register at rates that are consistent with or higher than the general population. The evidence points to the importance of the trans political movement in activating and developing oppositional consciousness in its members. We explore the implications of these findings and what they mean for future research.

As of April 2024, almost 28 million citizens registered to vote in the South African general elections. Of these, the majority were women, at 15.3 million, whereas men accounted for around 12 million of the registrations.

During the 2024 elections in Indonesia, the number of registered female voters was slightly higher than male. With over 204 million registered voters representing around 75 percent of its population, Indonesia held the world's largest single-day election to choose a new president, vice president, parliamentary and local representatives on February 14, 2024.

Although public attention to transgender (trans) politics has increased dramatically in recent years, the scholarly community still has a limited understanding of how trans and gender non-conforming (GNC) individuals participate in the political system. Trans/GNC individuals are faced with a dual reality. On one hand, they are part of a highly organized and activated group whose rights depend on political engagement; on the other hand, individuals often face barriers to political participation including a lack of proper identification and low socioeconomic status. In this paper, we explore the effects of these competing forces on trans/GNC voter registration. We use the theory of oppositional consciousness to hypothesize that being part of a political and highly mobilized population helps trans/GNC individuals overcome barriers to participation. Using data on over 5,000 self-identified trans/GNC individuals from the 2011 National Transgender Discrimination Survey we show that, though individuals are less likely to participate if they lack gender-conforming identification, on the whole trans/GNC individuals in this survey register at rates that are consistent with or higher than the general population. The evidence points to the importance of the trans political movement in activating and developing oppositional consciousness in its members. We explore the implications of these findings and what they mean for future research.

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This statistic displays the number of people entitled to vote in the Finnish parliamentary elections in 2019, by gender. In total, nearly 4.3 million people had the right to vote in the parliamentary elections, approximately 2.2 million of them women. The official election day took place on April 14, 2019, resulting in a narrow victory of the Social Democratic Party (SDP).

As of April 2021, the number of registered voters for the General Elections of that same year was over 25.2 million. The number of female voters was slightly higher than their male counterparts, with 50.4 percent of the total. Voting in Peru is mandatory between the ages of 18 to 70.

This file allows you to know the history of voters registered on the electoral lists between 2003 and 2017 in Digne-les-Bains distributed by voting years and by gender. This file is updated according to the last revision period of the electoral rolls on February 28, 2018. As of January 1, 2019, there will be no longer any special period to register on the electoral rolls. It consists of 4 columns and 16 rows.

This special topic poll is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and a range of other political and social issues. The study was conducted in part to assess respondents' interest in and opinions about the 2002 elections in New Jersey. Residents of that state were asked to give their opinions of President George W. Bush and his handling of the presidency, as well as their views of United States Senators Jon Corzine and Robert Torricelli, New Jersey governor Jim McGreevey, and former United States Senator Frank Lautenberg. Those queried were asked whether they intended to vote in the November 5, 2002, elections, and for whom they would vote if the election for United States Senator were held that day, given a choice between Lautenberg (Democratic Party) and Douglas Forrester (Republican Party). Respondents were also asked if Lautenberg and Forrester had spent more time during the campaign attacking each other or explaining what they would do if elected, whether they found the Senate race interesting or dull, what they considered to be the most important issue in deciding how to vote, and whether they considered their vote as a vote for or against Bush. Those polled answered sets of questions comparing Lautenberg and Forrester as Senate candidates in terms of their experience, honesty, integrity, age, political orientation, position on Iraq, and their potential decisions on United States Supreme Court nominees. A series of questions addressed the withdrawal of Torricelli from the Senate race and Lautenberg's replacement of him: whether Torricelli did the right thing by withdrawing, whether it was fair that the Democrats replaced him on the ballot, whether the New Jersey Supreme Court made the right decision by allowing his replacement, and whether that decision had made a difference in how the respondent intended to vote. Respondents' views were sought on the use of tax dollars to pay for abortions for indigent women, increased restrictions on the sale of handguns, whether the sentence for a murder conviction should be the death penalty or life in prison without parole, whether companies responsible for major pollution problems should be held accountable for the clean-up costs, and whether the government should cover losses incurred by individuals who chose to invest their Social Security taxes in the stock market. Additional questions probed respondents' views on corruption in New Jersey politics, the importance of which political party controls the United States Congress, the influence of Lautenberg and Forrester campaign advertisements, and whether the respondent would vote for musician Bruce Springsteen if he were a candidate for United States Senator from New Jersey. Background information on respondents includes age, gender, political party, political orientation, voter registration and participation history, handgun ownership, education, religion, marital status, Hispanic descent, race, years in community, and household income.

The Dataset contains data on year-wise, state-wise, constituency-wise, gender-wise Number of Electors (including overseas) and Different Types of Votes (General Votes, Postal Votes, etc.) registered in India across all the Lok Sabha elections held in India

Distribution by age, and gender of vote by post. Absolute Values. National.