In 2023, **** percent of Americans were unaffiliated with any religion. A further **** percent of Americans were White evangelical Protestants, and an additional **** percent were White mainline Protestants. Religious trends in the United States Although the United States is still home to the largest number of Christians worldwide, the nation has started to reflect a more diverse religious landscape in recent years. Americans now report a wide range of religious beliefs and backgrounds, in addition to an increasing number of people who are choosing to identify with no religion at all. Studies suggest that many Americans have left their previous religion to instead identify as atheist, agnostic, or nothing in particular, with many reasoning that they stopped believing in the religion's teachings, that they didn't approve of negative teachings or treatment of LGBTQ+ people, or that their family was never that religious growing up. Christian controversies Over the last few years, controversies linked to Christian denominations have plagued the nation, including reports of child sexual abuse by the Catholic Church, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, and the Southern Baptist Convention. Christian churches have also been accused of supporting discriminatory actions against LGBTQ+ people and people belonging to other religious groups. In addition, there have been increasing concerns about Christian nationalism, the political ideology that asserts that America was founded to be a Christian nation. Although the majority of Americans still think that declaring the United States a Christian nation would go against the U.S. Constitution, studies found that most Republicans would be in favor of this change.

The statistic shows the religious affiliation of the population in the United States in 2017, by age. In 2017, about 38 percent of respondents aged 18 to 29 years old were unaffiliated with any religious belief.

From 2021 to 2023, Republicans were found much more likely than Democrats to be Protestants in the United States, with ** percent of surveyed Republicans identifying as Protestants compared to ** percent of Democrats. However, Democrats were found more likely than Republicans to identify with no religion, with ** percent of Democrats saying that they have no religious identity compared to ** percent of Republicans.

The 2008 Conversion Recontact Survey, conducted by the Pew Research Center's Forum on Religion & Public Life, is a follow-up to the 2007 "U.S. Religious Landscape Survey." One of the most striking findings from the Landscape Survey was the large number of people who have left their childhood faith. The Landscape Survey found that more than one in four American adults (28%) have changed their religious affiliation from that in which they were raised. This number includes people who have changed from one major religious tradition to another, for instance, from Protestantism to Catholicism or from Judaism to no religion. If change within religious traditions is included (e.g., from one Protestant denominational family to another), the survey found that roughly 44% of Americans now profess a religious affiliation different from that in which they were raised.

The Conversion Recontact Survey is designed to offer a fuller picture of this churn within American religion, with a special focus on the reasons that people change religious affiliation. The Conversion Recontact Survey is based on follow-up interviews with Landscape Survey respondents, including those from the largest segments of the population that have changed religious affiliation as well as those who still belong to the religious faith in which they were raised. Interviews were conducted by telephone with a nationally representative sample of 2,867 adults living in continental United States telephone households. The survey was conducted by Princeton Survey Research Associates International (PSRAI). Interviews were conducted on landline telephones in English and Spanish by Princeton Data Source (PDS), LLC from Oct. 3 to Nov. 7, 2008. Statistical results are weighted to correct known demographic discrepancies. A full report on the survey's findings, "Faith in Flux: Changes in Religious Affiliation in the U.S.," is available on the Pew Forum's "http://www.pewforum.org/2009/04/27/faith-in-flux/" Target="_blank">website.

This statistic shows the distribution of political party affiliations among religious groups in the United States, in 2016, by faith tradition. In 2016, about 44 percent of Mormon in the United States affiliated themselves with the Republican Party.

From 2010 to 2023, Democrats were found much more likely than Republicans to identify with no religion in the United States. In 2023, ** percent of Democrats said that they identified with no religion compared to ** percent of Republicans.

This statistic shows the share of adults in the United States affiliated to a religious denomination in January 2017, by race/ethnicity. As of January 2017, 15 percent of Asian or Pacific Islanders in the United States identified themselves as Hindu.

According to a survey conducted in 2022, 35 percent of parents in the United States said that it was extremely or very important to them that their children share their religious views when they are adults. In comparison, only eight percent of U.S. parents who were religiously unaffiliated shared this belief.

This dataset is the centerpiece of Pew Research Center's 2014 Religious Landscape Study, a nationally representative telephone survey conducted June 4-Sept. 30, 2014, among a sample of 35,071 U.S. adults. Approximately 60 percent of the interviews were conducted with respondents reached on cellphones (n=21,160) and 40 percent were completed on landlines (n=13,911). A minimum of 300 interviews were conducted in every state and the District of Columbia. Interviewing was conducted in English and Spanish. The survey is estimated to cover 97 percent of the non-institutionalized U.S. adult population; 3 percent of U.S. adults are not reachable by telephone or do not speak English or Spanish well enough to participate in the survey. No adjustments have been made to the data to attempt to account for the small amount of non-coverage.

The size of the national sample is unusually large for a religion survey. There are two main reasons for this. First, the large sample size makes it possible to estimate the religious composition of the U.S. with a high degree of precision. After taking into account the survey's design effect (based on the sample design and survey weights), the margin of error for the results based on the full sample is +/- 0.6 percentage points.

Second, the large sample size makes it possible to describe the characteristics of a wide variety of religious groups, including relatively small groups that cannot be analyzed using data from smaller surveys. With more than 35,000 respondents in total, the Religious Landscape Study includes interviews with roughly 350 in religious groups that account for just 1 percent of the U.S. population, and with 100 or more people in religious groups that are as small as three-tenths of 1 percent of the overall population. For instance, the study includes interviews with 245 Jehovah's Witnesses, a group that accounts for less than 1 percent of the U.S. population and is typically represented by only a few dozen respondents in smaller surveys.

Between 2023 and 2024, the majority of Muslim immigrants living in the United States were born in another country, with 59 percent of U.S. Muslims born outside the United States. In contrast, most Christian immigrants were U.S. born, with both parents also born in the U.S. during the provided time period.

The statistic shows the religious affiliation of the population in the United States in 2007. In 2007, 51.3 percent of the U.S. population were estimated to be Protestants.

This study assessed the effects of male inmate religiosity on post-release community adjustment and investigated the circumstances under which these effects were most likely to take place. The researcher carried out this study by adding Federal Bureau of Investigation criminal history information to an existing database (Clear et al.) that studied the relationship between an inmate's religiousness and his adjustment to the correctional setting. Four types of information were used in this study. The first three types were obtained by the original research team and included an inmate values and religiousness instrument, a pre-release questionnaire, and a three-month post-release follow-up phone survey. The fourth type of information, official criminal history reports, was later added to the original dataset by the principal investigator for this study. The prisoner values survey collected information on what the respondent would do if a friend sold drugs from the cell or if inmates of his race attacked others. Respondents were also asked if they thought God was revealed in the scriptures, if they shared their faith with others, and if they took active part in religious services. Information collected from the pre-release questionnaire included whether the respondent attended group therapy, religious groups with whom he would live, types of treatment programs he would participate in after prison, employment plans, how often he would go to church, whether he would be angry more in prison or in the free world, and whether he would be more afraid of being attacked in prison or in the free world. Each inmate also described his criminal history and indicated whether he thought he was able to do things as well as most others, whether he was satisfied with himself on the whole or felt that he was a failure, whether religion was talked about in the home, how often he attended religious services, whether he had friends who were religious while growing up, whether he had friends who were religious while in prison, and how often he participated in religious inmate counseling, religious services, in-prison religious seminars, and community service projects. The three-month post-release follow-up phone survey collected information on whether the respondent was involved with a church group, if the respondent was working for pay, if the respondent and his household received public assistance, if he attended religious services since his release, with whom the respondent was living, and types of treatment programs attended. Official post-release criminal records include information on the offenses the respondent was arrested and incarcerated for, prior arrests and incarcerations, rearrests, outcomes of offenses of rearrests, follow-up period to first rearrest, prison adjustment indicator, self-esteem indicator, time served, and measurements of the respondent's level of religious belief and personal identity. Demographic variables include respondent's faith, race, marital status, education, age at first arrest and incarceration, and age at incarceration for rearrest.

This dataset contains measures on religious belief and practice, Christian fundamentalist beliefs, religious context, and deviant behavior from students at four American universities. Two of these universities are public state schools; two are private and have religious affiliations. A total of 1,753 respondents were surveyed regarding their religious beliefs and practices, tattoos, piercings, and engagement in (or abstinence from) sexual intercourse, binge drinking, and marijuana use.

According to a survey conducted in 2022, 65 percent of all Churchgoers in the United States said that their church discusses poverty and inequality, while 44 percent said that their church discusses racism.

This data collection provides county- and state-level information on the number of members of a variety of religious organizations and groups in the United States between 1906 and 1936. The variables in this collection provide the names of these groups and organizations, which include the Advent Christian Church, Southern and National Convention Baptist churches, Buddhist (Japanese) temples, Evangelical Association, Jewish congregations, Greek Orthodox Church, Mennonite Church, Friends Church, Pentecostal Church of the Nazarene, Polish National Church, Roman Catholic Church, Salvation Army, Seventh Day Adventist, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, Russian Eastern Orthodox Church, Mennonite General Conference, Hungarian Reformed Church, Unitarian Church, Negro Baptist Church, and Evangelical Church.

"https://www.pewresearch.org/" Target="_blank">Pew Research Center surveyed a total of 8,660 Black adults using a combination of four high-quality, probability-based samples: the "https://www.pewresearch.org/american-trends-panel-datasets/" Target="_blank">Center's American Trends Panel, the Center's ABS survey, "https://amerispeak.norc.org/" Target="_blank">NORC's AmeriSpeak Panel, and "https://www.ipsos.com/en-us/solutions/public-affairs/knowledgepanel" Target="_blank">Ipsos' KnowledgePanel. The study also featured multiple response modes: online, a paper version and live telephone. The combined analytic sample supports reliable analysis even of hard-to-reach segments within the Black American population. An additional 4,574 interviews were conducted with adults who are not Black to facilitate comparison with the full, U.S. adult population.

This file is for all U.S. adult respondents. A separate file is available at the ARDA for Black respondents only. Please "/data-archive?fid=BFBR" Target="_blank">click here for the Black respondents only file.

According to a survey conducted in 2022, 47 percent of Americans who identified as Protestant strongly supported allowing coaches at public high schools to lead their players in public prayers in the United States. In comparison, only five percent of Americans who were agnostic shared this belief.

In 2023, about 33 percent of Americans were Protestants, down from 69 percent in 1948. In that same year, about 22 percent of Americans were Catholic, while 22 percent said that they had no religion at all.

According to a survey conducted in 2022, 44 percent of Jewish Americans said that they made 100,000 U.S. dollars or more in the United States. In comparison, 33 percent of Muslim Americans said that they made less than 30,000 U.S. dollars.

Studies have pointed to politics as an important force driving people away from religion – the argument is that the dogmatic politics of the Christian Right have alienated liberals and moderates, effectively threatening organized religion in America. We argue that existing explanations are incomplete; a proper reconsideration necessitates distinguishing processes of affiliation (with specific congregations) from identification (with religious traditions). Using three datasets, we find evidence that qualifies and complements existing narratives of religious exit. Evaluations of congregational political fit drive retention decisions. At the same time, opposition to the Christian Right only bears on retention decisions when it is salient in a congregational context, affecting primarily evangelicals and Republicans. These results help us understand the dynamics of the oft-observed relationship between the Christian Right and de-identification and urge us to adopt a broader, more pluralistic view of the politicization of American religion.