Census 2021 data on religion by economic activity status, by sex, by age, and religion by occupation, by sex, by age, England and Wales combined. This dataset provides Census 2021 estimates that classify usual residents in England and Wales by ethnic group. The estimates are as at Census Day, 21 March 2021.

The religion people connect or identify with (their religious affiliation), whether or not they practise or have belief in it.
This question was voluntary and the variable includes people who answered the question, including “No religion”, alongside those who chose not to answer this question.

Total counts for some population groups may not match between published tables. This is to protect the confidentiality of individuals' data. Population counts have been rounded to the nearest 5 and any counts below 10 are suppressed, this is signified by a 'c' in the data tables.

This dataset shows population counts for usual residents aged between 16 to 64 years old only. This is to focus on religious affiliation differences among the working age. Population counts in these tables may be different from other publications which use different age breakdowns.

Quality notes can be found here

Quality information about Labour Market can be found here

The Standard Occupation Classification 2020 code used can be found here

Religion

The 8 ‘tickbox’ religious groups are as follows:

• Buddhist
• Christian
• Hindu
• Jewish
• Muslim
• No religion
• Sikh
• Other religion

Brings together statistics from the Census on the key demographic, geographic, household and labour market differences between the main ethnic and religious groups in Great Britain.

Source agency: Office for National Statistics

Designation: Official Statistics not designated as National Statistics

Language: English

Alternative title: Focus on Ethnicity and Religion

Time-series dataset of the demographic characteristics of the UK ethnic minority populations and religious groups up to 2006, to study ethnic and religious demographic diversity and its impact upon future population size, age-structure and the ethnic and religious composition of the UK population. This dataset is compiled from various existing data sources: 2001 Census, Labour Force Survey (LFS) and International Passenger Survey (IPS) data. In the absence of vital statistics by ethnic groups, indirect methods were used to estimate vital rates, including the ‘Own Child’ method applied to LFS household data to derive fertility estimates of ethnic and religious groups. Building on previous work, fertility rates of ethnic groups were produced up to 2006, distinguishing between UK-born and foreign-born populations. Migration rates were based on ONS International Migration Statistics (using IPS data), LFS and census data and projected on various assumptions. The results served population projections to mid-century and beyond of the main ethnic minority populations, including mixed populations, and using cohort-component methods. Furthermore, estimates of fertility rates for the major religious (and non-religious) groups were produced.

Datasets include: (1) Calculated fertility estimates for all women aged 15 to 49 in the UK, by 5 years age group, by ethnic group, religion and place of birth (UK/non-UK), based on LFS data; (2) Data on mixed children by ethnic group of the mother; (3) Data on country of birth by ethnic group (all populations); (4) Data on immigration flow by country of origin.

This project aims to analyse ethnic and religious demographic diversity, to investigate the potential for convergence of trends over time and its impact upon future population size, age-structure and the ethnic and religious composition of the UK population.

Existing statistical sources (especially the 2001 Census, the Labour Force Survey (LFS) and the Office for National Statistics (ONS) Longitudinal Survey) will be used to produce time-series of the demographic characteristics of the ethnic minority populations and religious groups up to 2006. In the absence of vital statistics by ethnic groups, the Own Child method applied to LFS and census data will be used to derive fertility estimates of ethnic and religious groups.

The results will serve population projections to mid-century and beyond of the main ethnic minority populations, including mixed populations, and using cohort-component methods. Migration rates will be based on ONS International Migration Statistics, LFS and census data and projected on various assumptions.

Furthermore, estimates of fertility rates and other demographic information for the major religious (and non-religious) groups will be produced with a view to making preliminary projections of their future size. The potential convergence of the demographic characteristics of ethnic and religious groups will be analysed, including mixed unions as an indicator for integration.

The religion people connect or identify with (their religious affiliation), whether or not they practise or have belief in it. This question was voluntary and includes people who identified with one of eight tick-box response options, including "No religion", alongside those who chose not to answer this question.CoverageThis dataset is focused on the data for Birmingham at Ward level. Also available at LSOA, MSOA and Constituency levels.About the 2021 CensusThe Census takes place every 10 years and gives us a picture of all the people and households in England and Wales.Protecting personal dataThe ONS sometimes need to make changes to data if it is possible to identify individuals. This is known as statistical disclosure control. In Census 2021, they:

Swapped records (targeted record swapping), for example, if a household was likely to be identified in datasets because it has unusual characteristics, they swapped the record with a similar one from a nearby small area. Very unusual households could be swapped with one in a nearby local authority. Added small changes to some counts (cell key perturbation), for example, we might change a count of four to a three or a five. This might make small differences between tables depending on how the data are broken down when they applied perturbation.For more geographies, aggregations or topics see the link in the Reference below. Or, to create a custom dataset with multiple variables use the ONS Create a custom dataset tool.Population valueThe value column represents All usual residents.The percentage shown is the value as a percentage of All usual residents within the given geography.

This research project aimed to describe and explain how children of primary school age and under are brought up to be Muslims. The project began with secondary quantitative analysis of the Home Office Citizenship Survey. The main part of the research was a qualitative case study of Muslims in Cardiff. Semi-structured, face-to-face interviews were used in 60 families with at least one child and usually two parents. In 24 of these families, children kept oral diaries and took photographs of places and events with religious significance. Observations were also carried out by researchers of formal education. The proposed research aims to describe and explain how children of primary school age and under are brought up to be Muslims. The topic of religious nurture is of interest in relation to all faiths, but given the diversity of schools of thought and ethnic groups amongst British Muslims, there is a strong argument for a detailed study of Islam in particular. Since there has already been attention paid by researchers to Muslim adolescents and 'young people' in recent years, the intention for this proposed project is to focus on families with children of primary school age and younger. The research questions are as follows: - How do different family members negotiate religious nurture in the context of a non-Muslim society? - How do children understand their religion? - How does religious nurture differ according to children's age, perceived stage and gender? - How does religious nurture differ between families according to religious traditions, ethnic backgrounds and social class? - How does religious nurture fit with parents' attempts to transmit ethnic and national identities to children? - How important is ritual to religious nurture? Are there particular places that have religious significance? - Is there evidence of increasing secular influences on Islamic beliefs and practices in Muslim families? - Is there evidence that ideas of spirituality and personal well-being are meaningful to Muslim families? The first task will be secondary quantitative analysis of existing government survey data (including the Home Office's Citizenship Survey). This analysis will both be of substantive interest in its own right and will also inform the sampling strategy for the main element of the research project, which is a qualitative case study of Muslims in Cardiff. This particular location has been chosen because its diverse Muslim population is fairly representative of the range of Muslim traditions and different ethnic groups in the UK. The qualitative research will consist of the following elements: - In 60 families there will be semi-structured interviews with at least one child and usually with two parents (although other family members would also be invited to take part) - In 30 of these families, children will be asked to keep oral diaries (via digital recorders) and to take photographs of places and events with religious significance - In 15 of these families there will also be some observation by the researchers of everyday religious practices. As well as being presented to academic audiences via a book, journals and conferences, there will be a public event to launch the research for a non-academic audience and a 'family day' for people who participated in the research, which will include child-friendly activities and entertainment. There will also be presentations at practice/policy conferences that are geared towards Muslim organisations and people working with children and families. The principal applicant has relevant experience in research on gender, family welfare and children's national and ethnic identities. The co-applicant has conducted research on various aspects of British Islam and is the Director of the Centre for the Study of Islam in the UK. Secondary quantitative analysis of the Home Office Citizenship Survey was carried out first. In the main phase, semi-structured, face-to-face interviews were conducted with 60 Muslim families in Cardiff with usually two parents and at least one child. In 24 of these families children kept oral diaries and took photographs of places and events with religious significance. Observations were also carried out.

In 2010 the Evangelical Alliance began a major research programme which would enable it to understand more fully the lives and concerns of its constituency of Evangelical Christians across the United Kingdom. In 2010 over 17,000 people, connected in some way with evangelical churches and networks, completed a questionnaire about their beliefs, religious practices, opinions on political and moral questions and on their involvement and activism in the community. Over 12,500 of them defined themselves as Evangelical Christians. Paper questionnaires were distributed at major Christian events and festivals, and through a sample of Evangelical Alliance member churches across the UK.

Subsequently a research panel, recruited in the first place from the 17,000 has been asked to take part in online surveys four times each year, with each wave of the survey concentrating on a specific theme or topic known to be of interest to the Alliance and/or its member organisations and churches. In the first online survey conducted around Easter 2011 over 1,150 people responded, in the Church Life survey carried out in November 2012 over 1,864 replies were analysed.

Further information is available on the Evangelical Alliance http://www.eauk.org/church/resources/snapshot/" title="21st Century Evangelicals">21st Century Evangelicals webpages.

End User Licence and Special Licence data:
Users should note that there are two versions of each Twenty-First Century Evangelicals study. One is available under the standard End User Licence (EUL) agreement (SN 7787), and the other is a Special Licence (SL) version (SN 7786). The SL version contains the text responses to the open-ended questions. The EUL version excludes the text responses to the open-ended questions.

The SL data have more restrictive access conditions than those made available under the standard EUL. Prospective users of the SL version will need to complete an extra application form and demonstrate to the data owners exactly why they need access to the additional variables in order to get permission to use that version. Therefore, users are strongly advised to order the standard version of the data.

Latest edition information:
For the fourth edition (February 2017), data and documentation for a new survey have been added. The survey has the theme of 'Religions, Belief and Unbelief' and covers views of secularism, religious diversity and interfaith relations. Further information is available from an article published in the IDEA magazine.

BackgroundMinority ethnic identification between physician and patient can reduce communication and access barriers, improve physician-patient relationship, trust, and health outcomes. Religion influences health beliefs, behaviours, treatment decisions, and outcomes. Ethically contentious dilemmas in treatment decisions are often entangled with religious beliefs. They feature more in medical specialties such as Anaesthesia & Intensive Care, with issues including informed consent for surgery, organ donation, transplant, transfusion, and end-of-life decisions.MethodsWe investigate diversity in religious affiliation in the UK medical workforce, using data from the General Medical Council (GMC) specialist register and Health Education England (HEE) trainee applications to medical specialties. We performed conservative Bonferroni corrections for multiple comparisons using Chi-squared tests, as well as normalised mutual-information scores. Robust associations that persisted on all sensitivity analyses are reported, investigating whether ethnicity or foreign primary medical qualification could explain the underlying association.FindingsThe only significant and robust association in both GMC and HEE datasets affecting the same religious group and specialty was disproportionately fewer Anaesthesia & Intensive Care physicians with a religious affiliation of “Muslim”, both as consultants (RR 0.57[0.47,0.7]) and trainee applicants (RR 0.27[0.19,0.38]. Associations were not explained by ethnicity or foreign training. We discuss the myriad of implications of the findings for multi-cultural societies.ConclusionsLack of physician workforce diversity has far-reaching consequences, especially for specialties such as Anaesthesia and Intensive Care, where ethically contentious decisions could have a big impact. Religious beliefs and practices, or lack thereof, may have unmeasured influences on clinical decisions and on whether patients identify with physicians, which in turn can affect health outcomes. Examining an influencing variable such as religion in healthcare decisions should be prioritised, especially considering findings from the clinician-patient concordance literature. It is important to further explore potential historical and socio-cultural barriers to entry of training medics into under-represented specialties, such as Anaesthesia and Intensive Care.

Our annual Workforce Diversity Profile has been published for 2024. The report highlights our workforce as of June 2024 and provides valuable insight into the diversity of our organisation. Our workforce From this report we can see our workforce includes 5.8% of colleagues who have chosen to stay employed with us for over 25 years - something we will continually celebrate. The average age of a Cambridgeshire County Council colleague is 46 years old, and 76% of our colleagues are female. 171 colleagues took either maternity, paternity or adoption leave or shared parental leave within this period. Comparing the workforce data to last year shows: Disclosure rates have increased for Ethnicity, Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity and Religion or Religious Belief in 2024, compared to 2023. The male/female split remains roughly the same. A slight increase in the proportion of Minority ethnic employees (Other ethnic group, Mixed or multiple ethnic group, Black, Black British, Caribbean or African, and Asian or Asian British).

In 2010 the Evangelical Alliance began a major research programme which would enable it to understand more fully the lives and concerns of its constituency of Evangelical Christians across the United Kingdom. In 2010 over 17,000 people, connected in some way with evangelical churches and networks, completed a questionnaire about their beliefs, religious practices, opinions on political and moral questions and on their involvement and activism in the community. Over 12,500 of them defined themselves as Evangelical Christians. Paper questionnaires were distributed at major Christian events and festivals, and through a sample of Evangelical Alliance member churches across the UK.

Subsequently a research panel, recruited in the first place from the 17,000 has been asked to take part in online surveys four times each year, with each wave of the survey concentrating on a specific theme or topic known to be of interest to the Alliance and/or its member organisations and churches. In the first online survey conducted around Easter 2011 over 1,150 people responded, in the Church Life survey carried out in November 2012 over 1,864 replies were analysed.

Further information is available on the Evangelical Alliance http://www.eauk.org/church/resources/snapshot/" title="21st Century Evangelicals">21st Century Evangelicals webpages.

End User Licence and Special Licence data:
Users should note that there are two versions of each Twenty-First Century Evangelicals study. One is available under the standard End User Licence (EUL) agreement (SN 7787), and the other is a Special Licence (SL) version (SN 7786). The SL version contains the text responses to the open-ended questions. The EUL version excludes the text responses to the open-ended questions.

The SL data have more restrictive access conditions than those made available under the standard EUL. Prospective users of the SL version will need to complete an extra application form and demonstrate to the data owners exactly why they need access to the additional variables in order to get permission to use that version. Therefore, users are strongly advised to order the standard version of the data.

Latest edition information:
For the fourth edition (February 2017), data and documentation for a new survey have been added. The survey has the theme of 'Religions, Belief and Unbelief' and covers views of secularism, religious diversity and interfaith relations. Further information is available from an article published in the IDEA magazine.

Middlesbrough’s current population was estimated to be 140,398 in 2016 by the Office of National Statistics (Mid-year population estimates 2016). With a total area of 5,387 hectares, Middlesbrough is the smallest and second most densely-populated local authority area in the north east. Significant changes in the population demographics of Middlesbrough since the 2001 Census highlight an increasingly diverse and ageing population in the town.Age[1]Middlesbrough has a younger population than both the national and regional averages, however there has been significant growth in the ageing population since Census 2001.20.58% of Middlesbrough’s resident population are Children and Young People aged 0 to 15 years. This is higher than the England rate of 19.05% and the north east rate of 17.74%.63.56% are ‘working age’ between 16 and 64 years. This is higher than both the England rate of 63.07% and the north east rate of 63.01%.15.90% are ‘older people’ aged over 65 years. This is lower than both the England rate of 17.88% and the north east rate of 19.25%.Gender [2]50.85% of Middlesbrough’s population were estimated to be female. This is in line with both the England rate of 50.60% and the north east rate of 50.92%49.15% of Middlesbrough’s population were estimated to be male. This is in line with the England rate of 49.40% and the north east rate of 49.08%.Women in Middlesbrough live longer than men, with 17.62% of women are aged over 65 years. This is lower than both the England rate of 19.75% and the north east rate of 21.43%The gender breakdown of Council employment figures is 70.57% women and 29.42% men. This is not reflective of the wider labour market figures of 47% and 53% respectively[3] though it is broadly comparable with the employment levels in other local authorities.[4]Sexual Orientation[5]Office for National Statistics has estimated that 94.6% of Middlesbrough’s population identify as heterosexual or straight, with 1.2% identifying as gay or lesbian, 0.4% identify as bisexual, as a result of the Annual Population Survey 2016. This is higher than the north east region and England.Ethnic Diversity[6]Middlesbrough is the most ethnically diverse local authority area in the Tees Valley, with a British Minority Ethnic population of 11.7% identified at Census 2011, an increase of 86% since 2001 and which is projected to grow further.88.18% of Middlesbrough’s resident population were classed as White (with various sub-groups) this was lower than the north east rate of 93.63% but higher than the England rate of 79.75%. Middlesbrough is the second most ethnically diverse local authority in the north east, behind Newcastle upon Tyne with 81.92% classed as White.7.78% were classed as Asian/Asian British (with sub-groups), this is higher than the north east rate of 2.87% but slightly lower albeit in lien with the England rate of 7.82%. Again, Middlesbrough is only behind Newcastle upon Tyne on this measure (9.67%), however has the highest percentage in the Tees Valley.1.71% of the population were identified as Mixed/Multiple ethnic groups (with sub-groups), this was higher than the north east rate of 0.86% but slower than the national rate of 2.25%. Middlesbrough had the highest percentage of this group in the north east.1.25% of the population were identified as Black/Africa/Caribbean/Black British, this was higher than the north east rate of 0.51% but lower than the England rate of 3.48%. Middlesbrough is only behind Newcastle upon Tyne on this measure (1.84%), however has the highest percentage in the Tees Valley.1.08% of the population were identified as Other Ethnic Group, this was higher than both the England rate of 1.03% and the north east rate of 0.43%. Middlesbrough is only behind Newcastle upon Tyne with 1.46%, however has the highest percentage in the Tees Valley.8.2% of Middlesbrough’s total population were born outside of the UK as at census 2011, this was lower than the England rate of 8.21% but almost double the north east rate of 4.95%. Middlesbrough has the highest percentage of residents born outside of the UK in the Tees Valley, however it is second behind Newcastle upon Tyne in the north east.15.74% of Asylum seekers in the north east were reported to be resident in Middlesbrough in the period October to December 2017 (Q4). Newcastle upon Tyne has the highest rate with 23.66%, followed by Stockton-on-Tees with 19.73%, this places Middlesbrough third in the north east and second in the Tees Valley.ONS reports a rise in the number of Non-British nationals per 1,000 of the resident population, with 51.1 in 2011 and 72.5 in 2015. This is higher than the north east with 27.7 rising to 34.3 and lower than England at 83.5 rising to 93.2Gender Identity[7]The Gender Identity Research & Education Society (GIRES) estimates that about 1% of the British population are gender nonconforming to some degree. The numbers of Trans boys and Trans girls are about equal. The number of people seeking treatment is growing every year.Based on GIRES estimate, around 1,400 members of Middlesbrough’s population could be gender nonconforming, however this is an estimate.Whilst there is a requirement for data on gender identity, there are currently no means for recording it. The Office for National Statistics is currently considering the addition of a question on Gender Identity for the 2021 Census, however at this time it is under consultation as to how it will be added and worded to best suit this group of the population.Religion and Belief71.59% of Middlesbrough’s resident population were identified as having religion in the 2011 census. This is higher than both England with 68.09% and the north east with 70.52%22.25% of the population were identified as having no religion, this was lower than both England with 24.74% and the north east with 23.40%.6.16% of the population did not state their religion, this was lower than England with 7.18%, but higher than the north east with 6.08%.63.23% of the population were identified as Christian, this was higher than England with 59.38% but lower than the north east with 67.52%.7.05% of the population were identified as Muslim, this was higher than both England with 5.02% and the north east with 1.80%. Middlesbrough has the highest Muslim population in the north east and the Tees Valley.The remaining proportion of the population were identified as Buddhist, Hindu, Jewish, Sikh and ‘Other religion’ each accounting for less than 1% of the population. This trend is seen in the England and north east averages.

As the COVID-19 pandemic hit, Orthodox Christians globally reacted to the possibility of contagion and risk in dialogue with theological positions about materials, their own long history which includes surviving previous pandemics and plagues, governmental and civil expectations and edicts, and pious – but often unofficial – understandings about protection and the sacrality of religious artefacts and the space of the temple. This dataset aggregates primary ethnographic research amongst Orthodox Christians in the UK, Serbia, Greece and Russia to highlight commonalities and divergences in Orthodox Christian responses to the pandemic. Examining both the theological basis, and socio-political differences, this dataset focuses on how the Orthodox theology of apophaticism and relationality impacts wider discourses of contagion (both positive and negative), and consequently compliance with public health initiatives. Comparison across diverse Orthodox settings highlights Orthodox Christian concern with the neighbour – both in terms of who may be watching (and reporting) them, and who may fall sick because of them.Aims: This project asks 'What role does the material ecology play in shaping the sociopolitics of Global Orthodoxy?' as a case study for global political discourse and the role of material in the social dynamics of religion. Impact: Orthodox Christianity is a tradition based on discourse, but there has been very little research looking at the specifics of how it works. Focusing on discourse also tends to over emphasise words and belief. But what if, like Max Muller, we insist that religion must start with what is perceived, not with concepts like 'belief in the supernatural'? This means we situate discursive traditions like Orthodoxy not in concepts but in the material culture of local and global religious groups. This reframes how we understand religion, and forefronts the impact that religious practice has upon material aspects of our experience like health, the environment and geopolitics. Context: Much social scientific interest in religion looks at the variation in the lived religion from one place to another. However, there are moments - such as in April 2018 when the President of Ukraine asked the Greek Patriarch to intervene into the Russian Church in the Ukraine - when religion can not be studied only in the local lived expression. Situations such as the conflict in Ukraine are complicated by historic tension between local Orthodox Churches. Disagreements in the interpretation of the theology of the body, person, and environment foment political tension within the Churches, between the Churches and external bodies, and between nations. The materiality of discourse must be seen as central to the form and practice of the tradition. Research: Framed in terms of three research domains, this project focuses on the material conditions of Global Orthodox sociopolitics, conducting research amongst Orthodox Christians and religious institutions. The project investigates how the properties and affordances of the material ecology (including the body, the built environment and wider 'natural' order) shape and are marshalled within the discourse of the Orthodox Churches. The three domains are the Body, Person, and Environment. The Body domain addresses issues such as medical interventions, like IVF and organ donation, which are, across Global Orthodoxy, contentious to varying degrees. The material body becomes a place for negotiating ethical goods (eg extending life, fertility, honouring God). The Person domain examines the variance in permission different churches grant concerning family and marriage practices (eg divorce, family planning). There is also a mounting discourse around identity politics, with some voices pushing for an open approach to homosexuality and women clergy. The material of the body, person, and Church are marshalled as the grounding for historically contingent, philosophically premised, and scientifically inflected arguments for or against 'progressive' movements. Finally, the Environment domain examines the relationship between humans, specific locations, and the earth as a whole. Orthodox theologians highlight an emphasis on 'stewardship of the earth' and call for active engagement in ecological conservation. Issues such as Global Warming take an explicitly religious imperative, as scientific data points to human failure to fulfil their God-given role as caretakers. The control of land (including places like Crimea and Jerusalem) also becomes a religious duty with geopolitical impact. Output: This project will produce one academic book on the material aspects of the sociopolitics of Orthodox Christianity, a book written for a general audience looking at key case studies around contemporary issues in Orthodoxy, six academic articles, white papers and policy advice on various issues relating to the health and wellbeing of Orthodox Christians and their homelands, and pamphlets written with stakeholder community leaders to help address social issues within the community settings.

The latest population figures produced by the Office for National Statistics (ONS) on 28 June 2018 show that an estimated 534,800 people live in Bradford District – an increase of 2,300 people (0.4%) since the previous year.

Bradford District is the fifth largest metropolitan district (in terms of population) in England, after Birmingham, Leeds, Sheffield and Manchester although the District’s population growth is lower than other major cities.

The increase in the District’s population is largely due to “natural change”- there have been around 3,300 more births than deaths, although this has been balanced by a larger number of people leaving Bradford to live in other parts of the UK than coming to live here and a lower number of international migrants. In 2016/17 the net internal migration was -2,700 and the net international migration was 1,700.

A large proportion of Bradford’s population is dominated by the younger age groups. More than one-quarter (29%) of the District’s population is aged less than 20 and nearly seven in ten people are aged less than 50. Bradford has the highest percentage of the under 16 population in England after the London Borough of Barking and Dagenham, Slough Borough Council and Luton Borough Council.

The population of Bradford is ethnically diverse. The largest proportion of the district’s population (63.9%) identifies themselves as White British. The district has the largest proportion of people of Pakistani ethnic origin (20.3%) in England.

The largest religious group in Bradford is Christian (45.9% of the population). Nearly one quarter of the population (24.7%) are Muslim. Just over one fifth of the district’s population (20.7%) stated that they had no religion.

There are 216,813 households in the Bradford district. Most households own their own home (29.3% outright and 35.7% with a mortgage). The percentage of privately rented households is 18.1%. 29.6% of households were single person households.

Information from the Annual Population Survey in December 2017 found that Bradford has 228,100 people aged 16-64 in employment. At 68% this is significantly lower than the national rate (74.9%). 91,100 (around 1 in 3 people) aged 16-64, are not in work. The claimant count rate is 2.9% which is higher than the regional and national averages.

Skill levels are improving with 26.5% of 16 to 74 year olds educated to degree level. 18% of the district’s employed residents work in retail/wholesale. The percentage of people working in manufacturing has continued to decrease from 13.4% in 2009 to 11.9% in 2016. This is still higher than the average for Great Britain (8.1%).

George Khodr – Broumana 10 & 15 January, 2013 Incorporates: WS214993 Different experiences of spirituality WS214995 WS214997 Differing interpretations of Easter, worldly wealth, religious identity. WS214998 WS214999 The Philokalia, deification, difficulty of the spiritual life, Sufis and loving God, Christian-Muslim common ground found in the mystical experience, the inspiration of Symeon the New Theologian, monasticism and marriage, love. 22 October, 2013 Need for spiritual revival. 23 October, 2013 BK’s hatred of power, the appeal of the Russian emigré movement, theosis, Sufism. 24 October, 2013 The priest’s role, Christian and Muslim mysticism, Sufism, how to interpret for the modern age, reduced spirituality, loving Christ above all people. 25 October, 2013 Gethsemane, the Orthodox Youth Movement, the msytical side of the Liturgy, “the pious generation”, icons and the meaning of iconography. 26 October, 2013 Love of Russian Orthodoxy, what it means to be Orthodox, identity, the difference between East and West, ecumenism, Christian-Muslim dialogue, Hallaj and deification, sinning. 29 October, 2013 Father Bassam – University of Balamand Pastoral theology, modern life in Lebanon, modernity, the role of the priest, the psychological dimension to the training of priests, social relations in Lebanon, Christian and Muslim responses to modernity, the changing face of family life in Lebanon. Nicolas Abou Mrad – University of Balamand BK’s character, his reputation, his standing in the Church and with politicians, Orthodoxy’s reaction to modernity. George Nahas – University of Balamand The Orthodox Youth Movement, institutionalisation, the Orthodox Church as an organisation, spiritual life in the Church, internationalism, the World Council of Churches, ecumenism, the Church of Antioch, the effect of modernity on the Church, women in the priesthood. Elie Dannaoui – University of Balamand Lebanese political parties, the Orthodox Church, the Orthodox Youth Movement, Christian-Muslim relations, historical perspectives of the Church, modernity. As‘ad Khairallah – American University of Beirut BK’s character, attitude to other religions, diversity, his refusal to compromise, BK’s style, the Other, the Orthodox Church, the Orthodox community, people’s religiosity, the modern generation. Kallistos Ware – Oxford, 24 March, 2014 Individuality, personhood, the Trinity, Cappadocians, religious and non-religious stance on the question of personhood, identity, existential meaning, modern existential anxiety, being made in the image of God, pastoral theology, the nature of mystery. Kallistos Ware – Oxford, 9 January, 2017 Existential religiosity, the Incarnation, salvation, the Crucifixion, God sharing in human life, Christ’s understanding and experience of suffering, Christ’s agony in Gethsemane, Christ’s experiencing the loss of God on the cross, Anthony Bloom, Orthodox missionary work, personhood, being made in the image of God, human relationship with God, self-awareness, freedom to make choices.

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The research considered the ways that faith is experienced and negotiated by seafarers on board cargo ships as well as the provisions for faith/welfare made by charitable organisations based in ports ashore.

In order to understand these areas, we used a combination of qualitative research methods, specifically, observation and interviews. Fifty-five shipboard semi-structured interviews with seafarers were carried out (representing all of those seafarers who were present while the researcher was on board). Interviews were conducted with reference to a flexible interview guide and they were digitally recorded and transcribed. Transcripts were analysed and thematically coded using Nvivo 12. Shipboard research was complemented by research in two seafarers’ centres ashore. These UK-based centres have been assigned the pseudonyms Riverside and Porton. Both centres supplied services to more than one port within their locality and were run by different faith-based charities. They were chosen with reference to the size and cargoes of the ports concerned and the organisations running them. An interview guide provided the framework for semi-structured interviews with chaplains and volunteers in these two ports. Five formal interviews were carried out with paid staff, and ten formal interviews were carried out with volunteers, at the two centres. We supplemented our research in the two ports with nine interviews with representatives from the main charitable bodies connected to seafarers’ welfare (3 in the UK and 6 based outside the UK) and with seven additional chaplains/volunteers providing welfare services for seafarers in both UK (1) and non-UK (6) ports. Chaplains were selected with reference to gender and nationality to ensure an appropriate mix.

Interviews with non-Filipino seafarers and port-based centre staff and volunteers were undertaken in English. Interviews with Filipino participants were undertaken in Tagalog and were subsequently translated by the fieldworker. All seafarers on board the two ships where observational work was conducted were included in the research resulting in a full representation of all ranks on board. All seafarers on board were male which is common in the cargo shipping sector where less than 1% of the workforce is estimated to be female. Interviews were of between one and two hours duration.

In increasingly secular societies the significance of religion could be regarded as waning. However, with increased population mobility and the tendency for some conflict to be cast around religious difference it is critical that the social sciences return to religion as a centrally important tenet. This project considers religious difference alongside spiritual need in relation to the case of global seafaring. The research will make an important contribution to our understanding of how multi-faith groups peacefully co-exist and what factors may disrupt/threaten social harmony in religiously diverse populations. The project will focus upon seafarers from different countries and of multiple faiths living and working together on ships and in ports. In the context of the challenging social circumstances where they live and work (confined in relatively small spaces on board working cargo ships and largely isolated from wider society) it will explore how they understand their own spirituality and that of colleagues and how they manage/experience religious needs/expression. Traditionally ports in the UK and US have provided chaplaincy/welfare services to international seafarers of multiple faiths in an effort to meet a variety of spiritual/social needs. These past and present services will also be a focus for the research. Archive data will be collected charting the historical development of chaplaincy in ports in the UK/US. In addition, contemporary chaplains will be included as participants in order to understand how they shape and practice their respective religious beliefs, alongside their vocation for ministry, and how their organisations have changed over time in relation to their objectives and practices in funding such ministry. This combination of research concerns will provide the opportunity for us to analyse seafarers' own religious perspectives and attitudes towards other faiths; seafarers' spiritual needs; available support for seafarers' spiritual needs within the confines of ports; access and experiences of such port-based welfare/religious services (from the point of view of seafarers) the objectives of organisations providing chaplaincy in ports and their associated plans for the future. Three aims guide the project 1) We aim to inform better welfare/spiritual provision by organisations working in ports to seafarers calling at them 2) We aim to gain a better understanding of how traditional/non-traditional religions/spirituality are expressed, experienced, and negotiated in ports and in multinational residential workplaces (i.e. ships). 3) We will explore the evolution of religion in limited but important situations outside congregations and formally designated religious sites. In this we aim to add to academic understandings of contemporary 'religion' and its diversity and to study religion/spirituality beyond expected locations (e.g. churches/religious communities). The study has 4 main components. 1) Historical examination of archive material relating to the development of welfare and religious services in US/UK ports 2) A series of semi-structured interviews with key stakeholder organisations, which fund/manage current port-based ministry and welfare 3) Port-based ethnography focussing on observation of chaplaincy 'in action' and interviews with key participants/providers 4) Shipboard ethnography focussing on seafarers and their spiritual/religious practices/needs/expression. This bi-national case study will be conducted by a multi-disciplinary team of sociologists and theologians. It will assess continuities/discontinuities between ports in terms of provision and the diverse ways religion is present on cargo ships. This will be of practical value to seafarers and those attempting to meet their spiritual/religious needs, of academic value to scholars of religion and the workplace, and of general value in raising awareness of a vital but neglected area of modern economic life.

The percentage in the brackets demonstrates the percentage of each religious affiliation within that specialty as a total of the religious affiliation i.e., 9.7% of all atheists are anaesthetists or intensivists. Please note that each doctor can be registered in more than one speciality.

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The survey experiment data was collected by the polling company YouGov Denmark, who have access to large panels of respondents in each of the two countries. 1000 respondents in each country who identified as Christian, Protestant or Catholic when asked what religion, if any, they belong to in a screening question were entered into the full questionnaire. YouGov collects information on the gender, age, geographic region and education of their panel respondents, and the sample is representative, and weighted according to these characteristics. The questionnaire was designed in English and translated and back translated to Dutch and Danish respectively to ensure the similarity of meaning in the different languages. The survey experiment was conducted as a 2x2x2 design, with Country, Prime and Frame being the distinguishing variables. Prime: In each country participants were divided into two equally sized groups. Each group was primed with a brief statement about either the Uncontrollability of their financial future, or their Control over their financial future. In each condition they were also asked to provide three reasons (in their own words) why they were either in control or not in control of their financial future. Frame: The participants were then given 10 statements about their religiosity to answer on a scale from (0) "Do not agree at all" to (10) "Completely agree". Each participant was presented with one of two different frames:The collective identity frame includes statements such as: "I consider myself a Christian because: I am Danish / Dutch, I celebrate Christmas, I was Baptised, My mother and/or father are Christian". The personal identity frame includes statements such as: "I consider myself a Christian because I have a personal relationship with God, I believe in an afterlife, I am a spiritual person".

A number of sociological and psychological studies have shown that situations of insecurity and threat could increase religious in-group identification. The proposed research project investigates whether between-country differences in Christian identity, would be strengthened by priming participants with salience of threat to the national economy. A survey experiment will be conducted on a large representative sample of self-defined Christians from the Netherlands and Denmark, two countries with marked difference in the relationship between religious and national identity. Our hypothesis is that these differences would be heightened in a situation of threat salience. Specifically, we predict that people primed with control threat will describe their religion more in terms of collective identity in Denmark, and personal identity in the Netherlands.