On June 30, 2023, the United States Supreme Court ruled that creative businesses have the right to deny services to LGBTQ customers when it is in violation of religious beliefs. A survey conducted shortly after found that approval for the decision was highest amongst Republicans, at 74 percent. Amongst those who identify as Democrats, 19 percent approved.

The issue of devotional activity in the public schools has long been a staple of the U.S. Supreme Court's agenda, but knowledge of the local implementation of school prayer policy remains limited to the Court's earliest decisions. To what extent are schools presently engaged in religious activities prohibited by the Court? This study addresses this question through a survey in which recent high school graduates provided data on the level and types of devotional practices in their schools. The results suggest that there continues to be resistance to the Supreme Court, especially in the South, in rural and less educated communities, and in areas with higher concentrations of conservative Christians.

Recently, scholars have increasingly examined the unique blending of Christian and political ideology known as Christian nationalism. During this period, the U.S. Supreme Court has increasingly ruled in ways that favor Christian nationalism, and Court watchers have criticized several justices for showing bias toward Christianity at best and Christian nationalism at worst. We use two large, nationally representative samples to examine the connection between Christian nationalism and attitudes about the Court. Observationally, we ask if this ideology relates to support for the Court’s decision to overturn abortion rights and agreement with the use of non-legal and religious logic in decisions. Experimentally, we test whether exposure to a story about Justice Alito flying a Christian nationalist flag can legitimate the use of religious decision making logic. We find support for all three propositions, indicating the Court’s recent turn has real effects on its supporters, its legitimacy, and, potentially, its future behavior.

Replication material for Carrington, Keck, and Sigsworth "Minority Rights, Governing Regimes, or Secular Elites: Who Benefits from the Protection of Religious and Anti-Religious Speech by the U.S. Supreme Court and European Court of Human Rights?" Contains list of ECtHR and SCOTUS cases analyzed in the paper, along with whether the case has a pro- or anti-speech outcome, has a religious or anti-religious speech act, whether the speech claimant is majority or minority, whether the target of anti-religious speech is a majority or minority, and whether the anti-religious speech is secular or religious in nature.

The data collection represents a loose collaboration between Georgetown University's Center for Democracy and Civil Society (CDACS) and the European Social Survey (ESS). These data contain responses from three separate interviews referred to as Wave One (t1), Wave Two (t2), and Wave Three (t3). Wave One data are from the United States Citizenship, Involvement, Democracy (CID) Survey, and consisted of in-person interviews with a representative sample of 1,001 Americans. The CID survey is a study of American civic engagement, social capital, and democracy in comparative perspective, and it provides perspective on citizen participation in both the public and private realms. The CID survey is integrated with several elements of a module from the 2002 version of the ESS, which was administered in 22 European countries. In addition to the replicated questions from the ESS, the CID survey includes questions related to the themes of social capital, activities in formal clubs and organizations, informal social networks and activities, personal networks (strong and weak ties), the composition and diversity of ties and associations, trust (in other people, the community, institutions, and politicians), local democracy and participation, democratic values, political citizenship, social citizenship, views on immigration and diversity, political identifications, ideology, mobilization and action, and tolerance (concerning views and attitudes, least-likes groups, and racial stereotypes). Wave Two data was collected during the Alito Confirmation Process through re-interviews via telephone of 335 respondents who had completed the 2005 (Wave One) survey. Wave Three data was obtained after the Alito Confirmation Process, comprising re-interviews via telephone of 259 individuals who particpated in Wave Two. Both Wave Two and Wave Three included questions regarding respondents' political affiliations, views on politics and social issues, and trust in groups of people and institutions. In addition the survey queried respondents concerning their knowledge and opinion of the United States Supreme Court and Congress, Supreme Court judges, the confirmation of Samuel Alito to the Supreme Court, as well as advertisements about the process, and their opinion on the rulings of the Supreme Court. Demographic variables include: Wave One - age, gender, race, marital status, religious affilitation and participation, highest level of education (respondent and respondent's partner), employment status (respondent and respondent's partner), income, nationality, and citizenship; Wave Two - has no demographic variables; Wave Three - age, gender, race, and religious affiliation and participation. Also included are attributes of the interviewer and interviewer observations.

This poll, conducted May 12-15, 1994, is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. Respondents were asked to give their opinions of President Bill Clinton and his handling of the presidency and issues such as crime and the situation in Haiti, and whether he was doing a better job handling the economy and foreign affairs than former President George H.W. Bush. Views were sought on Clinton's health care plan, the nomination of Stephen G. Breyer to the United States Supreme Court, and the ability of the federal government to solve problems. A series of questions addressed Clinton's handling of the Haitian refugees attempting to enter the United States by boat, whether he could be trusted to make the right decisions regarding the United States role in world affairs, and whether his handling of foreign affairs was creating anti-American feelings overseas. Those polled also gave their opinions of First Lady Hillary Clinton, Vice President Al Gore, former Vice President Dan Quayle, Reform Party founder Ross Perot, and Senator Bob Dole, and specific questions asked whether Quayle and Perot were qualified to be president. Other questions focused on President Clinton's role in the Whitewater investigation, the sexual harassment charges made against him by former Arkansas state employee Paula Jones, and whether respondents would vote for a Democrat or Republican candidate if the upcoming United States House of Representatives election were held that day. Additional topics covered life after death, spirits, souls, near-death experiences, reincarnation, heaven, hell, unidentified flying objects (UFOs), and extraterrestrial life. Demographic variables include sex, age, race, marital status, labor union membership, employment status, household income, education level, perceived social class, type of residential area (e.g., urban, rural, etc.), religious preference, political party affiliation, political orientation, and voter registration status and participation history.