House prices vary widely in the United Kingdom (UK), but housing in certain cities and counties is substantially pricier than in others. Surrey, for example, concentrated four of the most expensive towns to buy a home, including Virginia Water, Cobham, and Esher. With an average house price of over one million British pounds as of June 2024, housing in these towns cost roughly four times the national average. How did house prices change since the COVID-19 pandemic? Since the start of the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic, demand for housing has been especially high, causing house prices to soar. Among major UK cities, the house price increase was most prominent in Belfast, where it rose by 5.5 percent in 2024. According to the UK House Price Index, the average annual house price increase on a national level was even higher. How long does it take to sell a house? With the demand for housing going strong and inventory running low, aspiring homeowners need to act faster than ever when making an offer on a home. The average number of days on market has continued shortening since the start of 2021 and was a little over a month as of October 2021. Surprisingly, selling a property took the longest in the UK’s most competitive market - London.

This GLA Intelligence Update takes a brief look at evidence around the wealth gap in London and examines how this has changed in recent years.

Key Findings

• There is a significant gap between the rich and poor in London, both in terms of their wealth and their income.
• A higher proportion of the wealthiest households are in the South East of England than in London.
• Pension wealth accounts for more than half the wealth of the richest ten per cent of the population.
• In London, the tenth of the population with the highest income have weekly income after housing costs of over £1,000 while people in the lowest tenth have under £94 per week.
• The gap between rich and poor is growing, with the difference between the average income for the second highest tenth and second lowest tenth growing around 14 per cent more than inflation since 2003.

Click on the report below to read

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The data included in the report is available to download here

This statistic presents the wealth distribution among households in the United Kingdom (UK) in 2018. Approximately 44.6 percent adults in the United Kingdom found themselves in the bracket of between 100 thousand and one million U.S. dollars as their household private wealth.

At the turn of the twentieth century, the wealthiest one percent of people in the United Kingdom controlled 71 percent of net personal wealth, while the top ten percent controlled 93 percent. The share of wealth controlled by the rich in the United Kingdom fell throughout the twentieth century, and by 1990 the richest one percent controlled 16 percent of wealth, and the richest ten percent just over half of it.

As of 2024, the GDP per capita or gross domestic product per person was almost 52,420 U.S. dollars per person. The GDP per capita is derived from the country's total GDP divided by the population. The average or mean wealth per person in the United Kingdom (UK) was higher than the median or middle value of wealth per person living in the UK.

Data on household wealth in Great Britain by ethnic group. Includes total, property, financial, physical and private pension wealth by age, region, household composition and housing tenure.

In 2017, the number of individuals living in the United Kingdom (UK) with a net worth of over 30 million U.S. dollars excluding the value of their primary residence was almost 17,700 people. This number is expected to grow to over 26,000 by 2027.

This statistic illustrates the number of millionaire (HNWI, UHNWI) and billionaire individuals in the United Kingdom (UK) in selected years from 2013 to 2018 and a forecast for 2023, by wealth bracket. The high, ultra-high and billionaire's population grew steadily throughout time, with projection to increase approximately 19 percent, 21 percent and 24 percent respectively by 2023 in comparison to 2018.

The Wealth and Assets Survey (WAS) is a longitudinal survey, which aims to address gaps identified in data about the economic well-being of households by gathering information on level of assets, savings and debt; saving for retirement; how wealth is distributed among households or individuals; and factors that affect financial planning. Private households in Great Britain were sampled for the survey (meaning that people in residential institutions, such as retirement homes, nursing homes, prisons, barracks or university halls of residence, and also homeless people were not included).

The WAS commenced in July 2006, with a first wave of interviews carried out over two years, to June 2008. Interviews were achieved with 30,595 households at Wave 1. Those households were approached again for a Wave 2 interview between July 2008 and June 2010, and 20,170 households took part. Wave 3 covered July 2010 - June 2012, Wave 4 covered July 2012 - June 2014 and Wave 5 covered July 2014 - June 2016. Revisions to previous waves' data mean that small differences may occur between originally published estimates and estimates from the datasets held by the UK Data Service. These revisions are due to improvements in the imputation methodology.

Note from the WAS team - November 2023:
"The Office for National Statistics has identified a very small number of outlier cases present in the seventh round of the Wealth and Assets Survey covering the period April 2018 to March 2020. Our current approach is to treat cases where we have reasonable evidence to suggest the values provided for specific variables are outliers. This approach did not occur for two individuals for several variables involved in the estimation of their pension wealth. While we estimate any impacts are very small overall and median pension wealth and median total wealth estimates are unaffected, this will affect the accuracy of the breakdowns of the pension wealth within the wealthiest decile, and data derived from them. We are urging caution in the interpretation of more detailed estimates."

Survey Periodicity - "Waves" to "Rounds"
Due to the survey periodicity moving from "Waves" (July, ending in June two years later) to “Rounds” (April, ending in March two years later), interviews using the ‘Wave 6’ questionnaire started in July 2016 and were conducted for 21 months, finishing in March 2018. Data for round 6 covers the period April 2016 to March 2018. This comprises of the last three months of Wave 5 (April to June 2016) and 21 months of Wave 6 (July 2016 to March 2018). Round 5 and Round 6 datasets are based on a mixture of original wave-based datasets. Each wave of the survey has a unique questionnaire and therefore each of these round-based datasets are based on two questionnaires. While there may be some changes in the questionnaires, the derived variables for the key wealth estimates have not changed over this period. The aim is to collect the same data, though in some cases the exact questions asked may differ slightly. Detailed information on Moving the Wealth and Assets Survey onto a financial years’ basis was published on the ONS website in July 2019.

Further information and documentation may be found on the ONS Wealth and Assets Survey webpage. Users are advised to the check the page for updates before commencing analysis.

Users should note that issues with linking have been reported and the WAS team are currently investigating.

Secure Access WAS data
The Secure Access version of the WAS includes additional, detailed geographical variables not included in the End User Licence (EUL) version (SN 7215). These include:

• Wards
• Parliamentary Constituency Areas for Wave 1 only
• Census Output Areas
• Lower Layer Super Output Areas
• Local Authorities
  
• Local Education Authorities

Prospective users of the Secure Access version of the WAS will need to fulfil additional requirements, including completion of face-to-face training, and agreement to the Secure Access User Agreement and Licence Compliance Policy, in order to obtain permission to use that version (see 'Access' section below). Users are therefore strongly encouraged to download the EUL version (SN 7215) to see if it contains sufficient detail for their needs, before considering making an application for the Secure Access version.

Latest Edition Information
For the ninth edition (October 2022), the Round 7 person and household data have been updated. The Round 7 Wave 1 Variable Catalogue Excel file has also been updated.

The values of any financial assets held including both formal investments, such as bank or building society current or saving accounts, investment vehicles such as Individual Savings Accounts, endowments, stocks and shares, and informal savings.

Individual-level estimates of total wealth (July 2010 to March 2020) and regression estimates for the latest survey period.

Total wealth is the sum of the four components of wealth and is therefore net of all liabilities.

This data file includes the Gini coefficient calculated for different wealth welfare aggregates constructed for all Luxembourg Wealth Study (LWS) datasets in all waves (as of March 2022). It includes Gini coefficients calculated on: • Disposable Net Worth • Value of Principal residence • Financial Assets

This project sought to renew the ESRC's invaluable financial support to LIS (formerly the Luxembourg Income Study) for a period of five more years. LIS is an independent, non-profit cross-national data archive and research institute located in Luxembourg. LIS relies on financial contributions from national science foundations, other research institutions and consortia, data-providing agencies, and supranational organisations to support data harmonisation and enable free and unlimited data access to researchers in the participating countries and to students world-wide. LIS' primary activity is to make harmonised household microdata available to researchers, thus enabling cross-national, interdisciplinary primary research into socio-economic outcomes and their determinants. Users of the Luxembourg Income Study Database and Luxembourg Wealth Study Database come from countries around the globe, including the UK. LIS has four goals: 1) to harmonise microdatasets from high- and middle-income countries that include data on income, wealth, employment, and demography; 2) to provide a secure method for researchers to query data that would otherwise be unavailable due to country-specific privacy restrictions; 3) to create and maintain a remote-execution system that sends research query results quickly back to users at off-site locations; and 4) to enable, facilitate, promote and conduct crossnational comparative research on the social and economic wellbeing of populations across countries. LIS contains the Luxembourg Income Study (LIS) Database, which includes income data, and the Luxembourg Wealth Study (LWS) Database, which focuses on wealth data. LIS currently includes microdata from 46 countries in Europe, the Americas, Africa, Asia and Australasia. LIS contains over 250 datasets, organised into eight time "waves," spanning the years 1968 to 2011. Since 2007, seventeen more countries have been added to LIS, including the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa), Japan, South Korea and a number of other Latin American countries. LWS contains 20 wealth datasets from 12 countries, including the UK, and covers the period 1994 to 2007. All told, LIS and LWS datasets together cover 86% of world GDP and 64% of world population. Users submit statistical queries to the microdatabases using a Java-based job submission interface or standard email. The databases are especially valuable for primary research in that they offer access to cross-national data at the micro-level - at the level of households and persons. Users are economists, sociologists, political scientists, and policy analysts, among others, and they employ a range of statistical approaches and methods. LIS also provides extensive documentation - metadata - for both LIS and LWS, concerning technical aspects of the survey data, the harmonisation process, and the social institutions of income and wealth provision in participating countries. In the next five years, for which support is sought, LIS will: - expand LIS, adding Waves IX (2013) and X (2016), and add new middle-income countries; - develop LWS, adding another wave of datasets to existing countries; acquire new wealth datasets for 14 more countries in cooperation with the European Central Bank (based on the Household Finance and Consumption Survey); - create a state-of-the-art metadata search and storage system; - maintain international standards in data security and data infrastructure systems; - provide high-quality harmonised household microdata to researchers around the world; - enable interdisciplinary cross-national social science research covering 45+ countries, including the UK; - aim to broaden its reach and impact in academic and non-academic circles through focused communications strategies and collaborations.

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner.

The purpose of these data is to study the social origins and residual economic worth of elite individuals in British society, 1880-1970.
Main Topics:

Variables
Sex, date of birth, elite category (e.g. Cabinet Ministers, peerage, landowners, millionaires, company chairmen), inherited title, highest created title, Government of first peerage creation, membership of Governments, primary and secondary occupations, place of secondary and higher education, religion, party afiliation, highest level of political participation, probate and land valuation, kinship with other wealth holders/other elites.
Father: elite category, title, social class, occupation, probate and land valuation, date of death.

Please note: this study does not include information on named individuals and would therefore not be useful for personal family history research.

This data collection consists of 18 interview transcripts meant to explore the rationales and methods by which investors in Hong Kong buy properties in the UK. The life and impact of the residential choices of the 'super rich' has been a major strand in research by the research team. This work advanced the proposition that the upper-tier of income groups living in cities tend to exploit particular forms of service provision (such as education, cultural life and personal services), are largely distanced from the mundane flow of social life in urban areas and tend to be withdrawn from the civic life of cities more generally. Some of this work is underpinned by the literature on, for example, gated communities, but it has surprisingly been under-used as the guiding framework for close empirical work in affluent neighbourhoods, perhaps largely as a result of the perceived difficulty of working with such individuals. This project will allow us to generate insights into how super-rich neighbourhoods operate, how people come to live there and the social and economic tensions and trade-offs that exist as such processes are allowed to run. As many people question the role and value of wealth and identify inequality as a growing social problem this research will feed into public conversations and policymaker concerns about how socially vital cities can be maintained when capital investment may undermine such objectives on one level (the creation of neighbourhoods that are both exclusive and often 'abandoned' for large parts of the year), while potentially fulfilling broader ambitions at others (over tax receipts for example).

Social research has tended not to focus on the super-rich, largely because they are hard to locate, and even harder to collaborate with in research. In this project we seek to address these concerns by focusing extensive research effort on the question of where and how the super-rich live and invest in the property markets of the cities of Hong Kong and London. We see these cities as exemplary in assisting in the construction of further insights and knowledge in how the super-rich seek residential investment opportunities, how they live there when they are 'at home' in such residences and how these patterns of investment shape the social, political and economic life of these cities more broadly. Given that the super-rich make such decisions on the basis of tax incentives and the attraction of major cultural infrastructure (such as galleries and theatre) we have proposed a program of research capable of offering an inside account of the practices that go to make-up these investment patterns including processes of searching for suitable property, its financing, the kinds of property deemed to be suitable and an analysis of how estate agents and city authorities seek to capitalise and retain the potentially highly mobile investment by the super-rich.

In economic terms the life and functioning of rich neighbourhood spaces appears intuitively important. For example, attractive and safe spaces for captains of industry, senior figures in political and non-government organizations are often regarded as major markers of urban vitality and the foundation of social networks that may make-up the broader glue of civic and political society. Yet we know very little about how such neighbourhoods operate, who they attract and how they are linked to other cities and their neighbourhoods globally. Our aim in this research is to grapple with what might be described as the 'problem' of these super-rich neighbourhoods - sometime called the 'alpha territory' - and undertake research that will help us to understand more about the advantages and disadvantages of these kinds of property investment.

Preliminary estimates for Great Britain from the Wealth and Assets Survey using attitudinal data on individuals' attitudes towards pensions, not dependent on thorough checking and imputation methodology.

This statistic presents the development of mean wealth for the United Kingdom's adult population from 2012 to the first half of 2019. Mean wealth per person decreased from 250 thousand U.S. dollars in 2012 to 243.6 thousand U.S. dollars in 2013. The highest mean wealth value of adults in the United Kingdom was in 2015 where the average was over 320 thousand U.S. dollars per adult. Since then the mean wealth sits at approximately 280.1 thousand U.S dollars as of the first half of 2019.

In the 3 years to March 2021, black households were most likely out of all ethnic groups to have a weekly income of under £600.

In January 2025, the average monthly rent in Greater London reached 2,227 British pounds, confirming its position as the most expensive area for private tenants. Rental prices across England stood at 1,375 British pounds, while the average for Great Britain was recorded at 1,332 British pounds. The North East remains the most affordable region, with rents at 710 British pounds. According to the UK Price Index of Private Rents (PIPR), rental growth has accelerated since 2021, with the cost of rental properties rising by nearly nine percent annually in January 2025.