The bottom 50 percent in Russia earned an average of 7.7 thousand euros at purchasing power parity (PPP) before income tax in 2021. To compare, the mean income of the top 10 percent stood at 104.6 thousand euros in the same year. Looking at the percentage distribution of national wealth in the country, the poorest half held only three percent of the total in 2021.

Key information about Russia Household Income per Capita

• Russia Annual Household Income per Capita reached 8,179.123 USD in Dec 2024, compared with the previous value of 7,549.747 USD in Dec 2023.
• Russia Annual Household Income per Capita data is updated yearly, available from Dec 1992 to Dec 2024, with an averaged value of 5,882.623 USD.
• The data reached an all-time high of 9,660.697 USD in Dec 2013 and a record low of 183.584 USD in Dec 1992.
• In the latest reports, Retail Sales of Russia grew 5.200 % YoY in Dec 2024.

CEIC calculates Annual Household Income per Capita from Monthly Average Household Income per Capita multiplied by 12 and converts it into USD. Federal State Statistics Service provides Average Household Income per Capita in local currency. The Bank of Russia average market exchange rate is used for currency conversions.

Over ** million Russians aged 20 years and above, or approximately ** percent of the total adult population of the country, had wealth under 10,000 U.S. dollars in 2022. To compare, on average around the globe, the share of residents belonging to this wealth range was measured at **** percent in the same year. Economic inequality in Russia The latest available data by the World Bank recorded Russia’s Gini index, used as a measurement of income or wealth inequality, at **. The organization classified Russia as an upper-middle-income economy. Over ** percent of Russians considered themselves belonging to the middle class in 2020. HNWIs in Russia Approximately *** percent of Russian adults, or ******* residents, owned over *********** U.S. dollars, or were referred to as high-net-worth individuals (HNWIs). In 2021, the total wealth of the adult population in the country reached nearly *** trillion U.S. dollars. A significant portion of it belonged to roughly ***** ultra-high-net-worth individuals (UHNWIs) whose net worth exceeded ** billion U.S. dollars.

Key information about Russia Monthly Earnings

• Russia Monthly Earnings stood at 1,256 USD in Dec 2024, compared with the previous figure of 861 USD in Nov 2024
• Russia Monthly Earnings data is updated monthly, available from Jun 1992 to Dec 2024, with an average number of 542 USD
• The data reached the an all-time high of 1,354 USD in Dec 2022 and a record low of 25 USD in Nov 1992

CEIC converts Monthly Earnings into USD. Federal State Statistics Service provides Average Nominal Wages in local currency. The Bank of Russia average market exchange rate is used for currency conversions.


Further information about Russia Monthly Earnings

• In the latest reports, Russia Population reached 146 million people in Dec 2024
• Unemployment Rate of Russia remained the same at 2 % in Jul 2024
• The country's Labour Force Participation Rate increased to 68 % in Feb 2024

Russia RU: Proportion of People Living Below 50 Percent Of Median Income: % data was reported at 13.000 % in 2021. This records an increase from the previous number of 11.600 % for 2020. Russia RU: Proportion of People Living Below 50 Percent Of Median Income: % data is updated yearly, averaging 14.550 % from Dec 2014 (Median) to 2021, with 8 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 15.900 % in 2015 and a record low of 11.600 % in 2020. Russia RU: Proportion of People Living Below 50 Percent Of Median Income: % data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s Russian Federation – Table RU.World Bank.WDI: Social: Poverty and Inequality. The percentage of people in the population who live in households whose per capita income or consumption is below half of the median income or consumption per capita. The median is measured at 2017 Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) using the Poverty and Inequality Platform (http://www.pip.worldbank.org). For some countries, medians are not reported due to grouped and/or confidential data. The reference year is the year in which the underlying household survey data was collected. In cases for which the data collection period bridged two calendar years, the first year in which data were collected is reported.;World Bank, Poverty and Inequality Platform. Data are based on primary household survey data obtained from government statistical agencies and World Bank country departments. Data for high-income economies are mostly from the Luxembourg Income Study database. For more information and methodology, please see http://pip.worldbank.org.;;The World Bank’s internationally comparable poverty monitoring database now draws on income or detailed consumption data from more than 2000 household surveys across 169 countries. See the Poverty and Inequality Platform (PIP) for details (www.pip.worldbank.org).

Voting behavior, political system and economic reforms. Topics: Watching news programs and reading newspaper; mood in the last few days; family´s current material situation; economic situation of town/region and country; general situation; market reforms; opinion on Yeltsin, Duma, Prime Minister and government; political situation; life satisfaction; expected improvements in the next 12 months; Russia out of control; democracy vs. order; trust in politicians; rating of Yeltsin and Chernomirdin; expectations concerning politics and economy in the next few months; the biggest problems of the society; possibility of mass demonstrations and taking part; voting intention for/against Yeltsin and reasons; income growth compared to the prices; money per capita needed; subsistence level; price trends; time to purchase goods and save money; economic situation in the last and in the next 6 months; economic situation in Russia in 12 months and in 5 years; renouncing from necessary things, holiday trips etc; assumed income level of poor families; domestic vs. imported goods, clothes and household goods; place of shopping; spending money; savings and shares in investment funds; save money in near future; assumed income level of a rich family; ideal number of children; way of increasing the number of children; planned number of children; having another child in the next 2-3 years; unplanned pregnancy; conditions for having another child; birth rate control; voting intention in the presidential elections; Yeltsin or Zyuganov; suspected election result; Zyuganov or Yavlinski; next Russian President; class self placement; sources of income; problem of lacking orders in the company; poor supplies of equipment and raw supplies; irregular work; leaders´ inability; selling products in the company; theft in the firm; high wages vs. social security; work preferences; importance of work; intensity of work; conditions for being successful at work; keeping job vs. unemployment; interpersonal relationship at work; involving in any conflicts last year; conflicts between the company´s management and the work team; conflicts between members of staff; most frequent reasons for conflict; way of solving the conflicts; opinion on strikes; second job; motivation of the workers; possibilities of initiative; successful groups in Russia; main income of the family; telephone; high and low self placement five years ago, today and in five years; religion; staying at home in June; voting in presidential election; voting decision in 1995 elections; region.

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner.

Using representative surveys of the entire population, this research project analysed the similarities and differences between Soviet and Russian household behaviour in the informal economy during 1996-1999. The research was based primarily on unpublished archive material - Soviet family budget surveys - for the Soviet period, and regular Russian household/ adult surveys for the post-Soviet period. In particular, the project estimated and compared the size, dynamics and determinants of household behaviour in the informal economy in the two periods, and also assessed the impact of household informal economy activities on the Soviet or current Russian economy.
The continuous Soviet annual family budget survey (FBS), covering the entire population of the USSR was conducted from the early 1950s onwards under the auspices of the Soviet Central Statistical Administration. Comprehensive and detailed summary results of annual data from the family budget surveys of Soviet households aggregated by types of heads of households such as workers and state employees and collective farm workers are kept in three Russian archives. This dataset was created using some of the results from the FBS.
Main Topics:

Data are aggregated by types of heads of households (or social classes in Russian terminology), and include 35 income variables, 62 expenditure-related variables and nine savings-related variables. Each variable on the income side shows the sources of income (the state, collective farms, and other people) and each variable on the expenditure side shows to whom payment was made (the state sector, collective farms, or other people). In total, eight data files have been created:
Russian workers and state employees' families (1969-1990),
Russian collective farm ('kolkhoz') workers' families (1969-1990),
Russian pure pensioners' families who retired from jobs relating to workers and state employees (1977-1990),
Russian pure pensioners' families who retired from jobs relating to collective farms (1977-1990),
Russian state farms ('sovkhoz') workers' families (1977-1990),
Average family in the Soviet Union as a whole (1979-1990),
Soviet workers and state employees' families (1969-1990),
Soviet collective farm workers' families (1969-1990).

The COVID-19 pandemic triggered social and economic stagnation worldwide, significantly impacting people’s lives. In addition, the Russia-Ukraine war that began in 2022 resulted in rising food prices globally, severely affecting low- and middle-income countries. This study aimed to examine the impact of these unprecedented crises on individual values, focusing on Senegal’s urban population. This study is the first to quantitatively assess changes in the values of urban Senegalese during this global crisis. Surveys were conducted in Saint-Louis, Senegal, in August-September 2018 and June-July 2022. The timing of these studies coincides with the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic in early 2020 and the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine war in February 2022. The findings revealed a 19.9% decrease in the average monthly cost of living per capita between 2018 and 2022, attributed to the combined effects of rising food prices and unemployment. Furthermore, the proportion of households spending less than $3.50 per person per day—below the lower-middle-income class poverty line—increased by 11.05%. Our analysis indicates a decline in values such as benevolence, universalism, hedonism, and self-direction. In contrast, values related to power and achievement significantly increased following the pandemic. These results suggest that individual values are flexible and may change in response to external factors such as global crises.

BackgroundUnderstanding how urbanisation and rural-urban migration influence risk-factors for non-communicable disease (NCD) is crucial for developing effective preventative strategies globally. This study compares NCD risk-factor prevalence in urban, rural and migrant populations in China, Ghana, India, Mexico, Russia and South Africa.MethodsStudy participants were 39,436 adults within the WHO Study on global AGEing and adult health (SAGE), surveyed 2007–2010. Risk ratios (RR) for each risk-factor were calculated using logistic regression in country-specific and all country pooled analyses, adjusted for age, sex and survey design. Fully adjusted models included income quintile, marital status and education.ResultsRegular alcohol consumption was lower in migrant and urban groups than in rural groups (pooled RR and 95%CI: 0.47 (0.31–0.68); 0.58, (0.46–0.72), respectively). Occupational physical activity was lower (0.86 (0.72–0.98); 0.76 (0.65–0.85)) while active travel and recreational physical activity were higher (pooled RRs for urban groups; 1.05 (1.00–1.09), 2.36 (1.95–2.83), respectively; for migrant groups: 1.07 (1.0 -1.12), 1.71 (1.11–2.53), respectively). Overweight, raised waist circumference and diagnosed diabetes were higher in urban groups (1.19 (1.04–1.35), 1.24 (1.07–1.42), 1.69 (1.15–2.47), respectively). Exceptions to these trends exist: obesity indicators were higher in rural Russia; active travel was lower in urban groups in Ghana and India; and in South Africa, urban groups had the highest alcohol consumption.ConclusionMigrants and urban dwellers had similar NCD risk-factor profiles. These were not consistently worse than those seen in rural dwellers. The variable impact of urbanisation on NCD risk must be considered in the design and evaluation of strategies to reduce the growing burden of NCDs globally.

In 2024, **** million people in Russia lived below the poverty line, marking a considerable decrease compared to the previous year. The number of Russian residents that earned an income below the subsistence minimum was nearly ** million higher in 2000. What percentage of Russians live in poverty? Looking at annual figures, Russia’s poverty rate has declined since 2015, when it exceeded ** percent. Over ***** percent of the population of Russia lived below the national poverty line in 2024. Several other Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries, such as Bulgaria, Romania, and Latvia, reported higher poverty rates. Subsistence minimum in Russia Starting from January 1, 2025, the monthly per capita subsistence minimum in Russia stood at ****** Russian rubles for the working-age population and at ****** Russian rubles on average. That figure includes the cost of essential goods, such as food products, clothing, and medicines, and services, such as utilities and transportation expenses. The subsistence minimum was lower than the average wage in Russia, which was set at ****** Russian rubles from January 1, 2025.

One aim of the Soviet Union, and communist countries in general, was to achieve full employment. Official policy was designed to prevent unemployment, and the state stopped paying most unemployment benefits in the 1930s. Every citizen had the right (or requirement) to work, and jobs were allocated by the state, not competed for as they were in the west. People could apply for certain positions, based on their education, experience, or interests, but roles could often be distributed to meet employment demands, or preferential roles were distributed via nepotism. The socialist economic system removed job market competition, which provided increased job security but removed many of the incentives that boosted productivity (especially in later decades). In the 1970s and 1980s, average work weeks were under 35 hours long and people retired in their mid to late fifties. Compared to the U.S. in 1985, on average, work weeks were around four hours shorter in the USSR, and Soviet men retired five years earlier, while women retired nine years earlier than their American counterparts.

Wages In earlier years, wages had been tied to individual performance or output, however the de-Stalinization process of the 1960s introduced a more standardized system of payment; from this point onwards, base wages were more fixed, and bonuses had a larger impact on disposable income. Personal finances in the Soviet Union were very different from those in the west; wages were split into base salaries and bonuses, along with a social wage that was "paid" in the form of investments in housing, healthcare, education, and infrastructure, as well as subsidized vouchers for holidays and food. Many of these amenities were also provided by the state, which removed the individual costs that were required across the west and in post-Soviet states today. Overall, income and money in general had a much lower influence on daily life in the USSR than it did in the west, lessening factors such as financial stress and indebtedness, but restricting consumeristic freedom.

Gender differences A major difference between the East and West Blocs was the participation rate of women in the workforce. Throughout most of the USSR's history, women made up the majority of the workforce, with a 51.4 percent share in 1970, and 50.4 percent in 1989; in the U.S. figures for these years were 38 and 45 percent respectively. Although this was due to the fact that women also made up a larger share of the total population (around 53 percent in this period), Soviet women were possibly the most economically active in the world in these decades. When comparing activity rates of women aged between 40 and 44 across Europe in 1985, the USSR had a participation rate of 97 percent; this was the highest in the East Bloc (where rates ranged from 85 to 93 percent in other countries), and is much higher than rates in Northern Europe (71 percent), Western Europe (56 percent) and Southern Europe (37 percent).