In 2023, there were about 6.65 million white, non-Hispanic families with a single mother living in the United States. This is a slight increase from 1990, when there were 6.4 million white families with a single mother living in the U.S.

In 2023, about 1.11 million white, non-Hispanic families with a single mother were living below the poverty level in the United States. Poverty is the state of one who lacks a certain amount of material possessions or money. Absolute poverty or destitution is inability to afford basic human needs, which commonly includes clean and fresh water, nutrition, health care, education, clothing, and shelter.

In 2022, there were about 4.15 million Black families in the United States with a single mother. This is an increase from 1990 levels, when there were about 3.4 million Black families with a single mother.

Single parenthood

The typical family is comprised of two parents and at least one child. However, that is not the case in every single situation. A single parent is someone who has a child but no spouse or partner. Single parenthood occurs for different reasons, including divorce, death, abandonment, or single-person adoption. Historically, single parenthood was common due to mortality rates due to war, diseases, and maternal mortality. However, divorce was not as common back then, depending on the culture.

Single parent wellbeing

In countries where social welfare programs are not strong, single parents tend to suffer more financially, emotionally, and mentally. In the United States, most single parents are mothers. The struggles that single parents face are greater than those in two parent households. The number of families with a single mother in the United States has increased since 1990, but the poverty rate of black families with a single mother has significantly decreased since that same year. In comparison, the poverty rate of Asian families with a single mother, and the percentage of white, non-Hispanic families with a single mother who live below the poverty level in the United States have both been fluctuating since 2002.

In 2024, there were around 15.72 million families with a female householder and no spouse present in the United States, an increase from the previous year. You can get an overview on the total number of households in the U.S. here.

In 2023, there were about 15.09 million children living with a single mother in the United States, and about 3.05 million children living with a single father. The number of children living with a single mother is down from its peak in 2012, and the number of children living with a single father is down from its peak in 2005.

Marriage and divorce in the United States

Despite popular opinion in the United States that “half of all marriages end in divorce,” the divorce rate in the U.S. has fallen significantly since 1992. The marriage rate, which has also been decreasing since the 1990s, was still higher than the divorce rate in 2021. Half of all marriages may not end in divorce, but it does seem that fewer people are choosing to get married in the first place.

New family structures

In addition to a falling marriage rate, fewer people in the U.S. have children under the age of 18 living in the house in comparison to 1970. Over the past decade, the share of families with children under 18, whether that be married couples or single parents, has stayed mostly steady, although the number of births in the U.S. has also fallen.

This dataset includes live births, birth rates, and fertility rates by race of mother in the United States since 1960.

Data availability varies by race and ethnicity groups. All birth data by race before 1980 are based on race of the child. Since 1980, birth data by race are based on race of the mother. For race, data are available for Black and White births since 1960, and for American Indians/Alaska Native and Asian/Pacific Islander births since 1980. Data on Hispanic origin are available since 1989. Teen birth rates for specific racial and ethnic categories are also available since 1989. From 2003 through 2015, the birth data by race were based on the “bridged” race categories (5). Starting in 2016, the race categories for reporting birth data changed; the new race and Hispanic origin categories are: Non-Hispanic, Single Race White; Non-Hispanic, Single Race Black; Non-Hispanic, Single Race American Indian/Alaska Native; Non-Hispanic, Single Race Asian; and, Non-Hispanic, Single Race Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander (5,6). Birth data by the prior, “bridged” race (and Hispanic origin) categories are included through 2018 for comparison.

SOURCES

NCHS, National Vital Statistics System, birth data (see https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/births.htm); public-use data files (see https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data_access/VitalStatsOnline.htm); and CDC WONDER (see http://wonder.cdc.gov/).

REFERENCES

1. National Office of Vital Statistics. Vital Statistics of the United States, 1950, Volume I. 1954. Available from: https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/vsus/vsus_1950_1.pdf.

2. Hetzel AM. U.S. vital statistics system: major activities and developments, 1950-95. National Center for Health Statistics. 1997. Available from: https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/misc/usvss.pdf.

3. National Center for Health Statistics. Vital Statistics of the United States, 1967, Volume I–Natality. 1969. Available from: https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/vsus/nat67_1.pdf.

4. Martin JA, Hamilton BE, Osterman MJK, et al. Births: Final data for 2015. National vital statistics reports; vol 66 no 1. Hyattsville, MD: National Center for Health Statistics. 2017. Available from: https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/nvsr/nvsr66/nvsr66_01.pdf.

5. Martin JA, Hamilton BE, Osterman MJK, Driscoll AK, Drake P. Births: Final data for 2016. National Vital Statistics Reports; vol 67 no 1. Hyattsville, MD: National Center for Health Statistics. 2018. Available from: https://www.cdc.gov/nvsr/nvsr67/nvsr67_01.pdf.

6. Martin JA, Hamilton BE, Osterman MJK, Driscoll AK, Births: Final data for 2018. National vital statistics reports; vol 68 no 13. Hyattsville, MD: National Center for Health Statistics. 2019. Available from: https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/nvsr/nvsr68/nvsr68_13.pdf.

This dataset includes teen birth rates for females by age group, race, and Hispanic origin in the United States since 1960.

Data availability varies by race and ethnicity groups. All birth data by race before 1980 are based on race of the child. Since 1980, birth data by race are based on race of the mother. For race, data are available for Black and White births since 1960, and for American Indians/Alaska Native and Asian/Pacific Islander births since 1980. Data on Hispanic origin are available since 1989. Teen birth rates for specific racial and ethnic categories are also available since 1989. From 2003 through 2015, the birth data by race were based on the “bridged” race categories (5). Starting in 2016, the race categories for reporting birth data changed; the new race and Hispanic origin categories are: Non-Hispanic, Single Race White; Non-Hispanic, Single Race Black; Non-Hispanic, Single Race American Indian/Alaska Native; Non-Hispanic, Single Race Asian; and, Non-Hispanic, Single Race Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander (5,6). Birth data by the prior, “bridged” race (and Hispanic origin) categories are included through 2018 for comparison.

National data on births by Hispanic origin exclude data for Louisiana, New Hampshire, and Oklahoma in 1989; New Hampshire and Oklahoma in 1990; and New Hampshire in 1991 and 1992. Birth and fertility rates for the Central and South American population includes other and unknown Hispanic. Information on reporting Hispanic origin is detailed in the Technical Appendix for the 1999 public-use natality data file (see ftp://ftp.cdc.gov/pub/Health_Statistics/NCHS/Dataset_Documentation/DVS/natality/Nat1999doc.pdf).

This statistic shows the 50 metropolitan areas with the highest percentage of female-headed family households in the United States in 2019. The McAllen-Edinburg-Mission metropolitan area, located on the Texas-Mexico border, was ranked first with 22.08 percent of households led by single mothers in 2019.

This exploratory study was undertaken to investigate the factors affecting adaptation to motherhood among single new mothers. The aim of this study was to identify the social and psychological factors which contribute to positive adaptation to motherhood within a population of white, middle-class, adult women. Twenty unmarried White women who were at least 23 years old and pregnant with their first child were recruited, primarily through the offices of obstetricians in private practice in the Boston area. Data were collected on the socioeconomic resources expected during the first year of parenting, degree of involvement with the baby's father, decision making regarding pregnancy, capacity for nurturance, visualization of self as mother, feminine body image (gender identity), prepartum anxiety, prepartum depression, and maternal role adaptation at two months postpartum. The follow-up study, 15-18 months after the birth of the participant's baby, included three measures: a one-page questionnaire; the State-Trait Anxiety Index measure, used also in the initial data collection; and a taped interview on reactions to motherhood, attitudes towards the baby, changes in feeding, the baby's development, child-rearing practices, and involvement with and support from the baby's father. The Murray Archive holds additional analogue materials for this study [written responses to questions about finances and child-care resources, a clinical interview (tape-recorded and transcribed), a projective drawing task, and responses to the A-State Scale (anxiety) and the Pitt Scale (depression)]. If you would like to access this material, please apply to use the data.

This paper examines the association between the Great Recession and real assets among families with young children. Real assets such as homes and cars are key indicators of economic well-being that may be especially valuable to low-income families. Using longitudinal data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study (N = 4,898), we investigate the association between the city unemployment rate and home and car ownership and how the relationship varies by family structure (married, cohabiting, and single parents) and by race/ethnicity (White, Black, and Hispanic mothers). Using mother fixed-effects models, we find that a one percentage point increase in the unemployment rate is associated with a -0.5 percentage point decline in the probability of home ownership and a -0.7 percentage point decline in the probability of car ownership. We also find that the recession was associated with lower levels of home ownership for cohabiting families and for Hispanic families, as well as lower car ownership among single mothers and among Black mothers, whereas no change was observed among married families or White households. Considering that homes and cars are the most important assets among middle and low-income households in the U.S., these results suggest that the rise in the unemployment rate during the Great Recession may have increased household asset inequality across family structures and race/ethnicities, limiting economic mobility, and exacerbating the cycle of poverty.

The Stress and Families Project was undertaken to investigate the relationship between life situation and mental health among low-income mothers, the group at greatest risk for depression. This longitudinal research project was interdisciplinary in approach and involved interview and observation data on mothers, children, and fathers. The participants were 43 low-income mothers who were recruited for the study without regard to their current mental health status. Each woman had at least one child between three and seven years of age. Approximately one-half were white and one-half African-American, and within each of those groups approximately one-half were single and one-half living with a husband or boyfriend. The women ranged in age from 21 to 44 and represented every legal marital status. Data were collected by teams of two researchers conducting interviews and observations in the women's homes over a period of several months. Interview topics included a description of a typical day in the life of the family; mental health assessment including measures of locus of control, self-esteem, stability of self-image, depression, and anxiety; social network; employment; generational change; current life conditions and stresses; social service institutions; nutrition; life events; coping; discrimination; six observations of the child; interviews on parenting with mothers and consenting fathers; and interviews with the children on their relationships with their parent(s). The Murray Archive holds additional analogue materials for this study (copies of all original record paper data, including child observations and parenting interviews). If you would like to access this material, please apply to use the data. Note: Paper Data box 8 of 8 is marked confidential and is not available for public access.

In 2023, 27.4 percent of Hispanic families with a single mother were living below the poverty level in the United States. While this poverty rate has dropped significantly since the 1990's, it is still much higher than white, non-Hispanic single mother households.Poverty is the state of one who lacks a certain amount of material possessions or money. Absolute poverty or destitution is inability to afford basic human needs, which commonly includes clean and fresh water, nutrition, health care, education, clothing and shelter.

N/A = not applicable; N/R = not recorded.1T relates to a telephone interview; no letter refers to a face to face interview.2Mother/father relates to those who have older children (who may/may not be currently pregnant); mother* relates to women who have older children and who are pregnant; Woman/man relates to those who are pregnant/expecting first child.31 - Participant married/living together/in a relationship; 2– Single/divorced.41 - White; 2 - Black or Minority Ethnic classifications (BME).51- Degree level qualification; 2 - A level or equivalent; 3 - GCSE/NVQ or equivalent; 4 - No formal qualifications; 5- Not recorded.61 – Never smoked; 2 – Quit during pregnancy; 3 – Cut down during pregnancy; 4 – Quit prior to pregnancy; 5 – Currently smoking.7Code relates to women who are currently pregnant: 1 – Plan to breastfed; 2 – Plan to mixed feed; 3 – Plan to formula feed.8Code relates to families with older children/interviewed in post-natal period: 1 – Previous experience of breastfeeding; 2 – Never breastfed.9SC – experience of smoking cessation incentive intervention; BF – experience of breastfeeding incentive intervention; ‘Other’ relates to those involved in Barnardo’s Early Years Early Action Fund; http://www.barnardos.org.uk/media_centre/press_releases.htm?ref=81644).10Mothers participated in an ante-natal and post-natal interview.Interviews - mothers/partners/other family members.

Descriptive statistics and correlations for children’s and parents’ measures.

Sociodemographic profile stratified by sex of the reference person according to national surveys.

This statistic shows the number of children living with single divorced parents in the United States in 2020, by race. In 2020, ****** Asian children lived with their divorced single father.

In 2022, 97.4 percent of women between the ages of 15 and 19 years old in the United States were childless -- the most out of any age group. In the same year, 17.7 percent of women between the ages of 40 and 44 years old were childless. Demographics of women without children As of 2022, a little less than half of all women in the U.S. were childless. About 68.4 percent of women without children did not have a high school degree, which is in line with the largest percentage of childless women being between the ages of 15 and 19. Additionally, about 48 percent of Asian women in the United States did not have any children, more than the national average. Births in the U.S. Asian women in the United States have the lowest fertility rate per 1,000 women, while Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander women had the highest fertility rate. The vast majority of all births in the U.S. were to women between the ages of 20 and 39, but it is worth noting that births in the United States have been declining over the past few decades.

In the United States, non-Hispanic Black women currently have higher rates of twin births than any other ethnicity or race with **** per 1,000 live births being twins. There are two types of twins, identical and fraternal. Identical twins form when one fertilized egg splits and develops two babies, while fraternal twins form from two eggs that are fertilized by two sperm. Fraternal twins, although born at the same time, are no more alike than siblings born at different times. Twin births in the United States The birth rate for twins in the United States has increased over the past few decades, with around **** twin births per 1,000 live births in 2023. Factors that increase the odds of having a twin birth include race, genetics, the number of previous pregnancies, assisted reproductive techniques, and the age of the mother. Those aged 45 to 54 years have a significantly higher twin birth rate than younger women in the United States. The states with the highest average twin birth rates include Michigan, Mississippi, and Connecticut. Birth rates in the United States As is the case in many other developed countries, the birth rate in the United States has steadily decreased. In 2023, there were just **** births per 1,000 population, compared to **** births per 1,000 population in the year 1990. Unsurprisingly, the birth rate is highest among women aged 20 to 34 years, however women are increasingly having birth later in life.

The 45 men who have served as the President of the United States (officially there have been 46 as Grover Cleveland is counted twice) have fathered, adopted or allegedly fathered at least 190 children. Of these 190, 169 were conceived naturally, eleven were adopted and there are ten reasonable cases of alleged paternity (possibly more). Today, there are 34 living presidential children; the oldest of which is Lynda Bird Johnson Robb, daughter of Lyndon B. and Lady Bird Johnson; the youngest is Barron Trump, son of Donald and Melania Trump. John Tyler is the president who fathered the most children, having fifteen children over two marriages (and allegedly fathering more with slaves), while his successor, James K. Polk, remains the only U.S. president never to have fathered or adopted any known children. Coincidentally, as of November 2020, the U.S.' tenth president, John Tyler, has two grandsons who are still alive today, despite the fact that he was born in 1790.

The First Family

The president, their children and spouse are collectively known as the First Family of the United States; the current first family is made up of President Joe Biden, First Lady Jill Biden, as well as their children, Hunter and Ashley. Two of President Biden's children died before he was elected to office; his son Beau died of cancer in 2015, while his one year old daughter Naomi was killed in a car accident in 1972, along with Biden's wife, Neilia (who was also Beau and Hunter's mother). Two presidents' sons have gone on to assume the presidency themselves; these were John Quincy Adams and George W. Bush respectively, while one presidential grandson, Benjamin Harrison, later became president.

Alleged children

Three U.S. presidents have allegedly fathered illegitimate children with slaves. The most well-known and substantial of these allegations relates to Thomas Jefferson and his slave, Sally Hemings; who was also the half-sister of Jefferson's wife Martha (with whom he had already fathered six children). Following Martha's passing in 1782, its is believed that the future-president would then go on to have a relationship with Hemings that spanned four decades and saw the birth of as many as eight children between 1790 and 1808. Hemings, thought to have been 14 years old at the beginning of the relationship (Jefferson was 44), and her children remained enslaved to Jefferson until his death in 1826. DNA tests conducted in recent years have confirmed a genetic connection between the Hemings and Jefferson families, and the majority of historians accept that Thomas Jefferson was the father of at least six of Hemings' children. Less substantial claims have also been levelled at John Tyler, with political opponents claiming that he fathered several children with slaves in the years following his first wife's death; although these claims have been widely disregarded by historians, with little investigation into their validity. It is alleged that William Henry Harrison also fathered at least six children with one of his slaves, Dilsia, however these claims are anecdotal and have been disregarded or ignored by historians. In spite of this, to this day, there are some African-American families in the U.S. who claim to be the descendants of both Harrison and Tyler.

It is generally accepted that two other presidents, Grover Cleveland and Warren G. Harding, fathered children through extramarital affairs. It is likely that Grover Cleveland had fathered a child out of wedlock in 1874; even paying child support to the mother, acknowledging that he could have been the father. When the child's mother accused Cleveland of rape, he had her institutionalized to discredit these accusations, and the child was taken away and raised by Cleveland's friends. The issue came to light nationally during the 1884 election campaign, but Cleveland still emerged victorious. In 1927, four years after his death in office, it came to light that Warren G. Harding had fathered a child out of wedlock a year before winning the 1920 election. The child was conceived during one of his two long-term, extramarital affairs, and Harding did pay the mother child support, although he kept the affair and child a secret. Harding died before the child's fourth birthday, his family dismissed these claims as rumors, claiming that he was infertile; however, DNA tests confirmed that the child was his in 2015. While there have been numerous accusations of presidents' infidelity in the past century, particularly relating to John F. Kennedy and Donald Trump; Trump is the only president since Harding to have had a child out of wedlock (although the couple did get married two months after the birth of their daughter, Tiffany).