According to exit polls for the 2020 South Carolina Democratic primary, former Vice President Joe Biden dominated the vote among African-Americans, receiving 61 percent of the vote. Among White voters, the vote was more evenly split, with Joe Biden receiving 33 percent of the vote, and Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders receiving 23 percent of the vote.
https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/26141/termshttps://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/26141/terms
This special topic poll, fielded January 23-24, 2008, re-interviewed 163 South Carolina registered voters first surveyed December 13-17, 2007, and included an oversample of African Americans. The dataset includes their responses to call-back questions as well as to selected questions in the original poll, CBS NEWS/NEW YORK TIMES SOUTH CAROLINA PRIMARY POLL, DECEMBER 2007 (ICPSR 24364), which queried South Carolina voters on George W. Bush's presidency, the upcoming 2008 presidential campaign and South Carolina presidential primary, whether they had ever voted in a primary, their opinions of the Democratic presidential nominees, and the likelihood that they would vote for a presidential candidate of a different race and gender than their own. In the call-back poll conducted a few days prior to the South Carolina Democratic primary on January 26, 2008, voters were re-interviewed about how much attention they were paying to the 2008 presidential race, the likelihood that they would vote in the upcoming Democratic presidential primary, if they had changed their choice of candidate since the last survey and why, the importance of the results of other state's primaries in their vote, and their opinions of Democratic presidential nominees Barack Obama, Hillary Clinton, and John Edwards. Questions were also posed regarding Bill Clinton's involvement in Hillary Clinton's campaign and whether America was ready to elect a president who was Black or a woman. Respondents who already voted in South Carolina's Republican primary on January 19, 2008, were asked for whom they had voted. Demographic information includes sex, age, race, education level, household income, marital status, type of residential area (e.g., urban or rural), political party affiliation, political philosophy, voter registration status and participation history, labor union membership, the presence of children under 18, religious preference, frequency of religious attendance, whether respondents considered themselves to be born-again Christians, and whether any household member had served in the armed forces in Iraq.
As of February 26, 2024 with nearly all of the votes counted, former President Trump came out ahead of former South Carolina Governor Nikki Haley in her home state's Republican primary. With the former president receiving almost 60 percent of the total votes, Trump continues to prevail as Republican front-runner.
South Carolina has taken part in all U.S. presidential elections ever held, with the exception of the 1864 election when the Palmetto State was a part of the Confederate States of America. In these 58 elections, South Carolina has allocated all of its electoral votes to the nationwide winner on 33 occasions, giving a success rate of 57 percent (one of the lowest in the country). South Carolina, as with other southern states, was a Democratic stronghold throughout most of the nineteenth century, before turning Republican in the 1960s; South Carolina has voted for the Republican Party's nominee in all elections since 1980, and in 14 of the 15 most recent elections. In the 2020 election, South Carolina was a comfortable victory for Donald Trump, although his margin of victory was lower than his 14 point victory there in the 2016 election. South Carolinians in the White House Only one U.S. president, Andrew Jackson, was born in South Carolina, however, he was born there during the colonial era and the exact location remains unknown. It is known that Jackson was born in the Waxhaws region along the border of North and South Carolina; some historians have suggested that Jackson was born on the northern side of the border, and that he only claimed to be from the south to garner political support, however most historians have accepted Jackson's claim that he was born south of the border. Charles C. Pinckney is the only other South Carolinian to have headed a major party ticket, although he lost in both the 1804 and 1808 elections, while Strom Thurmond was the only third-party candidate from South Carolina to win electoral votes. Electoral votes As with most of the original thirteen colonies, South Carolina's influence on presidential elections has generally decreased throughout U.S. history. In early elections, South Carolina's allocation of electoral votes increased from seven in 1789, to eleven votes between 1812 and 1840. This number then fell going into the Civil War and Reconstruction era, before plateauing at eight or nine votes since 1884. South Carolina holds the distinction of being the final state to introduce a popular voting system to choose the statewide winner, making the switch after it was readmitted to the union in 1868; the winners in all presidential elections held in South Carolina between 1789 and 1860 were decided by the state legislature.
https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/24364/termshttps://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/24364/terms
This poll, fielded December 13-17, 2007, is a part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. All of the respondents to this poll were registered voters from South Carolina. The poll included an oversample of African Americans respondents, for a total of 444 African American registered voters. Respondents were asked whether they approved of the way George W. Bush was handling his job as president. Several questions were asked pertaining to the 2008 presidential campaign and the South Carolina presidential primary including how much attention respondents paid to the presidential campaign, the one issue respondents wanted candidates to discuss during the campaign, whether they thought America was ready to elect a Black president, whether they had attended any campaign events, the likelihood respondents would vote in the primary, whether they would vote in the Democratic or Republican primary, and whether the respondent had ever voted in a primary before. Respondents were asked their opinion of presidential candidates Hillary Clinton, John Edwards, Barack Obama, John McCain, Mitt Romney, Rudy Giuliani, Fred Thompson, and Mike Huckabee. Respondents were queried on which candidate they supported, why they supported that specific candidate, whether they had ever supported a different candidate, which candidate they thought had the best chance of winning, whether they thought the candidates had prepared themselves for the job of president, whether they thought each candidate shared the same values of most people in South Carolina, which candidate they thought would bring change to the way things are done in Washington, and which candidate they thought cared most about the needs and problems of Black people. Respondents were also asked which candidate came closest to their own view on illegal immigration, how important it was that a candidate shared their religious beliefs, whether they would vote for a candidate that did not share their views on social issues, and whether they would vote for a candidate that was of a different race, religion, and gender than their own. Questions about the campaigns of Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton addressed the issues of whether Oprah Winfrey's involvement in Obama's campaign made respondents more likely to support Obama, and whether Bill Clinton's involvement in Hillary Clinton's campaign made respondents more likely to support Hillary Clinton. Information was also collected on whether the respondent considered him or herself to be a born-again Christian, whether there were any labor union members in the household, and whether the respondent or any member of the respondent's family served in the armed forces in Iraq. Additional topics in this poll included illegal immigration, Social Security, United States involvement in Iraq, terrorism, and abortion. Demographic information includes sex, age, race, education level, household income, marital status, religious preference, frequency of religious attendance, type of residential area (e.g., urban or rural), political party affiliation, political philosophy, voter registration status and participation history, the presence of children under 18, and labor union member status.
http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/
Description to be added
https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/6646/termshttps://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/6646/terms
The purpose of this study was to examine the causes of gains in Black office-holding in the South over the past two decades, including effects of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 on changes in local city election structure, the enfranchisement of Blacks in the South, and the prevention of the dilution of minority votes in terms of enabling Blacks to win local office. The data are longitudinal, gathered at two points in time at the city level. The collection includes eight state-specific data files that contain variables such as type of election system in use at each time period (at-large, single-member district, or mixed), total number of Black council members at each of two time points for each city, total number of council members, 1980 Census city total population, 1980 Census Black city population, and voting age population. Also included is "Table Z," a set of state-specific supplementary tables listing all lawsuits filed between 1965 and 1989 under the Fourteenth Amendment, the Fifteenth Amendment, or the Voting Rights Act by private plaintiffs or the Justice Department that challenged at-large elections in municipalities in all eight of the southern states covered in this study, and in counties in Alabama, Georgia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Virginia.
According to exit polls for the 2020 South Carolina Democratic primary, former Vice President Joe Biden led the way among voters, receiving 48 percent of the vote from men and 49 percent of the vote from women. Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders came in second place among both male and female voters.
https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/72/termshttps://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/72/terms
This study constitutes a continuation of the effort to gather information on the southern electoral process (see also SOUTHERN PRIMARY AND GENERAL ELECTION DATA, 1920-1949 [ICPSR 0071]). The data consist of county-level returns for selected primary and general elections contested in 11 southern states (Virginia, Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Texas, and Tennessee) from 1944-1972. Data are provided for raw vote totals for candidates in presidential, gubernatorial, and senatorial elections, as well as for selected popular referenda returns in this period. In addition, there are variables that describe the demographic and geographic nature of each county included in this study.
Financial overview and grant giving statistics of Conservation Voters of South Carolina Education Fund
This statistic shows the share of voters in North Carolina in the 2016 presidential election, by age and voter registration status. In that year, three percent of voters aged 60 to 69 were registered to vote, but did not vote in the election.
North Carolina offers its residents the opportunity to cast early in-person ballots prior to Election Day, a practice known locally as “One-Stop” voting. Following a successful legal challenge to the state’s controversial 2013 Voter Information and Verification Act, North Carolina’s 100 counties were given wide discretion over the hours and locations of early in-person voting for the 2016 General Election. This discretion yielded a patchwork of election practices across the state, providing us with a set of natural experiments to study the effect of changes in early voting hours on voter turnout. Drawing on individual-level voting records from the North Carolina State Board of Elections, our research design matches voters on race, party, and geography. We find little evidence that changes to early opportunities in North Carolina had uniform effects on voter turnout. Nonetheless, we do identify areas in the presidential battleground state where voters appear to have reacted to local changes in early voting availability, albeit not always in directions consistent with the existing literature. We suspect that effects of changes to early voting rules are conditional on local conditions, and future research on the effects of election law changes on turnout should explore these conditions in detail.
https://dataverse.harvard.edu/api/datasets/:persistentId/versions/1.0/customlicense?persistentId=doi:10.7910/DVN/TUZ4VZhttps://dataverse.harvard.edu/api/datasets/:persistentId/versions/1.0/customlicense?persistentId=doi:10.7910/DVN/TUZ4VZ
The Record of American Democracy (ROAD) data provide election returns, socioeconomic summaries, and demographic details about the American public at unusually low levels of geographic aggregation. The NSF-supported ROAD project spans every state in the country from 1984 through 1990 (including some off-year elections). These data enable research on topics such as electoral behavior, the political characteristics of local community context, electoral geography, the role of minority groups in elections and legislative redistricting, split ticket voting and divided government, and elections under federalism. Another set of files has added to these roughly 30-40 political variables an additional 3,725 variables merged from the 1990 United States Census for 47,327 aggregate units called MCD Groups. The MCD Group is a construct for purposes of this data collection. It is based on a merging of the electoral precincts and Census Minor Civil Divisions (MCDs). An MCD is about the size of a city or town. An MCD Group is smaller than or equal to a county and (except in California) is greater than or equal to the size of an MCD. The MCD Group units completely tile the United States landmass. This particular study contains the files for the State Level MCD Group Data for the state of South Carolina. Documentation and frequently asked questions are available online at the ROAD Website. A downloadable PDF codebook is also available in the files section of this study.
This statistic shows the polling average for candidates for the Democratic nomination in the South Carolina primary in 2020. As of February 2020, former Vice President Joe Biden was polling at 34.3 percent in South Carolina, and Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders was polling at 20 percent.
https://www.nconemap.gov/pages/termshttps://www.nconemap.gov/pages/terms
These voting precincts are from the North Carolina State Board of Elections at https://www.ncsbe.gov. It depicts voting precincts for all 100 counties in NC.
https://dataverse.harvard.edu/api/datasets/:persistentId/versions/1.0/customlicense?persistentId=doi:10.7910/DVN/2YW02Zhttps://dataverse.harvard.edu/api/datasets/:persistentId/versions/1.0/customlicense?persistentId=doi:10.7910/DVN/2YW02Z
The Record of American Democracy (ROAD) data provide election returns, socioeconomic summaries, and demographic details about the American public at unusually low levels of geographic aggregation. The NSF-supported ROAD project spans every state in the country from 1984 through 1990 (including some off-year elections). These data enable research on topics such as electoral behavior, the political characteristics of local community context, electoral geography, the role of minority groups in elections and legislative redistricting, split ticket voting and divided government, and elections under federalism. Another set of files has added to these roughly 30-40 political variables an additional 3,725 variables merged from the 1990 United States Census for 47,327 aggregate units called MCD Groups. The MCD Group is a construct for purposes of this data collection. It is based on a merging of the electoral precincts and Census Minor Civil Divisions (MCDs). An MCD is about the size of a city or town. An MCD Group is smaller than or equal to a county and (except in California) is greater than or equal to the size of an MCD. The MCD Group units completely tile the United States landmass. This particular study contains the files for the State Level MCD Group Data for the state of South Carolina for 1984. Documentation and frequently asked questions are available online at the ROAD Website. A downloadable PDF codebook is also available in the files section of this study.
CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain Dedicationhttps://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/
License information was derived automatically
Replication material for "The Effect of the Voting Rights Act on Enfranchisement: Evidence from North Carolina"
Financial overview and grant giving statistics of League Of Women Voters Of North Carolina
Financial overview and grant giving statistics of North Carolina League Cons Voters
According to exit polls for the 2024 South Carolina Republican primary, former President Donald Trump led the way among 63 percent of male voters. The vote was split more evenly among female voters, with Trump receiving 57 percent of the vote, and former South Carolina Governor Nikki Haley receiving 43 percent of the votes.
According to exit polls for the 2020 South Carolina Democratic primary, former Vice President Joe Biden dominated the vote among African-Americans, receiving 61 percent of the vote. Among White voters, the vote was more evenly split, with Joe Biden receiving 33 percent of the vote, and Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders receiving 23 percent of the vote.