In 1800, it is estimated that approximately 9.4 million people lived in the region of modern-day South Korea (and 13.8 million on the entire peninsula). The population of this region would remain fairly constant through much of the 19th century, but would begin to grow gradually starting in the mid-1800s, as the fall of the Joseon dynasty and pressure from the U.S. and Japan would end centuries of Korean isolationism. Following the opening of the country to foreign trade, the Korean peninsula would begin to modernize, and by the start of the 20th century, it would have a population of just over ten million. The Korean peninsula was then annexed by Japan in 1910, whose regime implemented industrialization and modernization policies that saw the population of South Korea rising from just under ten million in 1900, to over fifteen million by the start of the Second World War in 1939.

The Korean War Like most regions, the end of the Second World War coincided with a baby boom, that helped see South Korea's population grow by almost two million between 1945 and 1950. However, this boom would stop suddenly in the early 1950s, due to disruption caused by the Korean War. After WWII, the peninsula was split along the 38th parallel, with governments on both sides claiming to be the legitimate rulers of all Korea. Five years of tensions then culminated in North Korea's invasion of the South in June 1950, in the first major conflict of the Cold War. In September, the UN-backed South then repelled the Soviet- and Chinese-backed Northern army, and the frontlines would then fluctuate on either side of the 38th parallel throughout the next three years. The war came to an end in July, 1953, and had an estimated death toll of three million fatalities. The majority of fatalities were civilians on both sides, although the North suffered a disproportionate amount due to extensive bombing campaigns of the U.S. Unlike North Korea, the South's total population did not fall during the war.

Post-war South Korea Between the war's end and the late 1980s, the South's total population more than doubled. In these decades, South Korea was generally viewed as a nominal democracy under authoritarian and military leadership; it was not until 1988 when South Korea transitioned into a stable democracy, and grew its international presence. Much of South Korea's rapid socio-economic growth in the late 20th century was based on the West German model, and was greatly assisted by Japanese and U.S. investment. Today, South Korea is considered one of the world's wealthiest and most developed nations, ranking highly in terms of GDP, human development and life expectancy; it is home to some of the most valuable brands in the world, such as Samsung and Hyundai; and has a growing international cultural presence in music and cinema. In the past decades, South Korea's population growth has somewhat slowed, however it remains one of the most densely populated countries in the world, with total population of more than 51 million people.

Chart and table of North Korea population from 1950 to 2025. United Nations projections are also included through the year 2100.

In 2024, the population of South Korea was estimated to be about 51.75 million. The population of North Korea was approximately 25.87 million, which is roughly half the population of South Korea. Economic comparison between South and North Korea Following the Korean War (1950-1953), South Korea and North Korea pursued vastly different trajectories, not only politically but also economically. South Korea embraced capitalism and free market principles, which fueled its rapid economic growth and transformed it into one of the world's leading economies. In contrast, North Korea adopted a state-controlled, centrally planned economy, leading to isolation and economic stagnation. While South Korea's gross domestic product (GDP) reached around 2,401 trillion South Korean won in 2023, only about 40 trillion won was recorded for North Korea. Food crisis in North Korea North Korea has faced food insecurity for a long time, and this has been exacerbated in the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic. It was estimated that the country had a food shortage of around 860,000 metric tons in 2023. Although the North Korean government maintains a centrally planned economic system, food distribution has long been a problem, as an increasing number of North Korean defectors have reported that they have never received food from North Korean authorities.

The total population in South Korea was estimated at 51.8 million people in 2024, according to the latest census figures and projections from Trading Economics. This dataset provides - South Korea Population - actual values, historical data, forecast, chart, statistics, economic calendar and news.

The annual population growth in South Korea increased by 0.3 percentage points compared to the previous year. The year 2023 therefore marks a significant change in the population growth compared to the previous year. Annual population growth refers to the change in the population over time, and is affected by factors such as fertility, mortality, and migration.Find more key insights for the annual population growth in countries like Japan and Hong Kong.

Chart and table of population level and growth rate for the Cheonan, South Korea metro area from 1950 to 2025. United Nations population projections are also included through the year 2035.

In 2025, the total population of South Korea is projected to be around 51.68 million. In thirty years, the number of people aged 15 to 64 is estimated to decrease by one-third, while the number of older adults is anticipated to more than double. Additionally, the overall population is expected to decline by around six million people by that time. Declining birth rate Several factors are contributing to the expected demographic changes in South Korea. Firstly, the birth rate has been declining for years. As of 2024, South Korea had the lowest fertility rate in the world. This trend continues despite the efforts of successive governments to encourage young people to have children. An increasing number of South Korean women are prioritizing their careers, often choosing to focus on work rather than starting a family at a young age. While the employment rate for South Korean women is still lower than that of men, it has steadily risen over the past decade. Increase in life expectancy Secondly, life expectancy in South Korea has steadily increased due to improved living standards and healthcare. The average life expectancy at birth for South Koreans has risen from less than 75 years to almost 83 years over the past twenty years. As a result, the proportion of people aged 65 and older has grown from less than 11 percent to around 18 percent in the last decade.

Chart and table of population level and growth rate for the Jeju, South Korea metro area from 1950 to 2025. United Nations population projections are also included through the year 2035.

In 2024, Seoul's population amounted to around 9.3 million, a decline from approximately 9.4 million residents in the previous year. Seoul, the capital of South Korea, is one of the cities with the highest population densities in the world.

Chart and table of population level and growth rate for the Uijeongbu, South Korea metro area from 1950 to 2025. United Nations population projections are also included through the year 2035.

Graph and download economic data for Infra-Annual Labor Statistics: Working-Age Population Total: From 15 to 64 Years for Korea (LFWA64TTKRM647N) from Jun 1999 to Jan 2025 about working-age, Korea, 15 to 64 years, and population.

In 2023, the number of births in South Korea stood at 230,028, recording the lowest figure during the given period. Around two decades earlier, this number was twice as high. Declining fertility in South Korea A phenomenon that most East Asian countries and territories grapple with is a stark decline in fertility rates. This is especially evident in South Korea, which has the lowest fertility rate in the world, far below the 2.1 children per woman threshold that represents replacement fertility. In response to the expected economic consequences of a declining population, South Korea has implemented various initiatives to encourage married couples to have children. Factors contributing to low birth rates in South Korea One major element is the societal change in attitudes toward childbirth. In a survey, half of South Korean respondents asserted that marriages can be happy without children, and a sizeable share also stated that having children was dependent on economic factors. In addition, an increasing number of South Koreans are choosing not to get married – In 2023, South Korea recorded one of the lowest numbers of marriages in its history. Furthermore, there has been a growing trend among South Korean women to prioritize their financial independence and career continuity over traditional childbearing expectations.

In 1800, it is estimated that approximately 4.35 million people lived in the region of present-day North Korea. This figure would remain stagnant through much of the 19th century, increasing by just one million people over the next 110 years. The dissolution of the Joseon dynasty in the Korean peninsula in the late-1800s marked the end of centuries of Korean isolationism, and the new Korean Empire then opened itself to foreign trade and influence. By the start of the 20th century, the region of North Korea had a population of just over five million. This growth would increase dramatically following the annexation of the Korean peninsula by Japan in 1910, as extensive industrialization and modernization efforts would result in the population of North Korea doubling from just over five million at the turn of the century, to over ten and a half million by the start of the Korean War in 1950. The Korean War Following Japan's defeat in the Second World War, the Korean Peninsula was split along the 38th parallel, with a Soviet-backed totalitarian government established in the north, and a U.S.-backed authoritarian government in the south. Neither government recognized the legitimacy of the other, and an escalation of tensions saw the North invade the South in June 1950. By 1953, the North's population dropped below ten million. It is estimated that there were approximately three million total fatalities in the war, with North Korea having the largest share of fatalities of all forces involved; however, the North's isolationist and secretive policies have made it difficult to calculate the full impact of the war on the North's population. Most modern estimates suggest that more than 1.5 million North Koreans died or went missing over these three years. Following the establishment of an armistice between North and South Korea in 1953, the population of the newly-formed Democratic People's Republic of North Korea would begin to rise sharply, from 10 million at the time of armistice to almost 15 million in 1970, just twenty years later. North Korea today North Korea's population has increased in each year since the war's end, however, the rate of growth decreased in the late 1970s, as a severe economic crisis and a resulting lack of foreign technology would lead to a scaling back of many of social welfare programs for the country’s citizens. Growth would slow even further following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, as the loss of Soviet foreign aid would send the North Korean economy into a sharp decline. In the 1990s, a series of flooding, droughts, famine and economic mismanagement led to the deaths of between 500,000 to 600,000* North Koreans. Recent years have seen an improvement in political relations between both the North and South, and even sporadic improvements with the U.S., which could lead to a less-isolated North Korea in the future; however, the continued testing of nuclear weapons and allegations of widespread human rights violations have drawn widespread criticism from the international community. In 2020, it is estimated that approximately 25.8 million people reside in North Korea.

International migrant stock is the number of people born in a country other than that in which they live. It also includes refugees. The data used to estimate the international migrant stock at a particular time are obtained mainly from population censuses. The estimates are derived from the data on foreign-born population--people who have residence in one country but were born in another country. When data on the foreign-born population are not available, data on foreign population--that is, people who are citizens of a country other than the country in which they reside--are used as estimates. After the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991 people living in one of the newly independent countries who were born in another were classified as international migrants. Estimates of migrant stock in the newly independent states from 1990 on are based on the 1989 census of the Soviet Union. For countries with information on the international migrant stock for at least two points in time, interpolation or extrapolation was used to estimate the international migrant stock on July 1 of the reference years. For countries with only one observation, estimates for the reference years were derived using rates of change in the migrant stock in the years preceding or following the single observation available. A model was used to estimate migrants for countries that had no data.

Supplementary material containing supplementary text, supplementary figure legends, supplementary references and supplementary tables for Familial Risk and Incidence Of Alopecia Areata Among First Degree Relatives – A Nationwide Population-Based Study In Korea.

In 1900, the fertility rate in the region of present-day South Korea was six children per woman, meaning that the average woman born in South Korea in that year could expect to have six children over the course of their reproductive years. This number began to fluctuate in the 1930s, when the Japanese administration (the Korean peninsula had been annexed by Japan in 1910) promoted fertility as part of the war effort, before fertility dropped below 5.2 births per woman in the aftermath of the war. It then increased above 6.3 in the 1950s due to the devastation and mass-displacement caused by the Korean War. As stability returned to the region, South Korea's fertility rate would fall sharply throughout the remainder of the century, as modernization, urbanization, and the implementation of family planning programs would see fertility fall to just over 1.5 children per woman by 1990.

Sex-selective abortion and gender ratios Abortion was illegal in South Korea between 1953 and 2020, although it was permitted in some cases from 1973 onward. Despite this, these laws were rarely enforced, and sex-selective abortion became widespread following advancements in ultrasound technology. In many Asian societies, it was often preferred to have male children as they were viewed as being better long-term providers for their parents and they would carry on the family name. In South Korea in the early 1990s, the practice of sex-selective abortion became so widespread that the gender ratio at birth was 114 males for every 100 females (reportedly as high as 125 in some cities), compared to the historical and natural average of approximately 105 males per 100 females. The government then prohibited doctors from revealing the gender of unborn babies to the parents in 1987, and introduced more severe penalties in 1994, in an attempt to revert this trend. The gender imbalance then reduced in the following decades, and has been at 106 males per 100 females since the 2010s (roughly the natural average). Abortion rights in South Korea were expanded in 2021.

Lowest in the world? Despite government initiatives aimed at increasing fertility, including financial incentives, South Korea's fertility rate has continued to fall in recent years, and today is at around half of replacement level. In 2020, it is estimated that the average woman born in South Korea will have just over one child over the course of their reproductive years. Some critics cite economic factors, such as high education and housing costs, for the reason that young couples are postponing marriage and having families; today, South Korea has the lowest adolescent fertility rate, and the lowest overall fertility rate in the Asia Pacific region. Due to the current trajectory of South Korea's fertility rate, in January 2021, it was announced that the South Korean population experienced a natural decline for the first time in it's history.

Human assisted movement has allowed the Asian longhorned beetle (ALB, Anoplophora glabripennis (Motschulsky)) to spread beyond its native range and become a globally regulated invasive pest. Within its native range of China and the Korean peninsula, human-mediated dispersal has also caused cryptic translocation of insects, resulting in population structure complexity. Previous studies used genetic methods to detangle this complexity but were unable to clearly delimit native populations which is needed to develop downstream biosurveillance tools. We used genome-wide markers to define historical population structure in native ALB populations and contemporary movement between regions. We used genotyping-by-sequencing to generate 6,102 single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) and amplicon sequencing to genotype 53 microsatellites. In total, we genotyped 712 individuals from ALB's native distribution. We observed six distinct population clusters among native ALB populations, with a clear delineation between northern and southern groups. Most of the individuals from South Korea were distinct from populations in China. Our results also indicate historical divergence among populations and suggest limited large-scale admixture, but we did identify a restricted number of cases of contemporary movement between regions. We identified SNPs under selection and describe a clinal allele frequency pattern in a missense variant associated with glycerol kinase, an important enzyme in the utilization of an insect cryoprotectant. We further demonstrate that small numbers of SNPs can assign individuals to geographic regions with high probability, paving the way for novel ALB biosurveillance tools.

Range-wide population studies of wide spread species are often associated with complex diversity patterns resulting from genetically divergent evolutionary significant units (ESUs). The compound evolutionary history creating such a pattern of diversity can be inferred through molecular analyses. Asparagus cochinchinensis, a medicinally important perennial herb, is in decline due to overharvesting in Korea. Eight A. cochinchinensis populations in Korea and three neighboring countries (China, Japan and Taiwan) were examined using nine nuclear microsatellite loci and three chloroplast microsatellite loci to characterize molecular diversity patterns. The average within-population diversity was limited likely due to long-term bottlenecks observed in all eight populations. High pairwise FST values indicated that the populations have largely diverged, but the divergences were not correlated with geographic distances. Clustering analyses revealed a highly complex spatial structure pattern associated with two ESUs. Approximate Bayesian Computation (ABC) suggest that the two ESUs split about 21,000 BP, were independently introduced to Korea approximately 1,800 years ago, and admixed in secondary contact zones. The two ESUs found in our study may have different habitat preferences and growth conditions, implying that the two genetically divergent groups should be considered not only for conservation and management but also for breeding programs in agricultural areas.

Korea Fertility Rate: Total: Births per Woman data was reported at 1.172 Ratio in 2016. This records a decrease from the previous number of 1.239 Ratio for 2015. Korea Fertility Rate: Total: Births per Woman data is updated yearly, averaging 1.656 Ratio from Dec 1960 (Median) to 2016, with 57 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 6.095 Ratio in 1960 and a record low of 1.076 Ratio in 2005. Korea Fertility Rate: Total: Births per Woman data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s Korea – Table KR.World Bank: Health Statistics. Total fertility rate represents the number of children that would be born to a woman if she were to live to the end of her childbearing years and bear children in accordance with age-specific fertility rates of the specified year.; ; (1) United Nations Population Division. World Population Prospects: 2017 Revision. (2) Census reports and other statistical publications from national statistical offices, (3) Eurostat: Demographic Statistics, (4) United Nations Statistical Division. Population and Vital Statistics Reprot (various years), (5) U.S. Census Bureau: International Database, and (6) Secretariat of the Pacific Community: Statistics and Demography Programme.; Weighted average; Relevance to gender indicator: it can indicate the status of women within households and a woman’s decision about the number and spacing of children.

The pen shell, Atrina pectinata, is one of the commercial bivalves in East Asia and thought to be recently affected by anthropogenic pressure (habitat destruction and/or fishing pressure). Information on its population genetic structure is crucial for the conservation of A. pectinata. Considering its long pelagic larval duration and iteroparity with high fecundity, the genetic structure for A. pectinata could be expected to be weak at a fine scale. However, the unusual oceanography in the coasts of China and Korea suggests potential for restricted dispersal of pelagic larvae and geographical differentiation. In addition, environmental changes associated with Pleistocene sea level fluctuations on the East China Sea continental shelf may also have strongly influenced historical population demography and genetic diversity of marine organisms. Here, partial sequences of the mitochondrial Cytochrome c oxidase subunit I (COI) gene and seven microsatellite loci were used to estimate population genetic structure and demographic history of seven samples from Northern China coast and one sample from North Korea coast. Despite high levels of genetic diversity within samples, there was no genetic differentiation among samples from Northern China coast and low but significant genetic differentiation between some of the Chinese samples and the North Korean sample. A late Pleistocene population expansion, probably after the Last Glacial Maximum, was also demonstrated for A. pectinata samples. No recent genetic bottleneck was detected in any of the eight samples. We concluded that both historical recolonization (through population range expansion and demographic expansion in the late Pleistocene) and current gene flow (through larval dispersal) were responsible for the weak level of genetic structure detected in A. pectinata.