Every 10 years, the number of seats a state has in the U.S. House of Representatives, and therefore the Electoral College, changes based on population. While many states experienced no change in representation due to the 2020 Census, a few states gained or lost seats. Texas notably gained *** seats due to an increase in population, while New York, Michigan, California, West Virginia, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Illinois all lost *** seat.

This change will stay in place until 2030, when the next Census is conducted in the United States.

There are 435 seats in the U.S. House of Representatives, of which 52 are allocated to the state of California. Seats in the House are allocated based on the population of each state. To ensure proportional and dynamic representation, congressional apportionment is reevaluated every 10 years based on census population data. After the 2020 census, six states gained a seat - Colorado, Florida, Montana, North Carolina, and Oregon. The states of California, Illinois, Michigan, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and West Virginia lost a seat.

Over one week after the election, the Republicans had won *** seats in the United States House of Representatives during the 2024 election, securing their majority. As of November 25, three seats remained uncalled. Parties need to earn *** seats in the House of Representatives in order to claim a majority.

Though the issue of adding the citizenship question to the census largely has been thought of as a partisan one, a deeper investigation reveals there may be consequences for both parties. The map uses data from the Census Bureau’s new Response Outreach Area Mapper and shows predicted mail non-response rates.The darker blue areas depict low mail-in response areas. While these areas tend to be most concentrated in immigrant-dense areas along the West Coast, battleground states like Colorado and Florida as well as states like Mississippi and the Carolinas with difficult-to-reach populations could also be adversely affected.  Undercounts in those areas may lead to loss of congressional seats in states that might otherwise expect to gain seats after 2020 Census. Undercounts also would lead to a loss of funding for states, since many federal programs base funding on population counts.Source: CityLab - Mapping the Threat of a Census Disaster in 2020 - https://www.citylab.com/equity/2018/03/mapping-the-threat-of-a-census-disaster/556814/

The downloadable ZIP file contains Esri shapefiles and PDF maps. Contains the information used to determine the _location of the new legislative and congressional district boundaries for the state of Idaho as adopted by Idaho's first Commission on Redistricting on March 9, 2002. Contains viewable and printable legislative and congressional district maps, viewable and printable reports, and importable geographic data files.These data were contributed to INSIDE Idaho at the University of Idaho Library in 2001. CD/DVD -ROM availability: https://alliance-primo.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/m1uotc/CP71156191150001451These files were created by a six-person, by-partisan commission, consisting of six commission members, three democrats and three republicans. This commission was given 90 days to redraw congressional and legislative district boundaries for the state of Idaho. Due to lawsuits, the process was extended. This legislative plan was approved by the commission on March 9th, 2002 and was previously called L97. All digital data originates from TIGER/Line files and 2000 U.S. Census data.Frequently asked questions:How often are Idaho's legislative and congressional districts redrawn? Once every ten years after each census, as required by law, or when directed by the Idaho Supreme Court. The most recent redistricting followed the 2000 census. Redistricting is not expected to occur again in Idaho until after the 2010 census. Who redrew Idaho's legislative and congressional districts? In 2001, for the first time, Idaho used a citizens' commission to redraw its legislative and congressional district boundaries. Before Idaho voters amended the state Constitution in 1994 to create a Redistricting Commission, redistricting was done by a committee of the Idaho Legislature. The committee's new district plans then had to pass the Legislature before becoming law. Who was on the Redistricting Commission? Idaho's first Commission on Redistricting was composed of Co-Chairmen Kristi Sellers of Chubbuck and Tom Stuart of Boise and Stanley. The other four members were Raymond Givens of Coeur d'Alene, Dean Haagenson of Hayden Lake, Karl Shurtliff of Boise, John Hepworth of Buhl (who resigned effective December 4, 2001), and Derlin Taylor of Burley (who was appointed to replace Mr. Hepworth). What are the requirements for being a Redistricting Commissioner? According to Idaho Law, no person may serve on the commission who: 1. Is not a registered voter of the state at the time of selection; or 2. Is or has been within one (1) year a registered lobbyist; or 3. Is or has been within two (2) years prior to selection an elected official or elected legislative district, county or state party officer. (This requirement does not apply to precinct committeepersons.) The individual appointing authorities may consider additional criteria beyond these statutory requirements. Idaho law also prohibits a person who has served on the Redistricting Commission from serving in either house of the legislature for five years following their service on the commission. When did Idaho's first Commission on Redistricting meet? Idaho law allows the Commission only 90 days to conduct its business. The Redistricting Commission was formed on June 5, 2001. Its 90-day time period would expire on September 3, 2001. After holding hearings around the state in June and July, a majority of the Commission voted to adopt new legislative and congressional districts on August 22, 2001. On November 29th, the Idaho Supreme Court ruled the Commission's legislative redistricting plan unconstitutional and directed them to reconvene and adopt an alternative plan. The Commission did so, adopting a new plan on January 8, 2000. The Idaho Supreme Court found the Commission's second legislative map unconstitutional on March 1, 2002 and ordered the Commission to try again. The Commission adopted a third plan on March 9, 2002. The Supreme Court denied numerous challenges to this third map. It then became the basis for the 2002 primary and General elections and is expected to be used until the 2012 elections. What is the basic timetable for Idaho to redraw its legislative and congressional districts?Typically, and according to Idaho law, the Redistricting Commission cannot be formally convened until after Idaho has received the official census counts and not before June 1 of a year ending in one. Idaho's first Commission on redistricting was officially created on June 5, 2001. By law, a Commission then has 90 days (or until September 3, 2001 in the case of Idaho's first Commission) to approve new legislative and congressional district boundaries based on the most recent census figures. If at least four of the six commissioners fail to approve new legislative and congressional district plans before that 90-day time period expires, the Commission will cease to exist. The law is silent as to what happens next. Could you summarize the important dates for Idaho's first Commission on Redistricting one more time please? After January 1, 2001 but before April 1, 2001: As required by federal law, the Census Bureau must deliver to the states the small area population counts upon which redistricting is based. The Census Bureau determines the exact date within this window when Idaho will get its population figures. Idaho's were delivered on March 23, 2001. Why conduct a census anyway? The original and still primary reason for conducting a national census every ten years is to determine how the 435 seats in the United States House of Representatives are to be apportioned among the 50 states. Each state receives its share of the 435 seats in the U.S. House based on the proportion of its population to that of the total U.S. population. For example, the population shifts during the 1990's resulted in the Northeastern states losing population and therefore seats in Congress to the Southern and the Western states. What is reapportionment? Reapportionment is a federal issue that applies only to Congress. It is the process of dividing up the 435 seats in the U.S. House of Representatives among the 50 states based on each state's proportion of the total U.S. population as determined by the most recent census. Apportionment determines the each state's power, as expressed by the size of their congressional delegation, in Congress and, through the electoral college, directly affects the selection of the president (each state's number of votes in the electoral college equals the number of its representatives and senators in Congress). Like all states, Idaho has two U.S. senators. Based on our 1990 population of 1,006,000 people and our 2000 population of 1,293,953, and relative to the populations of the other 49 states, Idaho will have two seats in the U.S. House of Representatives. Even with the state's 28.5% population increase from 1990 to 2000, Idaho will not be getting a third seat in the U.S. House of Representatives. Assuming Idaho keeps growing at the same rate it did through the decade of the 1990's, it will likely be 30 or 40 years (after 3 or 4 more censuses) before Idaho gets a third congressional seat. What is redistricting? Redistricting is the process of redrawing the boundaries of legislative and congressional districts within each state to achieve population equality among all congressional districts and among all legislative districts. The U.S. Constitution requires this be done for all congressional districts after each decennial census. The Idaho Constitution also requires that this be done for all legislative districts after each census. The democratic principle behind redistricting is "one person, one vote." Requiring that districts be of equal population ensures that every elected state legislator or U.S. congressman represents very close to the same number of people in that state, therefore, each citizen's vote will carry the same weight. How are reapportionment and redistricting related to the census? The original and still primary reason for conducting a census every ten years is to apportion the (now) 435 seats in the U.S. House of Representatives among the several states. The census records population changes and is the legally recognized basis for redrawing electoral districts of equal population. Why is redistricting so important? In a democracy, it is important for all citizens to have equal representation. The political parties also see redistricting as an opportunity to draw districts that favor electing their members and, conversely, that are unfavorable for electing their political opposition. (It's for this reason that redistricting has been described as "the purest form of political bloodsport.") What is PL 94-171? Public Law (PL) 94-171 (Title 13, United States Code) was enacted by Congress in 1975. It was intended to provide state legislatures with small-area census population totals for use in redistricting. The law's origins lie with the "one person, one vote" court decisions in the 1960's. State legislatures needed to reconcile Census Bureau's small geographic area boundaries with voting tabulation districts (precincts) boundaries to create legislative districts with balanced populations. The Census Bureau worked with state legislatures and others to meet this need beginning with the 1980 census. The resulting Public Law 94-171 allows states to work voluntarily with the Census Bureau to match voting district boundaries with small-area census boundaries. With this done, the Bureau can report to those participating states the census population totals broken down by major race group and Hispanic origin for the total population and for persons aged 18 years and older for each census subdivision. Idaho participated in the Bureau's Census 2000 Redistricting Data Program and, where counties used visible features to delineate precinct boundaries, matched those boundaries with census reporting areas. In those instances where counties did not use visible features

As of December 11, 2020, the Democrats had won *** seats in the United States House of Representatives during the election. Three seats remained uncalled. Parties need to earn *** seats in the House of Representatives in order to claim a majority.

I examine whether indirect and direct elections lead to the selection of different types of legislators. My research design, which compares senators to representatives who were elected from statewide districts, takes advantage of two unique features of the nineteenth century congressional districting process. First, some states elected their entire congressional delegation in at-large districts. Second, many states that gained a seat during reapportionment would elect the new representative in a statewide contest rather than redrawing district lines. As a result, there are not only more representatives elected statewide, but they also come from a more diverse set of states than in contemporary elections. Overall, I find that indirectly elected legislators were more comparable to directly elected legislators on some dimensions than prior studies suggest.

During the 2018 midterm election, President Trump's party, the Republicans, lost ** seats in the House of Representatives and gained *** seats in the U.S. Senate. At the subsequent midterm election in 2022, Joe Biden's party lost **** seats in the House, but picked up a seat in the Senate.

AbstractThe Parliament consists of the King (represented by the Governor-General) and two Houses (the Senate and the House of Representatives).The House of Representatives reviews, debates and votes on proposed laws.Each member elected to the House of Representatives represents a single electoral division, also known as an electorate, which does not cross state or territory borders.Each of the six states, the Australian Capital Territory and Northern Territory gains representation in the House of Representatives in proportion to their population, and there are a similar number of electors in each electoral division within a given state or territory.The names and boundaries of electoral divisions within a state or territory are reviewed periodically and may be adjusted.This process is known as a redistribution of federal electoral divisions.The Federal Electoral Divisions dataset contains the names and geographic boundaries of the federal electoral divisions in Australia.The Senate is also often referred to as the ‘state’s house’ or the ‘house of review’.The Senate"s law-making powers are equal to those of the House of Representatives except that it cannot introduce or amend proposed laws that authorise expenditure for the ordinary annual services of the government or that impose taxation.Those elected to the Senate are called ‘Senator’.Senators represent all of one of the six states, the Australian Capital Territory or the Northern Territory.There are 12 senators for each of the six states and there are two senators each for the Australian Capital Territory and the Northern Territory.These boundaries are provided in vector format with Electoral Divisions represented by polygons.Redistributions of federal electoral divisions are conducted of individual states or territories. The electoral divisions in this data have been used at general elections conducted since the date on which the redistribution was determined:NSW - electoral divisions reflect changes made as a result of the redistribution of New South Wales determined on 10 October 2024.VIC - electoral divisions reflect changes made as a result of the redistribution of Victoria determined on 17 October 2024.QLD - electoral divisions reflect changes made as a result of the redistribution of Queensland determined on 27 March 2018.WA - electoral divisions reflect changes made as a result of the redistribution of Western Australia determined on 24 September 2024.SA - electoral divisions reflect changes made as a result of the redistribution of South Australia determined on 20 July 2018.TAS - electoral divisions reflect changes made as a result of the redistribution of Tasmania determined on 14 November 2017.ACT - electoral divisions reflect changes made as a result of the redistribution of the Australian Capital Territory determined on 13 July 2018.NT - electoral divisions reflect changes made as a result of the redistribution of the Northern Territory determined on 4 March 2025.CurrencyDate modified: 4 March 2025Data extentSpatial extentNorth: -9.115517°South: -43.740510°East: 167.998035°West: 96.816941°Source InformationThe data is downloadable from the AEC website.Further information can be found on the AEC's GIS page.Catalog entry: Product catalogue.Known LimitationsThe data (Federal Electoral Divisions 2025) has been used in Digital Atlas of Australia with the permission of the Australian Electoral Commission. The Australian Electoral Commission has not evaluated the data as altered and incorporated within Digital Atlas of Australia, and therefore gives no warranty regarding its accuracy, completeness, currency or suitability for any particular purpose.In a small number of cases, gaps between state/territory borders are evident. To clarify which electoral division an area is part of, it is recommended to check the relevant SA1 against the information on the Australian Electoral Commission website listing the SA1 make-up of electoral divisions.Lineage StatementThe data was downloaded from the AEC website on the 4th March 2025 by the Digital Atlas of Australia team. For the purposes of web viewing, the data was reprojected to EPSG:3857 - Web Mercator.ContactGeoscience Australia, clientservices@ga.gov.au

Summary details for each election year for the Victorian House of Assembly general elections since 1856. This data includes electoral system characteristics, seats in chamber, number of enrolled voters, ballots cast, rate of voter turnout and rate of informal voting.

Software Nesstar Publisher, Version: 3.54

Unit of Analysis House of Assembly, Victorian Parliament

Universe Seats in the Victorian House of Assembly (Lower House) and voters in Victoria.

Time Method Time series

Collection Mode Compilation/Synthesis

Cleaning Operations The data were checked by the archive for missing variable and value labels, out of range values and wild codes, logical inconsistencies, and confidentiality.

Notes Definitions of variables : Uncontested seats: the number of seats in which only one candidate ran for office, and won the seat without any votes having to be cast. The database shows the number of voters enrolled in uncontested seats. Although there have been very few uncontested seats at general elections in Australia since 1980, they were a regular feature of elections in some states until the 1960s. The frequency of uncontested seats and the number of enrolled voters they contain can be a useful indicator of the competitiveness of the party system at a general election. For more information and analysis, see Campbell Sharman, 'Uncontested Seats and the Evolution of Party Competition: The Australian Case', Party Politics, 9(6) November 2003: 679-702. ballots Ballots are the papers on which votes are recorded. A vote can be a single mark, or one or more marks or numbers to elect one or more candidates. At some elections, voters could mark ballots with more than one vote, giving the result that there were more votes cast than voters. This was the case for elections for the South Australian House of Assembly until 1927. Turnout - The turnout at at election is the proportion of voters on the electoral roll (registered voters) who cast a vote. In this database, turnout is measured as the rate of voting in contested seats, shown as a percentage of registered voters; see also compulsory voting. Electoral district - Electoral districts are also called electorates but, as the term electorate also refers to the whole body of voters across a political system, the term electoral district has been used in this database to keep the distinction clear; Electoral roll - The electoral roll is the list of voters who are registered to vote at an election. compulsory preferences - a requirement that a voter must rank all candidates on the ballot paper under a system of preferential voting. Electoral system - The electoral system is the set of rules which specifies how elections are organized and how votes are cast and counted at an election. The broad category of electoral system used to elect members at an election is shown in the database, and the entries are indexed in this database under the name of each electoral system. Australia has been adventurous in its experimentation with electoral rules and electoral law. It is planned to add more information on Australian electoral rules to the database. first past the post - A first past the post electoral system is one in which a voter is required to mark the ballot paper, usually with a cross or tick, indicating the voter's preferred candidate. The winning candidate is the one with the most votes. In electoral contests where there are only two candidates, the candidate with the most votes will have a majority (that is, more than 50 percent of the votes cast). If there are more than two candidates, the candidate with the most votes may only have a plurality (that is, more than any other candidate, but less that 50 percent of the votes cast). For this reason, first past the post voting is sometimes called plurality voting and is indicated in this database as 'first past the post (plurality) voting'. First past the post electoral systems were widely used in Australia until the rise of the Australian Labor Party prompted anti-Labor parties after 1910 to adopt preferential voting for most lower house elections in Australia. First past the post electoral systems are usually associated with single member districts, but they can also be used in multimember districts. The use of plurality voting with multimember districts is often called 'block voting'; the voter is given as many votes as there are candidates to be elected from the district. Such a system favours well organized party tickets and a successful party can win all the seats in a multimember district with a plurality of votes. This system was used for the Commonwealth Senate until 1919. Plurality voting can also be used in multimember districts by giving the voters as many ballots as there are candidates to be elected from the district. This enables voters to vote for several candidates or to cast more than one ballot for their favoured candidate (see also ballots). first preference vote - Preferential voting requires a voter to rank candidates on the ballot paper in the order of the voter's choice. A voter's most preferred candidate is the one against whose name the voter has written '1' on the ballot paper. This candidate represents the voter's first preference vote. This definition also applies to voting under systems of proportional representation. Where a first past the post (plurality) electoral system is used, the first preference vote refers to the number of ticks or crosses gained by each candidate. Change from previous election (Swing) The change in first preference vote won by a party at a given election when compared with the previous election, expressed as the difference between the percentage first preference vote shares. Note that the party must be listed in the database for both elections (see listed party) for a figure to appear in the column. If the party was a listed party in the previous election but ran candidates under a difference name, no figure for changed vote share will appear (see party name). Turnout - The turnout at at election is the proportion of voters on the electoral roll (registered voters) who cast a vote. In this database, turnout is measured as the rate of voting in contested seats, shown as a percentage of registered voters. Registration of voters - Registration (enrolment) as a voter is now compulsory for all Australian parliamentary elections (note the partial exception of South Australia, below). With minor qualifications for length of residence and variations for some state and territory elections, all eligible Australian citizens are required to be registered as voters. Comprehensive voter registration can be achieved by surveying households, and by requiring state agencies which compile lists of names and addresses to provided these lists to electoral authorities. For commentary on the context of compulsory registration, see David M Farrell and Ian McAllister, The Australian Electoral System: Origins, Variations and Consequences, pp 121-124 (Sydney: University of New South Wales Press, 2006, ISBN 0868408581). History Compulsory enrolment was introduced for Victorian lower house elections in 1930. Election dates for the Tasmanian elections are: 20 April 1892, 20 September 1894, 14 October 1897, 1 November 1900, 1 October 1902, 1 June 1904, 14 April 1907, 29 December 1908, 16 November 1911, 26 November 1914, 15 November 1917, 21 October 1920, 30 August 1921, 26 June 1924, 9 April 1927, 30 November 1929, 14 May 1932, 2 March 1935, 2 October 1937, 15 March 1940, 12 June 1943, 10 November 1945, 8 November 1947, 13 May 1950, 5 December 1952, 28 May 1955, 31 May 1958, 15 July 1961, 27 June 1964, 29 April 1967, 30 May 1970, 19 May 1973, 20 March 1976, 5 May 1979, 3 April 1982, 2 March 1985, 1 October 1988, 3 October 1992, 30 March 1996, 18 September 1999, 30 November 2002, 25 November 2006. November 1982, 7 December 1985, 25 November 1989, 11 December 1993, 11 October 1997, 9 February 2002, 18 March 2006.

Since 1852, the U.S. presidential election has been contested in California 44 times, with Californians successfully voting for the winning candidate on 35 occasions, giving an overall success rate of 80 percent. California has awarded the majority of its electoral votes to the Republican Party in 23 elections, the Democratic Party in 20 elections, and the only year when a third-party candidate won a majority was in 1912, where Theodore Roosevelt won the state while campaigning as the Progressive Party's nominee. Between 1952 and 1988, there was only one election that was not won by the Republican candidate, while all elections since 1992 have been won by the Democratic nominee. In the 2024 election, Oakland-born Vice President Kamala Harris ran as the Democratic nominee, and comfortably won her home state but lost the nationwide vote. Californian under-representation? California was admitted to the union in 1850, and was granted just four electoral votes in its first three presidential elections. In the past two centuries, California's population has grown rapidly, largely due to a positive net migration rate from within the U.S. and abroad. Today, it has the highest population of any state in the U.S, with almost forty million people, and has therefore been designated 54 electoral votes; the most of any state. Although California has been allocated around ten percent of the total electoral votes on offer nationwide, The Golden State is home to roughly twelve percent of the total U.S. population, therefore a number closer to 62 electoral votes would be more proportional to the U.S. population distribution. Despite this, California's total allocation was reduced to 54 in the 2024 election. Native Californians As of 2020, Richard Nixon is the only native Californian to have been elected to the presidency, having won the election in 1968 and 1972. California also voted for Nixon in the 1960 election, although John F. Kennedy was the overall winner. Two other U.S. Presidents had declared California as their home state; they were Herbert Hoover, who won the 1928 election, and Ronald Reagan, who won in 1980 and 1984 respectively. While states generally support candidates who were born or reside there, Californian candidates have failed to carry their home state or state of birth in four U.S. presidential elections, these were; John C. Frémont in 1854 (who actually came third in California), Herbert Hoover in 1932, and Adlai Stevenson in both the 1952 and 1956 elections.

This statistic shows the composition of the House of Commons in the United Kingdom (UK) at the time of the last general election in May 2010 and in September 2016, by party. The next general election is due to take place on May ***, 2020. Since 2010, the Conservatives gained ** seats.

Wahlverhalten und politische Einstellungen. Themen: Finanzielle Situation des Haushaltes in den letzten und denkommenden 12 Monaten; Volkswirtschaft in den letzten und den kommenden12 Monaten; Wahlbeteiligung 1996; Wahlverhalten bei derAbgeordnetenhauswahl 1996; Wahlentscheidung des Partners; taktischeWahlentscheidung; ausreichend Information über die Medien; durch dieMedien favorisierte Partei; was gefällt an Partei (offene Frage);Leistungen der Regierung; Arbeit für alle; Demokratiezufriedenheit;Reduzierung der Einkommensdifferenzen; ökonomische Situation;Privatisierung; Schließung nichtprofitabler Unternehmen; Eignung vonAtheisten für ein öffentliches Amt; Nationalismus; Chancen vorwärts zukommen; Abtreibung; Kriminalität; Präferenz für einen patriotischenPolitiker; Einfluss der Kirche; Einschätzung der Teilung derTschechoslowakei; Eigentumsrückgabe; Selbsteinstufung auf einemLinks-Rechts-Kontinuum; Verbundenheit mit einer Partei; Rolle derParteien; Name der Kandidaten; Sympathie für Parteien; Zustand undmögliche Veränderung der Wirtschaft; Verhältnis zu Abgeordneten;Wahlverhalten der Leute; Einstufung der Parteien auf einemLinks-Rechts-Kontinuum; Rolle von Wahlen und Wahlkampagnen; Wahlen undKosten; Todesstrafe; Haushaltsvorstand; Einfluss der Kirche aufdie Wahlen;Wohlfahrtsstaat; enge Zusammenarbeit inBetrieb unmöglich; Respekt gegenüber tschechischen Werte; Gehorsamkeit;Verschwinden der Konflikte zwischen den Parteien; die Bedeutung derEntscheidung der Wähler; NATO und EU Mitgliedschaft; präferrierteBeziehung zwischen Tschechien und Slowakei; gegenwärtige Regierungverglichen mit der von vor 1989; Kritik an tschechischen öffentlichenPersonen; Gesetzesverstöße durch Politiker; eigene Verantwortung für dieArmut; illegales Geldverdienen; Ausdehnung des Privateigentums;Reduzierung der Ungleichheiten; Meinung zu staatliche Intervention;Haltung gegenüber Roma; Wissen über Prozenthürden bei der Wahl; Name desTransportministers; Anzahl der Sitze im Unterhaus; Sprache; Beruf;Kirchgangshäufigkeit; Religionszugehörigkeit;Gewerkschaftsmitgliedschaft; Zigeuner. Zusätzlich verkodet wurden Interviewdatum und Interviewdauer;Kooperation des Interviewten, Wahlbezirk. Voting behaviour and political attitudes.Topics: Husehold finances in last and next 12 months; national economyin last and next 12 months; participated in the 1996 lower house election;vote in the 1996 lower house election; spouse: vote in the 1996 election;use of preference vote in 1996; tactical voting; knowledge: representationof party respondent voted for; radio and TV: sufficient information; radioand TV: impartial party which media favoured most; like about the parties(open question); government performance; provide a job for everyone; reducingincome differences is harmful; the economic situation is unfavourable;privatisation is going to help; unprofitable enterprises should be closed down;atheists are unfit for public office; nationalism is always harmful chance ofgetting ahead; politicians should care more about crime; abortion should beallowed; preference of patriotic politician; church has too much influence;split of Czechoslovakia was wrong; restitution was wrong; left-rightself-placement (7-point scale); satisfaction with democracy; last election;respondent close to any party; first party close to respondent second partyclose to respondent; third party close to respondent; party closest torespondent; any party closer than others; which party closer than others;how close to closest party; parties care what people want; parties arenecessary; recall of name of candidate; sympathy of parties; state of economy;change in economic situation; MPs´ idea what people think contact with MP;who is in power; the way people vote; people say or hide opinion; left-rightplacement of parties; elections help to keep politicians honest; in electioncampaigns people can learn; elections divide the country; benefits of electionsfar outweigh the costs; death penalty; husband is to earn the money; clergyshould not influence vote too many people rely on government assistance; smoothcooperation in firms is impossible; not enough respect for traditional Czechvalues; schools should teach children to obey; get rid of conflicts between theparties; for democracy turnout does not matter; voters decide how things arerun; most voters cannot make intelligent decisions; better leaders would bechosen through exams; Czech Rep join the NATO; Czech Rep join the EEC;preferred relationship between Czech R and Slovakia; present regime comparedto pre-1989 regime; people should refrain from criticizing Czech officials;politician may act contrary to the law; some people earn millions; people areresponsible for their poverty; competent people can earn a lot of money; peopleget rich here mainly in an illegal way; private ownership should be expanded;more efforts to reduce inequalities; less government intervention; moretoughness needed against Romany offenders; Romanians should be let to leadtheir own way of live; knowledge about electoral threshold, name of Ministerof Transport, number of seats in Czech lower house; language spoken at home;occupation (respondent and spouse): ISCO code, EGP-10 classification andEGP-6 classification; strength of religious belief; frequency of churchattendance; denomination; union membership: respondent; union membership:somebody else in household; gypsy or not(judgment of interviewer); date andlength of the interview; number of contact attempts for interview; interviewdemanding; respondents primary electoral district.

The graph presents a forecast for the radio political advertising expenditure in the United States in 2018, broken down by contest category. The source projected that politicians would spend around 21.47 million U.S. dollars on radio advertising towards obtaining seats in the U.S. House of Representatives.

The U.S. midterm elections are general elections that are held in four year intervals, approximately two years after each presidential election. Midterm elections are used to determine all 435 seats in the House of Representatives, approximately one third of all Senate seats, two thirds of state governors, and a variety of local and municipal positions. Midterm elections traditionally have a much lower turnout than presidential elections, with turnout among U.S. adults ranging between 38 and 56 percent, compared with a range between 54 and 70 percent in presidential elections. Since 1964, white voters have consistently had the highest turnout rate in midterm elections, particularly non-Hispanic whites. Black voters have been voting at a similar rate to the national average in the past decade; although it is still just one percent below the national average. Since records became available, Asian and Hispanic voters have traditionally voted at a much lower rate than black or white voters, and have consistently had turnout rates at approximately half of the national average. The 2018 midterm elections saw an unprecedented increase in voter turnout, with the national average increasing by over ten percent; the high turnout in this election has been characterized as a reaction to "Trump's America", and saw significant gains for the Democratic Party, particularly for candidates who were female, non-white or members of the LGBT community.