There were almost 700 thousand slaves in the US in 1790, which equated to approximately 18 percent of the total population, or roughly one in every six people. By 1860, the final census taken before the American Civil War, there were four million slaves in the South, compared with less than 0.5 million free African Americans in all of the US. Of the 4.4 million African Americans in the US before the war, almost four million of these people were held as slaves; meaning that for all African Americans living in the US in 1860, there was an 89 percent* chance that they lived in slavery. A brief history Trans-Atlantic slavery began in the early sixteenth century, when the Portuguese and Spanish forcefully brought captured African slaves to the New World, in order to work for them. The British Empire introduced slavery to North America on a large scale, and the economy of the British colonies there depended on slave labor, particularly regarding cotton, sugar and tobacco output. In the seventeenth and eighteenth century the number of slaves being brought to the Americas increased exponentially, and at the time of American independence it was legal in all thirteen colonies. Although slavery became increasingly prohibited in the north, the number of slaves remained high during this time as they were simply relocated or sold from the north to the south. It is also important to remember that the children of slaves were also viewed as property, and (apart from some very rare cases) were born into a life of slavery. Abolition and the American Civil War In the years that followed independence, the Northern States began gradually prohibiting slavery, and it was officially abolished there by 1805, and the importation of slave labor was prohibited nationwide from 1808 (although both still existed in practice after this). Business owners in the Southern States however depended on slave labor in order to meet the demand of their rapidly expanding industries, and the issue of slavery continued to polarize American society in the decades to come. This culminated in the election of President Abraham Lincoln in 1860, who promised to prohibit slavery in the newly acquired territories to the west, leading to the American Civil War from 1861 to 1865. Although the Confederacy (south) were victorious in much of the early stages of the war, the strength in numbers of the northern states (including many free, black men), eventually resulted in a victory for the Union (north), and the nationwide abolishment of slavery with the Thirteenth Amendment in 1865. Legacy In total, an estimated twelve to thirteen million Africans were transported to the Americas as slaves, and this does not include the high number who did not survive the journey (which was as high as 23 percent in some years). In the 150 years since the abolishment of slavery in the US, the African-American community have continuously campaigned for equal rights and opportunities that were not afforded to them along with freedom. The most prominent themes have been the Civil Rights Movement, voter suppression, mass incarceration and the relationship between the police and the African-American community has taken the spotlight in recent years.

Lynching in the United States is estimated to have claimed over 4.7 thousand lives between 1882 and 1968, and just under 3.5 thousand of these victims were black. Today, lynching is more commonly associated with racial oppression, particularly in the south, however, in early years, victims were more commonly white (specifically Mexican), and lynchings were more frequent in western territories and along the southern border. It was only after Reconstruction's end where the lynching of black people became more prevalent, and was arguably the most violent tool of oppression used by white supremacists. Nationwide, the share of the population who was black fluctuated between 10 and 13 percent in the years shown here, however the share of lynching victims who were black was almost 73 percent. North-south divide Of the 4.7 thousand victims of lynching between 1882 and 1968, over 3.5 thousand of these were killed in former-Confederate states. Of the fourteen states where the highest number of lynching victims were killed, eleven were former-Confederate states, and all saw the deaths of at least one hundred people due to lynching. Mississippi was the state where most people were lynched in these years, with an estimated 581 victims, 93 percent of whom were black. Georgia saw the second most lynchings, with 531 in total, and the share of black victims was also 93 percent. Compared to the nationwide average of 73 percent, the share of black victims in former-Confederate states was 86 percent. Texas was the only former-Confederate state where this share (71 percent) was below the national average, due to the large number of Mexicans who were lynched there. Outside of the south Of the non-Confederate state with the highest number of lynching victims, most either bordered the former-Confederate states, or were to the west. Generally speaking, the share of white victims in these states was often higher than in the south, meaning that the majority took place in the earlier years represented here; something often attributed to the lack of an established judiciary system in rural regions, and the demand for a speedy resolution. However, there are many reports of black people being lynched in the former border states in the early-20th century, as they made their way northward during the Great Migration. Between 1882 and 1968, lynchings were rare in the Northeast, although Connecticut, Massachusetts, New Hampshire and Rhode Island were the only states** without any recorded lynchings in these years.

This graph shows the population of the U.S. by race and ethnic group from 2000 to 2023. In 2023, there were around 21.39 million people of Asian origin living in the United States. A ranking of the most spoken languages across the world can be accessed here. U.S. populationCurrently, the white population makes up the vast majority of the United States’ population, accounting for some 252.07 million people in 2023. This ethnicity group contributes to the highest share of the population in every region, but is especially noticeable in the Midwestern region. The Black or African American resident population totaled 45.76 million people in the same year. The overall population in the United States is expected to increase annually from 2022, with the 320.92 million people in 2015 expected to rise to 341.69 million people by 2027. Thus, population densities have also increased, totaling 36.3 inhabitants per square kilometer as of 2021. Despite being one of the most populous countries in the world, following China and India, the United States is not even among the top 150 most densely populated countries due to its large land mass. Monaco is the most densely populated country in the world and has a population density of 24,621.5 inhabitants per square kilometer as of 2021. As population numbers in the U.S. continues to grow, the Hispanic population has also seen a similar trend from 35.7 million inhabitants in the country in 2000 to some 62.65 million inhabitants in 2021. This growing population group is a significant source of population growth in the country due to both high immigration and birth rates. The United States is one of the most racially diverse countries in the world.

United States - Population Level - Black or African American was 35751.00000 Thous. of Persons in May of 2025, according to the United States Federal Reserve. Historically, United States - Population Level - Black or African American reached a record high of 35751.00000 in May of 2025 and a record low of 14332.00000 in January of 1972. Trading Economics provides the current actual value, an historical data chart and related indicators for United States - Population Level - Black or African American - last updated from the United States Federal Reserve on June of 2025.

This map shows the percentage of people who identify as something other than non-Hispanic white throughout the US according to the most current American Community Survey. The pattern is shown by states, counties, and Census tracts. Zoom or search for anywhere in the US to see a local pattern. Click on an area to learn more. Filter to your area and save a new version of the map to use for your own mapping purposes.The Arcade expression used was: 100 - B03002_calc_pctNHWhiteE, which is simply 100 minus the percent of population who identifies as non-Hispanic white. The data is from the U.S. Census Bureau's American Community Survey (ACS). The figures in this map update automatically annually when the newest estimates are released by ACS. For more detailed metadata, visit the ArcGIS Living Atlas Layer: ACS Race and Hispanic Origin Variables - Boundaries.The data on race were derived from answers to the question on race that was asked of individuals in the United States. The Census Bureau collects racial data in accordance with guidelines provided by the U.S. Office of Management and Budget (OMB), and these data are based on self-identification. The racial categories included in the census questionnaire generally reflect a social definition of race recognized in this country and not an attempt to define race biologically, anthropologically, or genetically. The categories represent a social-political construct designed for collecting data on the race and ethnicity of broad population groups in this country, and are not anthropologically or scientifically based. Learn more here.Other maps of interest:American Indian or Alaska Native Population in the US (Current ACS)Asian Population in the US (Current ACS)Black or African American Population in the US (Current ACS)Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander Population in the US (Current ACS)Hispanic or Latino Population in the US (Current ACS) (some people prefer Latinx)Population who are Some Other Race in the US (Current ACS)Population who are Two or More Races in the US (Current ACS) (some people prefer mixed race or multiracial)White Population in the US (Current ACS)Race in the US by Dot DensityWhat is the most common race/ethnicity?

Note: Explore this map with the activity The Underground Railroad.This map shows which states and territories in 1850 permitted the enslavement of people, and which did not. Slavery had been practiced in North America since well before the United States was founded in 1776, and by 1850 it was a key part of the agricultural economy of the southern states. Large cotton plantations operated on the labor of enslaved people, particularly Black Africans. Meanwhile, the northern United States had a more industrial economy, and by 1850 had mostly prohibited slavery for economic, political, and moral reasons. Though these states were considered “free” states, in many cases this meant that slavery wasn’t widespread. Even in states and territories where slavery was technically illegal, there were many loopholes that kept people enslaved and restricted free Black people.

In the years before the American Civil War, which began in 1861, the question of whether new states would allow slavery caused a lot of disagreement and tension between the North and South. The United States was carefully balanced to have as many "slave" states as "free" states, giving both sides an equal number of senators. The South was worried that if more free states were added, this balance would be upset, and the North would be able to pass legislation banning slavery in the United States. The North didn't want slavery to spread to new areas, both for moral reasons and because they didn’t think it was fair that enslaved people couldn’t vote but counted as part of the population when assigning congressional delegates. They argued that this gave the South an unfair advantage when voting for new laws. To try to keep the peace, a series of compromises, such as the Missouri Compromise of 1820 were proposed to determine what states and territories would or would not permit slavery.

Another issue that caused tension between abolitionists in the North and slave owners in the South was the ongoing trade of enslaved people. The United States government had banned foreign slave trade in 1800, but this did nothing to free the people who were already enslaved in the United States. States in the upper South, such as Virginia, now profited from selling enslaved people to new states in the Deep South.

To escape enslavement, some enslaved people used an informal network of routes, places, and people known as the Underground Railroad to travel in secret to the Northern United States and into Canada, where slavery was illegal. The Underground Railroad was not a literal underground railroad, but because escaping from slavery and helping enslaved people escape was illegal, the network operated in secret. The “conductors” were the people leading enslaved people to freedom and the “station masters,” those who hid enslaved people on the way north. According to some estimates, between 1810 and 1850, the Underground Railroad helped to guide 100,000 enslaved people to freedom.

This map was made through the process of digitization, or tracing historical maps using modern geographic information system (GIS) software. These maps don’t always line up perfectly with modern boundaries, for many reasons. Over time, natural landmarks, such as rivers, can shift their paths, and human landmarks, such as buildings and roads, can be abandoned and demolished. There are also differences in the accuracy of hand-drawn maps compared to computer-drawn maps.

The original maps are published in Harper’s Atlas of American History, and are available through the Library of Congress:

Slavery and Slave Trade 1830-1850

Routes of the Underground Railroad 1830-1865

Fox, Dixon Ryan. Harper's atlas of American history, selected from "The American nation series," with map studies, by Dixon Ryan Fox. [New York, London, Harper & Brothers, 1920] Pdf. https://www.loc.gov/item/32005827/

This statistic shows the population of the United States in the final census year before the American Civil War, shown by race and gender. From the data we can see that there were almost 27 million white people, 4.5 million black people, and eighty thousand classed as 'other'. The proportions of men to women were different for each category, with roughly 700 thousand more white men than women, over 100 thousand more black women than men, and almost three times as many men than women in the 'other' category. The reason for the higher male numbers in the white and other categories is because men migrated to the US at a higher rate than women, while there is no concrete explanation for the statistic regarding black people.

This statistic shows the number of black men and women in the US from 1820 until 1880. Slavery was legal in the Southern States of the US until 1865, when the Thirteenth Amendment was added to the US Constitution after the American Civil War. Until that time all of the slaves included in this statistic were registered as living in the South, whereas the majority of the free, black men and women lived in the Northern States. From the data we can see that, while the slave experience was very different for men and women, there was relatively little difference between their numbers in each respective category. While female slaves were more likely to serve in domestic roles, they were also more likely to be working in the lowest and unskilled jobs on plantations, whereas men were given more skilled and physically demanding roles. As slavery was abolished in 1870, all black people from this point were considered free in the census data. It is also worth noticing that in these years the difference in the number of men and women increased, most likely as a result of all the black male soldiers who fell fighting in the American Civil War.

The leading causes of death among Black residents in the United States in 2022 included diseases of the heart, cancer, unintentional injuries, and stroke. The leading causes of death for African Americans generally reflects the leading causes of death for the entire United States population. However, a major exception is that death from assault or homicide is the seventh leading cause of death among African Americans, but is not among the ten leading causes for the general population. Homicide among African Americans The homicide rate among African Americans has been higher than that of other races and ethnicities for many years. In 2023, around 9,284 Black people were murdered in the United States, compared to 7,289 white people. A majority of these homicides are committed with firearms, which are easily accessible in the United States. In 2022, around 14,189 Black people died by firearms. However, suicide deaths account for over half of all deaths from firearms in the United States. Cancer disparities There are also major disparities in access to health care and the impact of various diseases. For example, the incidence rate of cancer among African American males is the greatest among all ethnicities and races. Furthermore, although the incidence rate of cancer is lower among African American women than it is among white women, cancer death rates are still higher among African American women.

Abstract (en): This study explores attitudes and perceptions related to urban problems and race relations in 15 northern cities of the United States (Baltimore, Boston, Brooklyn, Chicago, Cincinnati, Cleveland, Detroit, Gary, Milwaukee, Newark, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, St. Louis, San Francisco, and Washington, DC). More specifically, it seeks to define the social and psychological characteristics and aspirations of the Black and White urban populations. Samples of Blacks and Whites were selected in each of the cities in early 1968. The study employed two questionnaire forms, one for Whites and one for Blacks, and two corresponding data files were generated. Attitudinal questions asked of the White and Black respondents measured their satisfaction with community services, their feelings about the effectiveness of government in solving urban problems, and their experience with police abuse. Additional questions about the respondent's familiarity with and participation in antipoverty programs were included. Other questions centered on the respondent's opinions about the 1967 riots: the main causes, the purpose, the major participating classes, and the effect of the riots on the Black cause. Respondents' interracial relationships, their attitudes toward integration, and their perceptions of the hostility between the races were also investigated. White respondents were asked about their opinions on the use of governmental intervention as a solution for various problems of the Blacks, such as substandard schools, unemployment, and unfair housing practices. Respondent's reactions to nonviolent and violent protests by Blacks, their acceptance of counter-rioting by Whites and their ideas concerning possible governmental action to prevent further rioting were elicited. Inquiries were made as to whether or not the respondent had given money to support or hinder the Black cause. Other items investigated respondents' perceptions of racial discrimination in jobs, education, and housing, and their reactions to working under or living next door to a Black person. Black respondents were asked about their perceptions of discrimination in hiring, promotion, and housing, and general attitudes toward themselves and towards Blacks in general. The survey also investigated respondents' past participation in civil rights organizations and in nonviolent and/or violent protests, their sympathy with rioters, and the likelihood of personal participation in a future riot. Other questions probed respondents' attitudes toward various civil rights leaders along with their concurrence with statements concerning the meaning of "Black power." Demographic variables include sex and age of the respondent, and the age and relationship to the respondent of each person in the household, as well as information about the number of persons in the household, their race, and the type of structure in which they lived. Additional demographic topics include the occupational and educational background of the respondent, of the respondent's family head, and of the respondent's father. The respondent's family income and the amount of that income earned by the head of the family were obtained, and it was determined if any of the family income came from welfare, Social Security, or veteran's benefits. This study also ascertained the place of birth of the respondent and respondent's mother and father, in order to measure the degree of southern influence. Other questions investigated the respondent's military background, religious preference, marital status, and family composition. Individuals between the ages of 16 and 69, living in private households within the 1960 corporate limits of the cities sampled (Baltimore, Boston, Brooklyn, Chicago, Cincinnati, Cleveland, Detroit, Gary, Milwaukee, Newark, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, St. Louis, San Francisco, and Washington, DC). Persons with no place of residence, the institutional population, and persons in group quarters had no chance of selection for the study. Samples of Blacks and whites were selected in each of the cities, and approximately 175 respondents of each race were interviewed in early 1968. There were three stages of sampling. First, city blocks were selected within each city. Then, dwellings were selected within each city block. Finally, individuals were selected within each dwelling. In the first stage, city blocks were sampled with probabilities proportional to the number of dwellings after stratification by r...

The "Enslaved People in the African American National Biography, 1508-1865" dataset builds on the complete print and online collection of the African American National Biography (AANB), edited by Henry Louis Gates, Jr. and Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham. The full collection contains over 6,000 biographical entries of named historical individuals, including 1,304 for subjects born before 1865 and the abolition of slavery in the United States. In making a subset of biographical entries from the multivolume work, the goal was to extract life details from those biographies into an easy-to-view database form that details whether a subject was enslaved for some or all of their lives and to provide the main biographical details of each subject for contextual analysis and comparison. 52 fields covering location data; gender; names, alternate names and suffixes; dates and places of birth and death; and up to 8 occupations were included. We also added 13 unique fields that provide biographical details on each subject: Free born in North America; Free before 13th Amendment; Ever Enslaved; How was freedom attained; Other/uncertain status; African born; Parent information; Runaways and rebels; Education/literacy; Religion; Slave narrative or memoir author; Notes; and Images.

This map highlights where the Black/African American populations in households have a computer, but no internet subscription in their household. The brightest oranges show where there are a higher percentage of Black/African Americans without an internet subscription. The larger symbols show where there are more Black/African Americans without internet at home. Both of these factors highlight the at-risk population with unequal opportunities. This can be seen throughout the United States at the state, county, and tract levels. Search for your area, or explore one of the bookmarks within the map to see areas with stark patterns.The data in this map contains the most recent American Community Survey (ACS) data from the U.S. Census Bureau. The Living Atlas layer in this map updates annually when the Census releases their new figures. To learn more, visit this FAQ, or visit the ACS website. Data note: For the tract geography level, the margin of error (MOE) is included in the pop-up as reference. A note from the Census about MOEs: "Data are based on a sample and are subject to sampling variability. The degree of uncertainty for an estimate arising from sampling variability is represented through the use of a margin of error. The value shown here is the 90 percent margin of error. The margin of error can be interpreted as providing a 90 percent probability that the interval defined by the estimate minus the margin of error and the estimate plus the margin of error (the lower and upper confidence bounds) contains the true value. In addition to sampling variability, the ACS estimates are subject to nonsampling error (for a discussion of nonsampling variability, see Accuracy of the Data). The effect of nonsampling error is not represented in these tables."

In addition to providing an ongoing evaluation of the Bush presidency, this survey polled respondents on a variety of social and political topics including political parties, economics, racism, the Persian Gulf War, patriotism, Mikhail Gorbachev and the Soviet Union, China, and health care policy. Respondents were asked whether they approved of George Bush's handling of the presidency, foreign policy, and the economy. Detailed queries on political topics included items on the most important problem facing the country and the party that could best handle it, and the party best able to control unemployment, reduce the federal deficit, keep the United States out of war, deal with foreign economic competition, and insure the prosperity of the country. Respondents were also asked which party was more concerned with the needs of people like themselves, which was more likely to make sure that United States military defenses are strong and that children get a better education in the public schools, which was more likely to improve the health care system, which party favored the rich, the middle class, and the poor, which party cared more about the needs and problems of women, men, Blacks, and Whites, and which was more likely to waste tax money. Economic questions focused on whether trade restrictions were necessary to protect domestic industries, what the condition of the national economy was, whether the United States was in an economic recession, and whether the economy was getting better. Questions concerning racism asked whether preference should be given to hiring Blacks where there had been discrimination in the past, whether preferential hiring or promotion of Blacks hurts Whites, and whether the respondent had ever been discriminated against. Questions focusing on the Persian Gulf War included whether the war to defeat Iraq was worth the cost, whether the results of the war would make the chance for peace in the Middle East more likely, whether the United States should have stopped fighting when Iraqi troops left Kuwait or continued fighting Iraq until Saddam Hussein was removed from power, if the respondent felt proud about what the United States had done in the Persian Gulf, and whether the United States made a mistake by getting involved in the war against Iraq. Other questions examined how patriotic the respondent felt, whether people were more patriotic, and whether politicians talk about patriotism as a means of winning votes. Respondents were also asked whether their opinion of Mikhail Gorbachev was favorable, whether they favored helping the Soviet Union reform its economy by providing economic aid, whether it was more important to criticize China's suppression of human rights or to maintain good relations with China, and whether China should receive the same trading privileges as other friendly nations. Questions regarding specific health policies included whether abortion should be available to all or be available with stricter limits, whether the government should require employers to make health insurance available, and whether the respondent favored or opposed national health insurance. Respondents were asked how much they thought they knew about AIDS, whether the United States should keep people who have tested positive for AIDS from entering the country, whether there had been a lot of discrimination against people with AIDS, whether they had sympathy for those who have the disease, what age children should be told about AIDS and the specific ways to prevent transmitting it, if the government should require health care workers to be tested for AIDS, whether the respondent had changed his/her sexual habits due to fear of getting AIDS, and whether the respondent knew someone who had the disease or who had died from it. Background information includes the respondent's voting behavior in the 1988 presidential election, party affiliation, political orientation, voter registration status, age, race, religion, education, marital status, parental status, employment, and family income.

The issue of race and slavery was arguably the largest cause of the American Civil War, with the southern states seceding from the Union as the practice of slavery became increasingly threatened. From the graph we can see that roughly 16.5 percent of the entire US population at this time was black, and the vast majority of these were slaves. In 1860 there were almost 27 million white people, four and a half million black people, and less than one hundred thousand non-black or white people (mostly of Native/Latin American or East-Asian origin).

About this dataset

Context

This list ranks the 345 cities in the Massachusetts by Hispanic Black or African American population, as estimated by the United States Census Bureau. It also highlights population changes in each cities over the past five years.

Content

When available, the data consists of estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) 5-Year Estimates, including:

• 2019-2023 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates
• 2018-2022 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates
• 2017-2021 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates
• 2016-2020 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates
• 2015-2019 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates

Variables / Data Columns

• Rank by Hispanic Black Population: This column displays the rank of cities in the Massachusetts by their Hispanic Black or African American population, using the most recent ACS data available.
• cities: The cities for which the rank is shown in the previous column.
• Hispanic Black Population: The Hispanic Black population of the cities is shown in this column.
• % of Total cities Population: This shows what percentage of the total cities population identifies as Hispanic Black. Please note that the sum of all percentages may not equal one due to rounding of values.
• % of Total Massachusetts Hispanic Black Population: This tells us how much of the entire Massachusetts Hispanic Black population lives in that cities. Please note that the sum of all percentages may not equal one due to rounding of values.
• 5 Year Rank Trend: TThis column displays the rank trend across the last 5 years.

Good to know

Margin of Error

Data in the dataset are based on the estimates and are subject to sampling variability and thus a margin of error. Neilsberg Research recommends using caution when presening these estimates in your research.

Custom data

If you do need custom data for any of your research project, report or presentation, you can contact our research staff at research@neilsberg.com for a feasibility of a custom tabulation on a fee-for-service basis.

Inspiration

Neilsberg Research Team curates, analyze and publishes demographics and economic data from a variety of public and proprietary sources, each of which often includes multiple surveys and programs. The large majority of Neilsberg Research aggregated datasets and insights is made available for free download at https://www.neilsberg.com/research/.

Although the American Community Survey (ACS) produces population, demographic and housing unit estimates, it is the Census Bureau's Population Estimates Program that produces and disseminates the official estimates of the population for the nation, states, counties, cities, and towns and estimates of housing units for states and counties..Supporting documentation on code lists, subject definitions, data accuracy, and statistical testing can be found on the American Community Survey website in the Technical Documentation section.Sample size and data quality measures (including coverage rates, allocation rates, and response rates) can be found on the American Community Survey website in the Methodology section..Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 2021 American Community Survey 1-Year Estimates.Data are based on a sample and are subject to sampling variability. The degree of uncertainty for an estimate arising from sampling variability is represented through the use of a margin of error. The value shown here is the 90 percent margin of error. The margin of error can be interpreted roughly as providing a 90 percent probability that the interval defined by the estimate minus the margin of error and the estimate plus the margin of error (the lower and upper confidence bounds) contains the true value. In addition to sampling variability, the ACS estimates are subject to nonsampling error (for a discussion of nonsampling variability, see ACS Technical Documentation). The effect of nonsampling error is not represented in these tables..The Hispanic origin and race codes were updated in 2020. For more information on the Hispanic origin and race code changes, please visit the American Community Survey Technical Documentation website..The 2021 American Community Survey (ACS) data generally reflect the March 2020 Office of Management and Budget (OMB) delineations of metropolitan and micropolitan statistical areas. In certain instances the names, codes, and boundaries of the principal cities shown in ACS tables may differ from the OMB delineations due to differences in the effective dates of the geographic entities..Estimates of urban and rural populations, housing units, and characteristics reflect boundaries of urban areas defined based on Census 2010 data. As a result, data for urban and rural areas from the ACS do not necessarily reflect the results of ongoing urbanization..Explanation of Symbols:- The estimate could not be computed because there were an insufficient number of sample observations. For a ratio of medians estimate, one or both of the median estimates falls in the lowest interval or highest interval of an open-ended distribution. For a 5-year median estimate, the margin of error associated with a median was larger than the median itself.N The estimate or margin of error cannot be displayed because there were an insufficient number of sample cases in the selected geographic area. (X) The estimate or margin of error is not applicable or not available.median- The median falls in the lowest interval of an open-ended distribution (for example "2,500-")median+ The median falls in the highest interval of an open-ended distribution (for example "250,000+").** The margin of error could not be computed because there were an insufficient number of sample observations.*** The margin of error could not be computed because the median falls in the lowest interval or highest interval of an open-ended distribution.***** A margin of error is not appropriate because the corresponding estimate is controlled to an independent population or housing estimate. Effectively, the corresponding estimate has no sampling error and the margin of error may be treated as zero.

Although the American Community Survey (ACS) produces population, demographic and housing unit estimates, the decennial census is the official source of population totals for April 1st of each decennial year. In between censuses, the Census Bureau's Population Estimates Program produces and disseminates the official estimates of the population for the nation, states, counties, cities, and towns and estimates of housing units and the group quarters population for states and counties..Information about the American Community Survey (ACS) can be found on the ACS website. Supporting documentation including code lists, subject definitions, data accuracy, and statistical testing, and a full list of ACS tables and table shells (without estimates) can be found on the Technical Documentation section of the ACS website.Sample size and data quality measures (including coverage rates, allocation rates, and response rates) can be found on the American Community Survey website in the Methodology section..Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 2023 American Community Survey 1-Year Estimates.ACS data generally reflect the geographic boundaries of legal and statistical areas as of January 1 of the estimate year. For more information, see Geography Boundaries by Year..Data are based on a sample and are subject to sampling variability. The degree of uncertainty for an estimate arising from sampling variability is represented through the use of a margin of error. The value shown here is the 90 percent margin of error. The margin of error can be interpreted roughly as providing a 90 percent probability that the interval defined by the estimate minus the margin of error and the estimate plus the margin of error (the lower and upper confidence bounds) contains the true value. In addition to sampling variability, the ACS estimates are subject to nonsampling error (for a discussion of nonsampling variability, see ACS Technical Documentation). The effect of nonsampling error is not represented in these tables..Users must consider potential differences in geographic boundaries, questionnaire content or coding, or other methodological issues when comparing ACS data from different years. Statistically significant differences shown in ACS Comparison Profiles, or in data users' own analysis, may be the result of these differences and thus might not necessarily reflect changes to the social, economic, housing, or demographic characteristics being compared. For more information, see Comparing ACS Data..Estimates of urban and rural populations, housing units, and characteristics reflect boundaries of urban areas defined based on 2020 Census data. As a result, data for urban and rural areas from the ACS do not necessarily reflect the results of ongoing urbanization..Explanation of Symbols:- The estimate could not be computed because there were an insufficient number of sample observations. For a ratio of medians estimate, one or both of the median estimates falls in the lowest interval or highest interval of an open-ended distribution. For a 5-year median estimate, the margin of error associated with a median was larger than the median itself.N The estimate or margin of error cannot be displayed because there were an insufficient number of sample cases in the selected geographic area. (X) The estimate or margin of error is not applicable or not available.median- The median falls in the lowest interval of an open-ended distribution (for example "2,500-")median+ The median falls in the highest interval of an open-ended distribution (for example "250,000+").** The margin of error could not be computed because there were an insufficient number of sample observations.*** The margin of error could not be computed because the median falls in the lowest interval or highest interval of an open-ended distribution.***** A margin of error is not appropriate because the corresponding estimate is controlled to an independent population or housing estimate. Effectively, the corresponding estimate has no sampling error and the margin of error may be treated as zero.

Preface This study critically explores the persistent claim by feminists that Black male writing in the United States “has been systematically discriminatory against women. The critics insist that African-American women in the male authored works are portrayed as playing unimportant roles that make the male protagonists emerge as the ‘real black heroes’. No Black female, they argue, is accorded heroic status in texts by these male writers. They are also dissatisfied with the fact that some male authored works completely exclude Black women and their experiences. This study addresses most of the issues raised by the critics by revealing how the quest for fulfillment by black females in the United States is central to the feminist efforts of black women in the male authored texts. Aspects of the female quest for the realization of their aspirations include the pursuit of advanced education, economic and political empowerment, social equality and cultural expression. The study highlights the heroic contributions of individual black women to the advancement of the African-American community in the United States in works by Richard Wright, Ralph Ellison, James Baldwin and Langston Hughes. Novels by two renowned black women writers, Toni Morrison and Alice Walker, are regularly referred to in order to provide portrayals of African-American women by black women writers. The study concentrates on the daily preoccupation of black females as they struggle to create the basis for improving the lot of their offspring and contribute to the uplift of their people and communities. These female characters are shown as deriving great satisfaction from the challenges posed by the oppressive circumstances in which they find themselves. Their persistent self-application is evident in the works and underscores the fact that the writers realistically capture a particular phase in the black females’ march towards self-realization. The black women in these works are therefore regarded as pioneers who are conscious of their roles and perform these roles with great fortitude, hope and sense of fulfilment. Contents: Introduction Chapter One: Womanism as an Antidote to the Problem of Representation of Characters in Texts Written by Black Males Chapter Two: The Quest for Intellectual Advancement by African—American Women Chapter Three: Black Women and their Search for Economic Emancipation Chapter Four: The Search for Political Relevance by Black Females in America Chapter Five: The Persistent Quest for Social Equality by African—American Females Chapter Six: The Black Female Search for Cultural Expression

This special topic poll sought respondents' views on the presidency, crime in the United States, and race relations. Respondents were asked for their opinions on President Bill Clinton and his handling of the presidency and race relations, whether he had a clear vision for the country, whether he was honest and in possession of moral and ethical standards, whether he was innovative and committed to his beliefs, and whether he understood the needs of the American people. Those queried were asked what they felt were the greatest problems facing the United States today, specifically with respect to crime. Respondents were asked to assess the rate of crime in the country and in their communities, their personal safety, their fear of becoming a victim of violent crime, and their personal experiences with crime. On the topic of race relations, respondents were asked for their opinions on the past and future trends of the Clinton administration in handling race issues. They were asked to assess race relations in the United States, and to comment on whether they believed that Blacks were still discriminated against, and whether preferences in college admissions for minorities should still exist. A series of questions covered the role of race in network entertainment programs. Topics covered the impact of programs whose main characters were primarily of one race, the frequency of such programs, and the impact of programs in which the cast was a mix of people of different races. Finally, respondents were asked if they had close friends of another race, and whether they had either brought that friend to their home or been a guest at the friend's home. Background information on respondents includes age, race, sex, ethnicity, education, political party, political orientation, family income, and demographics of area of residence.

This poll, fielded February 6-9, 2000, is part of an ongoing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. Respondents were asked to give their opinions of President Bill Clinton and his handling of the presidency, foreign policy, and the economy, as well as their views on the 2000 presidential election. Other survey questions elicited opinions on government representation at the national and local levels, what the single most important problem for the government was, and whether respondents would vote for a Democrat or a Republican if voting for a House Representative today. Respondents were asked if they had favorable or unfavorable opinions of Texas governor George Bush, former New Jersey senator Bill Bradley, Arizona senator John McCain, publisher Steve Forbes, conservative commentator Pat Buchanan, and talk show host Alan Keyes. Other questions asked if respondents were following the presidential campaign, if they would vote Democratic or Republican if they were voting today, if they would be voting in a caucus, whom they would vote for and if that was their final decision, and out of various possible Democrat/Republican pairings, which of the two they would vote for in a presidential election (e.g., McCain vs. Gore, Bush vs. Bradley, etc.). Another focus of this poll was race relations and the role of national and local government in addressing this issue. Questions probed respondents' knowledge of American Black history and to what degree public schools teach Black history, who the most important Black role model was, whether computers and the Internet would improve opportunities for Blacks, and whether respondents viewed the following organizations and persons favorably: the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), the Nation of Islam, General Colin Powell, Jesse Jackson, and Nation of Islam leader Louis Farrakhan. Respondents were asked whether America was ready for a Black president, whether they would vote for a party-nominated Black presidential candidate, which political party was more likely to try to fix race relations, what they thought about South Carolina's flying the Confederate flag, and whether the presidential candidates should express their opinions on this issue. Questions were asked regarding race equality, race relations in the respondent's community, how respondents viewed the existence and persistence of racial discrimination, whether it could be cured, and how important this issue was to the future of the United States. Respondents were asked additional questions concerning race relations, including whether the government should try to improve race relations, whether it was paying the appropriate amount of attention to the needs of minorities, and if the criminal justice system was racially biased. Further questions addressed attitudes and behaviors of the police toward individuals and minorities, including the use of inappropriate language, respectful behavior, and "racial profiling," and if police were considered friends or enemies. Regarding personal experiences with racism and perceptions of its relevance in society, respondents were asked how many Black people they worked with, how many lived in their neighborhoods, attended local public schools, and shopped at their stores, whether respondents made a point to patronize minority-owned businesses, how respondents perceived the number of white people who disliked Blacks and vice versa, and if the respondent had ever felt discriminated against and why. In regard to racism in the workplace, questions were asked to gauge respondents' opinions of affirmative action, personal experience with discrimination on the job or in trying to obtain a job, and whether successful Blacks had a duty to help other Blacks. Respondents were also asked if there were adequate numbers of Blacks employed as teachers, professional sports players, businesspersons who owned large companies, medical doctors, and coaches and team executives. Also asked were questions about opportunities to succeed in today's world as compared to the respondents' parents' generation and future generations. A set of questions was asked to assess perceptions of the poor in America, including whether respondents believed being poor was the result of a lack of effort or circumstances,