Texas was the state with the highest number of registered weapons in the United States in 2021, with 1,006,555 firearms. Rhode Island, on the other hand, had the least, with 4,887 registered firearms.

Gun laws in the United States

Gun ownership in the U.S. is protected by the 2nd Amendment of the Constitution, which allows citizens to own firearms and form a militia if necessary.

Outside of the 2nd Amendment, gun laws in the U.S. vary from state to state, and gun owners are subject to the laws of the state they are currently in, not necessarily the state they live in. For example, if concealed carry is allowed in a gun owner’s state of residence, but not in the state they are travelling in, the owner is subject to the law of the state they are travelling in.

Civilian-owned firearms

The United States is estimated to have the highest rate of civilian-owned firearms in the world, and more than double that of Yemen, which has the second-highest gun ownership rate. Unfortunately, along with high gun ownership rates comes a higher number of homicides by firearm, which was about 10,258 homicides in 2019.

California led the way in gun safety in the United States as of January 2025, with a composite score of 90.5 based on the presence of 50 key gun safety policies. Massachusetts followed, with a score of 86.5, while Illinois rounded out the top three with a score of 85.5. Illinois joins the no-assault weapons club In 2023, Illinois came in seventh place for gun law strength; by 2024, this ranking rose to third, signifying that the state holds some of the strongest gun safety laws nationwide. However, this swift rise up the ranks also suggests that Illinois is still taking action against gun violence, particularly after seven people were killed and dozens were injured in a mass shooting in Chicago during a Fourth of July parade in 2022. In recent years, Illinois has consistently improved state legislation on gun safety and has enacted multiple measures to prevent further harm from firearms, including a statewide ban on assault weapons which was approved in January 2023. The Midwestern state joined eight other states, as well as Washington, D.C., which prohibits military-style weapons. Permissive open carry states dominate the bottom of the class Receiving less than five points each, Arkansas, Mississippi, and Idaho represent the lowest composite score for gun law strength nationwide. Arkansas, Mississippi, and Idaho are among the 25 U.S. states that do not require any permit to carry concealed guns in public, and are permissive open carry states as well. Moreover, these states do not require a permit or a background check to purchase a handgun and also neglect to necessitate any firearm safety training before making the purchase. Such gun safety laws are considered crucial to ensure that firearms are handled properly and do not cause anyone harm. However, it is also important to note that countries with strong safety measures may still experience high rates of gun violence due to illegal gun trafficking. As a result, taking legal action may not fully address all gun-related violence in the area, especially if there remains an illicit way for people to obtain a gun without restriction.

The share of American households owning at least one firearm has remained relatively steady since 1972, hovering between 37 percent and 47 percent. In 2023, about 42 percent of U.S. households had at least one gun in their possession.

Additional information on firearms in the United States

Firearms command a higher degree of cultural significance in the United States than any other country in the world. Since the inclusion of the right to bear arms in the second amendment to the constitution of the United States, firearms have held symbolic power beyond their already obvious material power. Despite many Americans being proud gun-owners, a large movement exists within the country in opposition to the freedom afforded to those in possession of these potentially deadly weapons.

Those opposed to current gun regulation have sourced their anger from the large number of deaths due to firearms in the country, as well as the high frequency of gun violence apparent in comparison the other developed countries. Furthermore, the United States has fallen victim to a number of mass shootings in the last two decades most of which have raised questions over the ease at which a person can obtain a firearm. Although this movement holds a significant position in the public political discourse of the United States, meaningful change in regards to the legislation dictating the ownership of firearms has not occurred. Critics have pointed to the influence possessed by the National Rifle Association through their lobbying of public officials. The National Rifle Association also lobby for the interests of firearm manufacturing in the United States which has continued to rise since a fall in the early 2000s.

This study was undertaken to obtain information on the characteristics of gun ownership, gun-carrying practices, and weapons-related incidents in the United States -- specifically, gun use and other weapons used in self-defense against humans and animals. Data were gathered using a national random-digit-dial telephone survey. The respondents were comprised of 1,905 randomly-selected adults aged 18 and older living in the 50 United States. All interviews were completed between May 28 and July 2, 1996. The sample was designed to be a representative sample of households, not of individuals, so researchers did not interview more than one adult from each household. To start the interview, six qualifying questions were asked, dealing with (1) gun ownership, (2) gun-carrying practices, (3) gun display against the respondent, (4) gun use in self-defense against animals, (5) gun use in self-defense against people, and (6) other weapons used in self-defense. A "yes" response to a qualifying question led to a series of additional questions on the same topic as the qualifying question. Part 1, Survey Data, contains the coded data obtained during the interviews, and Part 2, Open-Ended-Verbatim Responses, consists of the answers to open-ended questions provided by the respondents. Information collected for Part 1 covers how many firearms were owned by household members, types of firearms owned (handguns, revolvers, pistols, fully automatic weapons, and assault weapons), whether the respondent personally owned a gun, reasons for owning a gun, type of gun carried, whether the gun was ever kept loaded, kept concealed, used for personal protection, or used for work, and whether the respondent had a permit to carry the gun. Additional questions focused on incidents in which a gun was displayed in a hostile manner against the respondent, including the number of times such an incident took place, the location of the event in which the gun was displayed against the respondent, whether the police were contacted, whether the individual displaying the gun was known to the respondent, whether the incident was a burglary, robbery, or other planned assault, and the number of shots fired during the incident. Variables concerning gun use by the respondent in self-defense against an animal include the number of times the respondent used a gun in this manner and whether the respondent was hunting at the time of the incident. Other variables in Part 1 deal with gun use in self-defense against people, such as the location of the event, if the other individual knew the respondent had a gun, the type of gun used, any injuries to the respondent or to the individual that required medical attention or hospitalization, whether the incident was reported to the police, whether there were any arrests, whether other weapons were used in self-defense, the type of other weapon used, location of the incident in which the other weapon was used, and whether the respondent was working as a police officer or security guard or was in the military at the time of the event. Demographic variables in Part 1 include the gender, race, age, household income, and type of community (city, suburb, or rural) in which the respondent lived. Open-ended questions asked during the interview comprise the variables in Part 2. Responses include descriptions of where the respondent was when he or she displayed a gun (in self-defense or otherwise), specific reasons why the respondent displayed a gun, how the other individual reacted when the respondent displayed the gun, how the individual knew the respondent had a gun, whether the police were contacted for specific self-defense events, and if not, why not.

The statistic shows the percentage of population in the United States owning one or more firearms in 2017, by region. In 2017, about 36 percent of the respondents living in the South owned a gun personally.

According to a survey conducted in the United States in 2023, white respondents were more likely to either personally own a gun or live in a gun owning household than their non-white counterparts. During the survey, 35 percent of white Americans reported that they personally owned a firearm, compared to 22 percent of non-white respondents.

In 2021, Arizona was the state with the highest number of trafficked guns recovered in a crime in the United States, with 3,575 trafficked guns recovered. Georgia, Texas, Indiana, and South Carolina rounded out the top five in that year.

The State Firearm Database catalogs the presence or absence of 134 firearm safety laws in 14 categories covering the 26-year period from 1991 to 2019. The classification system categorizes state firearm provisions using a methodology that both captures differences and maintains a level of comparability between states. Because of this, the database is not the most detailed nor the most comprehensive record of all state firearm policies. Other resources may provide users with a deeper understanding of individual provisions, while this database serves as an efficient way to compare the broad scope of state firearm laws across the country. These provisions covered 14 aspects of state policies, including regulation of the process by which firearm transfers take place, ammunition, firearm possession, firearm storage, firearm trafficking, and liability of firearm manufacturers. In addition, descriptions of the criteria used to code each provision have been provided so that there is transparency in how various law exemptions, exceptions, and other nuances were addressed.

In recent years, gun violence in the United States has become an alarmingly common occurrence. From 2016, there has been over 10,000 homicides by firearm in the U.S. each year and firearms have been found to make up the majority of murder weapons in the country by far, demonstrating increasing rates of gun violence occurring throughout the nation. As of 2025, Mississippi was the state with the highest gun violence rate per 100,000 residents in the United States, at 29.4 percent, followed by Louisiana, at 28.1 percent. In comparison, Massachusetts had a gun violence rate of 3.7 percent, the lowest out of all the states. The importance of gun laws Gun laws in the United States vary from state to state, which has been found to affect the differing rates of gun violence throughout the country. Fewer people die by gun violence in states where gun safety laws have been passed, while gun violence rates remain high in states where gun usage is easily permitted and even encouraged. In addition, some states suffer from high rates of gun violence despite having strong gun safety laws due to gun trafficking, as traffickers can distribute firearms illegally past state lines. The right to bear arms Despite evidence from other countries demonstrating that strict gun control measures reduce rates of gun violence, the United States has remained reluctant to enact gun control laws. This can largely be attributed to the Second Amendment of the Constitution, which states that citizens have the right to bear arms. Consequently, gun control has become a highly partisan issue in the U.S., with 80 percent of Democrats believing that it was more important to limit gun ownership while 74 percent of Republicans felt that it was more important to protect the right of Americans to own guns.

In the United States, gun laws vary from one state to the next; whether residents need a permit or a background check to purchase a firearm, whether residents must undergo firearm training before making this purchase, and whether residents can openly carry their guns in public is dependent upon state legislation. As of 2024, 22 U.S. states required background checks and/or permits for the purchase of a handgun. A further 13 states had regulations on openly carrying firearms in public, however, only California, Connecticut, Florida, and Illinois had completely prohibited open carry for all firearms. In comparison, Maryland, New Jersey, and New York prohibited open carry for handguns but either did not have regulations in place or required a permit for other types of guns. A constitutional right The Second Amendment of the Constitution, which states that citizens have the right to bear arms, has made it difficult for any gun control legislation to be passed on a national level in the United States. As a result, gun control laws in the U.S. are state-based, and often differ based on political perspectives. States with strong gun laws in place, such as Massachusetts, generally experience less gun violence, however, some states with strong gun laws, such as Maryland, continue to face high rates of gun violence, which has largely been attributed to gun trafficking activity found throughout the nation. A culture of gun owners In comparison to other high-income countries with stricter gun control laws, the United States has the highest gun homicide rate at 4.38 gun homicides per 100,000 residents. However, despite increasing evidence that easy access to firearms, whether legal or illegal, encourages higher rates of gun violence, the United States continues to foster an environment in which owning a firearm is seen as a personal freedom. Almost half of U.S. households have reported owning at least one firearm and 43 percent of registered voters in the U.S. were found to believe that it was more important to protect the right of Americans to own guns, compared to 23 percent who said it was more important to limit gun ownership.

State-level firearm suicide proxy (FSS) for household gun ownership 1949-2020. Unlike most gun prevalence measures that are representative at the national or regional level, this proxy represents household gun ownership trends at the state level and is not reliant on self-reported data that are prone to social desirability bias. This extended proxy represents the longest-ranging dataset of state-level gun ownership rates to date. This dataset also includes historic data on firearm homicide and homicide counts and rates per 100,000 residents.

THIS DATASET WAS LAST UPDATED AT 8:10 PM EASTERN ON MARCH 24

OVERVIEW

2019 had the most mass killings since at least the 1970s, according to the Associated Press/USA TODAY/Northeastern University Mass Killings Database.

In all, there were 45 mass killings, defined as when four or more people are killed excluding the perpetrator. Of those, 33 were mass shootings . This summer was especially violent, with three high-profile public mass shootings occurring in the span of just four weeks, leaving 38 killed and 66 injured.

A total of 229 people died in mass killings in 2019.

The AP's analysis found that more than 50% of the incidents were family annihilations, which is similar to prior years. Although they are far less common, the 9 public mass shootings during the year were the most deadly type of mass murder, resulting in 73 people's deaths, not including the assailants.

One-third of the offenders died at the scene of the killing or soon after, half from suicides.

About this Dataset

The Associated Press/USA TODAY/Northeastern University Mass Killings database tracks all U.S. homicides since 2006 involving four or more people killed (not including the offender) over a short period of time (24 hours) regardless of weapon, location, victim-offender relationship or motive. The database includes information on these and other characteristics concerning the incidents, offenders, and victims.

The AP/USA TODAY/Northeastern database represents the most complete tracking of mass murders by the above definition currently available. Other efforts, such as the Gun Violence Archive or Everytown for Gun Safety may include events that do not meet our criteria, but a review of these sites and others indicates that this database contains every event that matches the definition, including some not tracked by other organizations.

This data will be updated periodically and can be used as an ongoing resource to help cover these events.

Using this Dataset

To get basic counts of incidents of mass killings and mass shootings by year nationwide, use these queries:

Mass killings by year

Mass shootings by year

To get these counts just for your state:

Filter killings by state

Definition of "mass murder"

Mass murder is defined as the intentional killing of four or more victims by any means within a 24-hour period, excluding the deaths of unborn children and the offender(s). The standard of four or more dead was initially set by the FBI.

This definition does not exclude cases based on method (e.g., shootings only), type or motivation (e.g., public only), victim-offender relationship (e.g., strangers only), or number of locations (e.g., one). The time frame of 24 hours was chosen to eliminate conflation with spree killers, who kill multiple victims in quick succession in different locations or incidents, and to satisfy the traditional requirement of occurring in a “single incident.”

Offenders who commit mass murder during a spree (before or after committing additional homicides) are included in the database, and all victims within seven days of the mass murder are included in the victim count. Negligent homicides related to driving under the influence or accidental fires are excluded due to the lack of offender intent. Only incidents occurring within the 50 states and Washington D.C. are considered.

Methodology

Project researchers first identified potential incidents using the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s Supplementary Homicide Reports (SHR). Homicide incidents in the SHR were flagged as potential mass murder cases if four or more victims were reported on the same record, and the type of death was murder or non-negligent manslaughter.

Cases were subsequently verified utilizing media accounts, court documents, academic journal articles, books, and local law enforcement records obtained through Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) requests. Each data point was corroborated by multiple sources, which were compiled into a single document to assess the quality of information.

In case(s) of contradiction among sources, official law enforcement or court records were used, when available, followed by the most recent media or academic source.

Case information was subsequently compared with every other known mass murder database to ensure reliability and validity. Incidents listed in the SHR that could not be independently verified were excluded from the database.

Project researchers also conducted extensive searches for incidents not reported in the SHR during the time period, utilizing internet search engines, Lexis-Nexis, and Newspapers.com. Search terms include: [number] dead, [number] killed, [number] slain, [number] murdered, [number] homicide, mass murder, mass shooting, massacre, rampage, family killing, familicide, and arson murder. Offender, victim, and location names were also directly searched when available.

This project started at USA TODAY in 2012.

Contacts

Contact AP Data Editor Justin Myers with questions, suggestions or comments about this dataset at jmyers@ap.org. The Northeastern University researcher working with AP and USA TODAY is Professor James Alan Fox, who can be reached at j.fox@northeastern.edu or 617-416-4400.

In the United States in 2022, 48 percent of Republicans reported that they owned at least one gun, and 66 percent said that they lived in a household with a gun. In comparison, only 20 percent of Democrats owned at least one gun, and 31 percent lived a gun household.

Who are gun owners?

In 2022, significantly more Democrats were in favor of limiting gun ownership in comparison to Republicans. On the other hand, more Republicans were in favor of protecting the right to own guns in comparison to Democrats. When examined by education level, respondents who said they only had some college, but no degree, were the most likely to have said that there is at least one gun in their household. However, nearly a quarter of Americans over 18 years old said that they rarely carry a gun on their person.

Republicans vs Democrats Debate

The gun control debate in the United States has been a highly contested one. In light of frequent mass shootings, gun control laws have become the center of policy discussions. Democratic politicins tend to put significant emphasis on their gun control policies, and are overall more in favor in stricter gun control laws and want more background checks for those who want to purchase a gun. However, Republicans tend to work in favor of gun rights.

By Product Type:The market is segmented by product type into electric airsoft guns (AEGs), gas-powered airsoft guns, and spring-powered airsoft guns. Electric airsoft guns (AEGs) currently dominate the market, as they provide consistent performance, ease of use, and higher accuracy compared to other types. AEGs are particularly favored by both beginner and experienced players for their reliability in various weather conditions and extensive customization options. Furthermore, advancements in battery technology have made AEGs more efficient, further solidifying their leading position in the market. USA Airsoft Gun Market Segmentation The import and export of airsoft guns into the U.S. are regulated by both federal and state laws, with customs often seizing replicas that do not meet legal standards. In 2023, U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) reported an increase in seizures of airsoft guns that lacked the required orange tips or violated other import regulations. These restrictions have impacted smaller retailers, particularly those relying on international suppliers

How do events that highlight a policy issue impact political preferences? In this paper, I analyze the impact of mass shootings on voter behavior. I show that, conditional on population, mass shootings are largely random events. Using a difference-in-differences strategy, I find that mass shootings result in a 1.7 percentage point loss in Republican vote share in counties where they occur. Identification that relies on comparing successful and failed mass shootings yields similar results. Mass shootings lead to an increase in the salience of gun policy and increase the divide on gun policy among both voters and politicians. Democrats (Republicans) tend to demand even stricter (looser) gun control after mass shootings. These results suggest that increasing the salience of an issue may polarize the electorate.

Firearms background checks for the USA for 2012 (Jan-Nov) and since 1999.These statistics represent the number of firearm background checks initiated through the NICS. They do not represent the number of firearms sold. NICS is used by Federal Firearms Licensees (FFLs) to instantly determine whether a prospective buyer is eligible to buy firearms or explosives. Before ringing up the sale, cashiers call in a check to the FBI or to other designated agencies to ensure that each customer does not have a criminal record or isn't otherwise ineligible to make a purchase. More than 100 million such checks have been made in the last decade, leading to more than 700,000 denials. More information on NICS - http://www.fbi.gov/about-us/cjis/nics Some really useful informations such as the rate of checks per 1000 people. All data is provided by state. Downloaded from the Guardian Datablog - http://www.guardian.co.uk/news/datablog/2012/dec/17/how-many-guns-us and then joined to USA States data http://geocommons.com/overlays/21424. Gun data originally from FBI http://www.fbi.gov/about-us/cjis/nics. GIS vector data. This dataset was first accessioned in the EDINA ShareGeo Open repository on 2012-12-17 and migrated to Edinburgh DataShare on 2017-02-21.

The United States has, by far, the highest rate of privately-owned guns per inhabitant. Deadly shootings have become a significant problem in the country. Yemen, the country with the second highest gun ownership rate worldwide, only has half of the U.S. rate.

Anhand von formalisierten Nachlasslisten aus den amerikanischen Kolonien bzw. Bundesstaaten South Carolina und Massachussetts sollte festgestellt werden, wie verbreitet Waffenbesitz in diesen Kolonien bzw. Bundesstaaten im 18. Jahrhundert war. Es wurden mehrere Untersuchungszeiträume ausgewählt, für die dann die Grundgesamtheiten der Inventare zusammengetragen wurden. Aus diesen Grundgesamtheiten wurden dann Stichproben gezogen. Die gezogenen Inventare wurden auf Nennung von Schusswaffen hin überprüft, die Ergebnisse statistisch ausgewertet. “It was in the light of the above studies that the strategy for this project was devised. Originally, in the very early conceptual stages, I had intended to sample all years of the eighteenth century in Massachusetts and South Carolina, but it became clear that the “glorious profusion” of the probate inventories quickly becomes an embarras de richesse. One is faced with thousands upon thousands of such inventories. Thus, I decided to analyze a number of years instead of the entire century, finding the years between 1732 and 1791 particularly suitable and logical at the same time. 1791 was easily determined in light of the fact that the Bill of Rights, including the second Amendment, was ratified in that year. The starting point was much more difficult to define. South Carolina became a royal colony in 1730 after a period of upheaval and administrative chaos, suggesting that year as a significant caesura in the colony’s history. In the end, however, the determining factor was the relative scarcity of probate records before that time. Only a handful of inventories have survived from the proprietary period and those for the interregnum number around 400. Only with the onset of the new record series of the Recorded Instruments of the Secretary of State in 1732 is there a solid base of sources available. With the timeframe 1732 to 1791 established, I decided to refrain from using equidistant intervals but rather to pick some years specifically. Particularly, I wanted to see whether the colonial wars of the period had a visible impact upon the amount of firearms listed in inventories. In addition, I chose a small ‘control group’ early in my timeframe by random selection. I handpicked the years 1752, 1759, 1765 and 1771, 1779, and 1786 to investigate the situation for the French and Indian and Revolutionary Wars, respectively, the longest and most destructive wars on the American continent during the eighteenth century. The random selection process of four more years from the first decade of my timeframe yielded the years 1735, 1739, 1740 and 1743. For these ten years, I wanted to analyze the probate inventories of Massachusetts and South Carolina for the presence or absence of firearms. Additionally, I wanted to be able not only to make inferences about the levels of arms ownership in the colonies and states in general, but, if possible, add a geographic dimension: Did, for example, inventories on the ‘frontier’ show more guns than those of Boston? Or did South Carolina inventories in areas with many slaves have a greater occurrence of firearms than those where slavery was less prevalent? As inventories frequently do not give the name of the place where the decedent lived, the counties were the only category available as a geographic determinant. In South Carolina, where probate was administered in Charleston for the entire province during most of the eighteenth century, no such determination was reliably possible for the years before 1785.[…]“ (Michael Lenz; S. 83f) Themen: Namen, Namenszusätze, Geschlecht, Staat, Regions-, Ortsverzeichnis, Jahr, Anzahl der Waffe(n), Art der Waffe(n), Anzahl Sklaven, Gesamtwert Vermögen, Fundort im Verwaltungsschriftgut, Bemerkungen. Kombinierte Auswahl und Zufallsziehung der Untersuchungsjahre, Zufallsstichprobe der Inventare.

The massage guns market is set to witness significant growth from 2025 to 2035, driven by increasing consumer awareness regarding muscle recovery, stress relief, and fitness-related therapies. The market is expected to grow from USD 1.5 billion in 2025 to USD 3.7 billion by 2035, reflecting a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 8.1% over the forecast period.

Metric	Value
Industry Size (2025E)	USD 1.5 billion
Industry Value (2035F)	USD 3.7 billion
CAGR (2025 to 2035)	8.1%

Top 5 Countries Driving the Massage Guns Market

Country	United States
Population (millions)	345.4
Estimated Per Capita Spending (USD)	15.20

Country	China
Population (millions)	1,419.3
Estimated Per Capita Spending (USD)	8.30

Country	Germany
Population (millions)	84.1
Estimated Per Capita Spending (USD)	12.40

Country	United Kingdom
Population (millions)	68.3
Estimated Per Capita Spending (USD)	11.10

Country	Japan
Population (millions)	123.3
Estimated Per Capita Spending (USD)	9.70

Massage Guns Market - Global Country-Wise Outlook

Country	CAGR (2025 to 2035)
United States	7.5%

Country	CAGR (2025 to 2035)
United Kingdom	7.2%

Country	CAGR (2025 to 2035)
Germany	7.4%

Country	CAGR (2025 to 2035)
India	8.1%

Country	CAGR (2025 to 2035)
China	8.5%

Competition Outlook

Company Name	Estimated Market Share (%)
Therabody	15-20%
Hyperice	10-15%
TimTam	5-10%
DMS	5-10%
Other Companies	50-65%

If everyone in your neighborhood had guns at home, would that make your neighborhood a safer place to be, or a more dangerous place to be?, by demographics and gun ownership status.