A survey conducted in August 2022, found that young people (those aged between 18 and 29 years old) in the United States were more likely to have a positive impression of socialism, with ** percent viewing socialism positively. About ** percent of those aged 65 and over had a positive impression of capitalism.

The popularity of capitalism in the United States has been increasing among people who identify as Republicans, rising from 67 percent in 2016 to 72 percent in 2021. Over the same time period, support declined slightly among Democrats, dropping from 54 to 50 percent.

This paper combines national accounts, survey, wealth, and fiscal data (including recently released tax data on high-income taxpayers) in order to provide consistent series on the accumulation and distribution of income and wealth in China and Russia over the 1978–2015 period. We contrast the different privatization strategies implemented in the two countries and observe their impacts on the evolution of inequality.

Capitalism has emerged as a force for peace in studies of interstate conflict. Is capitalism also a force for peace within nations? This article shows how a market-capitalist economy—one where most citizens normally obtain their livelihoods contracting in the market—creates citizen-wide preferences for universal freedom, peace, and the democratic rule of law. Prior research has corroborated the theory's predictions linking market-capitalism with liberal preferences, human rights, and peace among nations. Here, Granger tests of causality show that market-capitalism causes higher income, but higher income does not cause market-capitalism, and from 1961 to 2001 not a single civil war, insurgency, or rebellion occurred in any nation with a market-capitalist economy. Market-capitalism is the strongest variable in the civil conflict literature, and many of the most robust relationships in this literature are spurious—including income, state capacity, and oil-export dependency.

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Replication Material for Michael Mousseau,Omer F. Orsun, Jameson Ungerer, and Demet Yalcin Mousseau. 2013. Capitalism and Peace: It's Keynes, Not Hayek. in Assesing the Capitalist Peace, eds. Gerald Schneider and Nils Peter Gleditsch. pp. 80-109

Thomas Piketty's (2013) book, Capital in the 21st Century, follows in the tradition of the great classical economists, like Marx and Ricardo, in formulating general laws of capitalism to diagnose and predict the dynamics of inequality. We argue that general economic laws are unhelpful as a guide to understanding the past or predicting the future because they ignore the central role of political and economic institutions, as well as the endogenous evolution of technology, in shaping the distribution of resources in society. We use regression evidence to show that the main economic force emphasized in Piketty's book, the gap between the interest rate and the growth rate, does not appear to explain historical patterns of inequality (especially, the share of income accruing to the upper tail of the distribution). We then use the histories of inequality of South Africa and Sweden to illustrate that inequality dynamics cannot be understood without embedding economic factors in the context of economic and political institutions, and also that the focus on the share of top incomes can give a misleading characterization of the true nature of inequality.

Scholars studying democracy are just beginning to investigate the specifically political consequences of rising socio-economic inequalities. This paper analyzes whether the degree of political inequality between social groups is shaped by features of the welfare capitalist system. Specifically, we hypothesize that more labor protection and social support decrease participatory inequality via more evenly distributed resources and engagement between high and low educated citizens. Our regression analyses combining micro- and macro-level data from 37 capitalist democracies over the past 20 years provides evidence that some protective and supportive elements of welfare capitalism reduce education-based participatory inequality. Our fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis identifies three functionally equivalent types of welfare capitalism that all produce low participatory inequality via increased protection, support, or both. Finally, we empirically demonstrate that the mechanisms behind this link are, indeed, a more equal distribution of resources and engagement across low and high educated citizens.

This survey shows the approval of change to Democracy and Capitalism in selected countries in eastern Europe in 1991 and 2011. In 1991, 61 percent of russian respondents approved of the change to a multiparty system. Twenty years later, the percentage decreased to 50 percent.

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ABSTRACT The aim of this research is to discuss the relevance of micro and macroeconomic factors as the determinants of the present level of unemployment in some advanced capitalist economies. Through these results it will be possible to determine the importance of the conventional hypothesis that high levels of unemployment can be explained by the rigidities in the labor market as well as its policy implications.

The Comparative Political Economy Database (CPEDB) began at the Centre for Learning, Social Economy and Work (CLSEW) at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education at the University of Toronto (OISE/UT) as part of the Changing Workplaces in a Knowledge Economy (CWKE) project. This data base was initially conceived and developed by Dr. Wally Seccombe (independent scholar) and Dr. D.W. Livingstone (Professor Emeritus at the University of Toronto). Seccombe has conducted internationally recognized historical research on evolving family structures of the labouring classes (A Millennium of Family Change: Feudalism to Capitalism in Northwestern Europe and Weathering the Storm: Working Class Families from the Industrial Revolution to the Fertility Decline). Livingstone has conducted decades of empirical research on class and labour relations. A major part of this research has used the Canadian Class Structure survey done at the Institute of Political Economy (IPE) at Carleton University in 1982 as a template for Canadian national surveys in 1998, 2004, 2010 and 2016, culminating in Tipping Point for Advanced Capitalism: Class, Class Consciousness and Activism in the ‘Knowledge Economy’ (https://fernwoodpublishing.ca/book/tipping-point-for-advanced-capitalism) and a publicly accessible data base including all five of these Canadian surveys (https://borealisdata.ca/dataverse/CanadaWorkLearningSurveys1998-2016). Seccombe and Livingstone have collaborated on a number of research studies that recognize the need to take account of expanded modes of production and reproduction. Both Seccombe and Livingstone are Research Associates of CLSEW at OISE/UT. The CPEDB Main File (an SPSS data file) covers the following areas (in order): demography, family/household, class/labour, government, electoral democracy, inequality (economic, political & gender), health, environment, internet, macro-economic and financial variables. In its present form, it contains annual data on 725 variables from 12 countries (alphabetically listed): Canada, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Japan, Norway, Spain, Sweden, United Kingdom and United States. A few of the variables date back to 1928, and the majority date from 1960 to 1990. Where these years are not covered in the source, a minority of variables begin with more recent years. All the variables end at the most recent available year (1999 to 2022). In the next version developed in 2025, the most recent years (2023 and 2024) will be added whenever they are present in the sources’ datasets. For researchers who are not using SPSS, refer to the Chart files for overviews, summaries and information on the dataset. For a current list of the variable names and their labels in the CPEDB data base, see the excel file: Outline of SPSS file Main CPEDB, Nov 6, 2023. At the end of each variable label in this file and the SPSS datafile, you will find the source of that variable in a bracket. If I have combined two variables from a given source, the bracket will begin with WS and then register the variables combined. In the 14 variables David created at the beginning of the Class Labour section, you will find DWL in these brackets with his description as to how it was derived. The CPEDB’s variables have been derived from many databases; the main ones are OECD (their Statistics and Family Databases), World Bank, ILO, IMF, WHO, WIID (World Income Inequality Database), OWID (Our World in Data), Parlgov (Parliaments and Governments Database), and V-Dem (Varieties of Democracy). The Institute for Political Economy at Carleton University is currently the main site for continuing refinement of the CPEDB. IPE Director Justin Paulson and other members are involved along with Seccombe and Livingstone in further development and safe storage of this updated database both at the IPE at Carleton and the UT dataverse. All those who explore the CPEDB are invited to share their perceptions of the entire database, or any of its sections, with Seccombe generally (wseccombe@sympatico.ca) and Livingstone for class/labour issues (davidlivingstone@utoronto.ca). They welcome any suggestions for additional variables together with their data sources. A new version CPEDB will be created in the spring of 2025 and installed as soon as the revision is completed. This revised version is intended to be a valuable resource for researchers in all of the included countries as well as Canada.

From its inception, big business in the western industrialised world has been organised in national business communities. Central elements of these business communities are corporate board interlocks that constitute the notorious ‘Old Boys Network’. This corporate elite connects the centres of corporate governance.This project investigates how the decline of the old boys network in the Netherlands has affected Dutch capitalism. Combining formal network analysis with insights from interviews with key corporate elite members, the project shows how during the last quarter of the 20th century the Dutch business community has disappeared. This is interpreted as a drift towards a liberal market economy. However, as the study shows, even in a liberal market economy corporate directors need social networks to communicate and coordinate their strategic decisions. Hence, the corporate elite shift its meeting network to privateand informal circles.The dataset contains the board composition of the largest 250 firms in the Netherlands, 1976, 1996 and 2001, the board interlocks between firms, and the meetings between directors.WorksheetsREAD ME (description of data)1976 Positions top 2501996 Positions top 2502001 Positions top 250Board Interlocks 1976Board Interlocks 1996Board Interlocks 2001Meetings Between Directors 1976Meetings Between Directors 1996Meetings Between Directors 2001

ABSTRACT This paper distinguishes three types of countries (rich, middle-income, and pre-industrial) and focus on the latter, which, in contrast to the other two, didn’t complete their industrial and capitalist revolutions. Can pre-industrial countries be governed well and under democracy? Today democracy is a universal value, and, so, these countries are under pressure from the West and from its own society to be democratic, even though they do not dispose of mature enough societies in which the economic surplus is appropriated through the market. In fact, no country completed its industrial and capitalist revolution within the framework of even a minimal democracy. Additionally, pre-industrial countries are extremely difficult to govern because they usually don’t have a strong nation and capable states. This double pressure represents a major obstacle to their development.

Abstract This paper analyzes the book Capital in the 21st century, written by Thomas Piketty in 2013, on the issue of inequality in capitalism. To do so, it is divided into three sections. In the first, it presents the author’s main ideas on the evolution of inequality since the nineteenth century, and on the causes of its increase in the world from 1970 onwards, as well as its proposal to create a progressive annual tax on capital to reverse this trend. In the second section, it seeks to make an alternative theoretical interpretation to that of Piketty, in light of the transformations in capitalism and the changes that occurred in economic thought from that time on the causes of this increase in inequality. In the third, contributions of the study in terms of the analysis performed are discussed, as well as its limitations that prevent a better understanding of this issue.

This data package includes the underlying data and files to replicate the calculations, charts, and tables presented in Russia's Economy under Putin: From Crony Capitalism to State Capitalism, PIIE Policy Brief 15-18. If you use the data, please cite as: Djankov, Simeon. (2015). Russia's Economy under Putin: From Crony Capitalism to State Capitalism. PIIE Policy Brief 15-18. Peterson Institute for International Economics.

In the age of surveillance capitalism, the prevailing business model underlying the use of social media applications (“apps”) foresees the exchange of personal data for the allowance to use an online service. Such a data business model comes with many potential negative side effects ranging from violation of privacy issues to election manipulation. Therefore, it is of utmost importance to think of alternatives to the current data business model. The present study investigated how strong the support would be for a monetary payment model among a sample of 210 participants. Participants were asked about their willingness to pay for social media, if in turn their data would be private and other problems concerning social media use would be tackled. Only one-fifth of participants (21.43%) supported such a model. From the Big Five personality traits, Agreeableness was positively associated with support of such a model. Finally, data are also provided on how much participants would be willing to pay for social media on a monthly basis. The present study’s findings are of a preliminary nature and will contribute to the start of an important discussion.

The main independent variables of interest are those that represent which institutional typology a nation belongs to. Consequently, five dummy variables are created: Liberal, Coordinated, Informal, Paternalistic and Idiosyncratic (columns B-F in the dataset). These variables take the value of 1 when a nation belongs to the relevant cluster and 0 if not.

Regarding our measure of resource abundance, this paper creates a Resource Abundance variable (column J in the dataset) based on the World Bank’s measure of total resource rents as a percentage of GDP. Such a measure defines total natural resource rents as “the sum of oil rents, natural gas rents, coal rents (hard and soft), mineral rents, and forest rents.”

The Resource Abundance variable, as well as any other variable aside from the dummy variables that are not restricted to a single year is, for any given nation, an average taken from 1996-2017. The end date is chosen because, at the time of writing, this is the latest year provided...

We examine the relationship between capitalism and income inequality for a large sample of countries using an adjusted economic freedom index as proxy for capitalism. Our results suggest that there is no robust relationship between economic freedom and Gini coefficients based on gross income. Subsequently, we analyze the relationship between income redistribution and ethno-linguistic fractionalization. We find that the impact of ethno-linguistic fractionalization on income redistribution is conditional on the level of economic freedom: countries that have a high degree of fractionalization redistribute income less, while capitalist countries that have a low degree of fractionalization redistribute income more.

This statistic shows the results of a survey among Americans regarding what they think what concepts Donald Trump stands for in 2017. 47 percent of respondents stated that Donald Trump stands for capitalism.