7.7% of White women reported being the victim of domestic abuse in the year to March 2020, compared with 3.6% of White men.

In 2023, there were a total of 12,326 victims of domestic violence and intimate partner violence offenses in Finland. Most domestic violence victims were women, amounting to over 8,353 that year. By comparison, there were roughly 4,000 male victims the same year.

Domestic abuse numbers, prevalence, types and attitudes experienced by women and men aged between 16 and 59 years and 60 to 74 years, based upon annual findings from the Crime Survey for England and Wales.

This statistic gives information on the number of male victims of homicide linked to the violence in the couple in France from 2012 to 2021. It appears that in 2021, 21 men were killed by their partner.

During 2023, the number of reported cases of domestic violence amounted to over 199,000, of which around 40,717 were recorded in the southern autonomous community of Andalusia. On the other hand, La Rioja recorded the lowest number of cases, with 983 in total.

Introduction

Domestic Violence Statistics: Domestic violence is a serious and widespread issue, impacting millions of lives across the globe. Unfortunately, women across the world are still going through a tough situation due to such domestic abuse or violence, and still, even today, many women fail to report the incident.

This article includes all effective recent records of domestic violence occurrences in the U.S. and worldwide, types of violence, victim shares by countries, etc. All statistical analyses will help you effectively understand the prevalence and impact of domestic violence on communities. Here's a look at some key statistics that paint a concerning picture.

The study used quantitative methods to investigate the effects of victim gender, victim sexuality, and type of violence on victim blaming scores among social workers.This experiment employed a 2x2x2 factor independent-measures design as there were three independent variables, each with two levels: victim gender (male/female), victim sexuality (heterosexual/homosexual), and type of violence (psychological/physical). Participants were randomly allocated into one of the eight conditions.80 participants took part.

The goal of this project was to gain a better understanding of risk factors associated with male-perpetrated domestic violence, partner's mental distress, and child behavior problems. The researchers sought to demonstrate that two important social and health problems, domestic violence and trauma-related psychological distress, were connected. The project was organized into four studies, each of which addressed a specific objective: (1) Variables characterizing the perpetrator's family of procreation were used to determine the pattern of relationships among marital and family functioning, perpetrator-to-partner violence, partner's mental distress, and child behavior problems. (2) The perpetrator's early background and trauma history were studied to establish the degree to which the perpetrator's family of origin characteristics and experiences, childhood antisocial behavior, exposure to stressors in the Vietnam war zone, and subsequent post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptomatology related to perpetrator-to-partner family violence. (3) The perpetrator's degree of mental distress was examined to ascertain the ways in which the current mental distress of the perpetrator was associated with marital and family functioning, violence, and current mental distress of the partner. (4) Developmental and intergenerational perspectives on violence were used to model a network of relationships explaining the potential transmission of violence across generations, commencing with the perpetrator's accounts of violence within the family of origin and terminating with reports of child behavior problems within the family of procreation. Data for this study came from the congressionally-mandated National Vietnam Veterans Readjustment Study (NVVRS) (Kulka et al., 1990), which sought to document the current and long-term psychological status of those who served one or more tours of duty in the Vietnam theater of operations sometime between August 5, 1964, and May 7, 1975, compared to their peers who served elsewhere in the military during that era and to a comparable group who never experienced military service. This study relied upon data from the National Survey and Family Interview components of the larger NVVRS. Data were collected through face-to-face structured interviews, with some supplementary self-report paper-and-pencil measures. The interview protocol was organized into 16 parts, including portions requesting information on childhood experiences and early delinquent behaviors, military service history, legal problems in the family of origin and postwar period, stressful life events, social support systems, marital and family discord and abusive behaviors, and physical and mental health. This study emphasized four categories of explanatory variables: (1) the perpetrator's accounts of family of origin characteristics and experiences, (2) the perpetrator's conduct and behavior problems prior to age 15, (3) the perpetrator's exposure to war-zone stressors, and (4) mental distress of the perpetrator, with attention to PTSD symptomatology and alcohol abuse. Additionally, the project incorporated four clusters of family of procreation criterion variables: (1) marital and family functioning, (2) perpetrator-to- partner violence, (3) partner mental distress, and (4) child behavior problems. Variables include child abuse, family histories of substance abuse, criminal activity, or mental health problems, relationship as a child with parents, misbehavior as a child, combat experience, fear for personal safety during combat, alcohol use and abuse, emotional well-being including stress, guilt, relationships with others, panic, and loneliness, acts of physical and verbal violence toward partner, children's emotional and behavioral problems, problem-solving, decision-making, and communication in family, and family support.

Between 2012 and 2022, there were more men than women among the victims of abuse in Sweden. In 2022, there were 84,000 abuse victims in the country, which was slightly more than the year before. Of these, more than 45,000 were men.

The safety of persons and justice include the number of general criminal suspects, the number of general crime victims, the number of juvenile suspects, the number of child suspects, the number of suspects of domestic violence, the number of sexual assault victims, the number of children and adolescents involved in sexual transactions, the number of robbery victims, the number of violent crime victims, the number of missing persons - occurrences, the number of missing persons - located, casualties in fire incidents - deaths, casualties in fire incidents - injuries, the number of reported sexual assault victims, the number of reported domestic violence victims, and the number of suspected drunk drivers apprehended.

Number and percentage of Canadians who have experienced intimate partner violence since age 15 or in the past 12 months by type of intimate partner violence, gender, selected victim demographic characteristics, Canada, provinces and territories, 2018.

The number of domestic violence cases investigated by the local prosecutor's office - classified by offense, investigation results, and gender.

While 62 percent of women in Russia considered manhandling without imposing severe physical harm to be a case of domestic abuse, only 53 percent of male respondents agreed with that statement. Verbal threats of physical violence were perceived as domestic abuse by 35 percent of men and nearly a half of women.

The Mayor's Office to End Domestic and Gender-Based Violence (ENDGBV) develops policies and programs, provides training and prevention education, conducts research and evaluations, performs community outreach, and operates the New York City Family Justice Centers. The office collaborates with City agencies and community stakeholders to ensure access to inclusive services for survivors of domestic and gender-based violence (GBV) services. GBV can include intimate partner and family violence, elder abuse, sexual assault, stalking, and human trafficking. ENDGBV operates the New York City Family Justice Centers. These co‐located multidisciplinary domestic violence service centers provide vital social service, civil legal and criminal justice assistance for survivors of intimate partner violence and their children under one roof. The Brooklyn Family Justice Center opened in July 2005; the Queens Family Justice Center opened in July 2008; the Bronx Family Justice Center opened in April 2010; Manhattan Family Justice Center opened in December 2013 and Staten Island Family Justice Center opened in June 2015. OCDV also has a Policy and Training Institute that provides trainings on intimate partner violence to other City agencies. The New York City Healthy Relationship Academy, with is part of the Policy and Training Institute, provides peer lead workshops on healthy relationships and teen dating violence to individuals between the age of 13 and 24, their parents and staff of agencies that work with youth in that age range. The dataset is collected to produce an annual fact sheet on intimate partner violence in New York City. The fact sheet is produced annually by the end of February and is placed on the ENDGBV website. The criminal justice numbers (IPV Homicides, DIRs) are provided by the New York City Police Department; the NYC Domestic Violence Hotline call numbers are provided by Safe Horizon, which is contracted by the City to manage the hotline. The other data is provided by ENDGBV.

As of the 2022/2023 fiscal year, common assault was the most frequently reported form of domestic violence-related crimes among men and women, with 51,683 and 11,175 cases, respectively. Assault with the intent to cause grievous bodily harm followed, whereby 19,960 women and 8,294 men were subjected to domestic violence. Domestic violence-related common assault accounted for around 34 percent of the overall number of common assault reports in the same period.

The dataset comprises responses from diverse individuals, addressing demographic factors (residence type, age, education level, family structure), monthly income, initial experience of torture, current abuse situation, marital duration, extramarital involvement, primary abuse location, stance on male torture legislation, abuse victimization status, among others. Collected through a survey consisting of 22 questions, predominantly offering binary responses, it encompasses quantitative data derived from individual male responses. The survey targeted 2000 residents from Bangladesh's 9 major cities, prioritizing professionals across sectors and ensuring representation of unemployed individuals, employees, and business owners.

This data set contains New York City Police Department count data for domestic violence related offenses (murder, rape, sex offense, felony assault, strangulation and stalking) by the victim's race and the victim's gender for calendar years 2017, 2018 and 2019.

This project provided the first large-scale examination of the police response to intimate partner violence and of the practice known as "dual arrest." The objectives of the project were: (1) to describe the prevalence and context of dual arrest in the United States, (2) to explain the variance in dual arrest rates throughout the United States, (3) to describe dual arrest within the full range of the police response to intimate partner violence, (4) to analyze the factors associated with no arrest, single arrest, and dual arrest, (5) to examine the reasons why women are arrested in intimate partner cases, and (6) to describe how the criminal justice system treats women who have been arrested for domestic violence. Data for the project were collected in two phases. In Phase I, researchers examined all assault and intimidation cases in the year 2000 National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS) database (NATIONAL INCIDENT-BASED REPORTING SYSTEM, 2000 [ICPSR 3449]) to investigate the extent to which dual arrest is occurring nationwide, the relationship between incident and offender characteristics, and the effect of state laws on police handling of these cases for all relationship types. Because the NIBRS dataset contained a limited number of incident-specific variables that helped explain divergent arrest practices, in Phase II, researchers collected more detailed information on a subset of NIBRS cases from 25 police departments of varying sizes across four states. This phase of the study was restricted to intimate partner and other domestic violence cases. Additional data were collected for these cases to evaluate court case outcomes and subsequent re-offending. This phase also included an assessment of how closely department policy reflected state law in a larger sample of agencies within five states. The data in Part 1 (Phase I Data) contain 577,862 records from the NIBRS. This includes information related to domestic violence incidents such as the most serious offense against the victim, the most serious victim injury, the assault type, date of incident, and the counts of offenses, offenders, victims, and arrests for the incident. The data also include information related to the parties involved in the incident including demographics for the victim(s) and arrestee(s) and the relationship between victim(s) and arrestee(s). There is also information related to the jurisdiction in which the incident occurred such as population, urban/rural classification, and whether the jurisdiction is located in a metropolitan area. There are also variables pertaining to whether a weapon was used, the date of arrest, and the type of arrest. Also included are variables regarding the police department such as the number of male and female police officers and civilians employed. The data in Part 2 (Phase II Data) contain 4,388 cases and include all of the same variables as those in Part 1. In addition to these variables, there are variables such as whether the offender was on the scene when the police arrived, who reported the incident, the exact nature of injuries suffered by the involved parties, victim and offender substance use, offender demeanor, and presence of children. Also included are variables related to the number of people including police and civilians who were on the scene, the number of people who were questioned, whether there were warrants for the victim(s) or offender(s), whether citations were issued, whether arrests were made, whether any cases were prosecuted, the number of charges filed and against whom, and the sentences for prosecuted cases that resulted in conviction. The data in Part 3 (Police Department Policy Data) contain 282 cases and include variables regarding whether the department had a domestic violence policy, what the department's arrest policy was, whether a police report needed to be made, whether the policy addressed mutual violence, whether the policy instructed how to determine the primary aggressor, and what factors were taken into account in making a decision to arrest. There is also information related to the proportion of arrests involving intimate partners, the proportion of arrests involving other domestics, the proportion of arrests involving acquaintances, and the proportion of arrests involving strangers.

The number of conditional dispositions by prosecutors in cases of domestic violence - classified by domestic violence clauses, mandatory dispositions, and gender.

Since 1976, the United States has witnessed a steady and precipitous decline in intimate partner homicides. This study builds on the work of Dugan et al. (1999, 2000) and Browne and Williams (1989) by examining, in greater detail, the relationship between intimate partner homicide and gender, race, criminal justice system response, and domestic violence services. Specifically, the study examines the net effect of criminal justice system response and federally-funded domestic violence shelters on victimization of white, African American, and Hispanic males and females. This study used aggregated data from the 58 counties in California from 1987 to 2000. Homicide data were gathered by the State of California Department of Justice, Criminal Justice Statistics Center. Data on domestic violence resources were obtained from the Governor's Office of Criminal Justice Planning, Domestic Violence Branch, in the form of detailed reports from domestic violence shelters in the state. Based on these records, the researchers computed the number of federally-funded shelter-based organizations in a given county over time. Data on criminal justice responses at the county level were gathered from the State of California Department of Justice, Criminal Justice Statistics Center. These data included domestic violence arrests and any convictions and incarceration that followed those arrests. The researchers disaggregated these criminal justice system measures by race and gender. In order to account for population differences and changes over time, rates were computed per 100,000 adults (age 18 and older).