This study contains selected electoral and demographic national data for nine nations in the 1950s and 1960s. The data were prepared for the Data Confrontation Seminar on the Use of Ecological Data in Comparative Cross-National Research held under the auspices of the Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research on April 1-18, 1969. One of the primary concerns of this international seminar was the need for cooperation in the development of data resources in order to facilitate exchange of data among individual scholars and research groups. Election returns for two or more national and/or local elections are provided for each of the nine nations, as well as ecological materials for at least two time points in the general period of the 1950s and 1960s. While each dataset was received at a single level of aggregation, the data have been further aggregated to at least a second level of aggregation. In most cases, the data can be supplied at the commune or municipality level and at the province or district level as well. Part 1 (Germany, Regierungsbezirke), Part 2 (Germany, Kreise), Part 3 (Germany, Lander), and Part 4 (Germany, Wahlkreise) contain data for all kreise, laender (states), administrative districts, and electoral districts for national elections in the period 1957-1969, and for state elections in the period 1946-1969, and ecological data from 1951 and 1961. Part 5 (France, Canton), and Part 6 (France, Departemente) contain data for the cantons and departements of two regions of France (West and Central) for the national elections of 1956, 1962, and 1967, and ecological data for the years 1954 and 1962. Data are provided for election returns for selected parties: Communist, Socialist, Radical, Federation de Gauche, and the Fifth Republic. Included are raw votes and percentage of total votes for each party. Ecological data provide information on total population, proportion of total population in rural areas, agriculture, industry, labor force, and middle class in 1954, as well as urbanization, crime rates, vital statistics, migration, housing, and the index of "comforts." Part 7 (Japan, Kanagawa Prefecture), Part 8 (Japan, House of Representatives Time Series), Part 9 (Japan, House of (Councilors (Time Series)), and Part 10 (Japan, Prefecture) contain data for the 46 prefectures for 15 national elections between 1949 and 1968, including data for all communities in the prefecture of Kanagawa for 13 national elections, returns for 8 House of Representatives' elections, 7 House of Councilors' elections, descriptive data from 4 national censuses, and ecological data for 1950, 1955, 1960, and 1965. Data are provided for total number of electorate, voters, valid votes, and votes cast by such groups as the Jiyu, Minshu, Kokkyo, Minji, Shakai, Kyosan, and Mushozoku for the Communist, Socialist, Conservative, Komei, and Independent parties for all the 46 prefectures. Population characteristics include age, sex, employment, marriage and divorce rates, total number of live births, deaths, households, suicides, Shintoists, Buddhists, and Christians, and labor union members, news media subscriptions, savings rate, and population density. Part 11 (India, Administrative Districts) and Part 12 (India, State) contain data for all administrative districts and all states and union territories for the national and state elections in 1952, 1957, 1962, 1965, and 1967, the 1958 legislative election, and ecological data from the national censuses of 1951 and 1961. Data are provided for total number of votes cast for the Congress, Communist, Jan Sangh, Kisan Mazdoor Praja, Socialist, Republican, Regional, and other parties, contesting candidates, electorate, valid votes, and the percentage of valid votes cast. Also included are votes cast for the Rightist, Christian Democratic, Center, Socialist, and Communist parties in the 1958 legislative election. Ecological data include total population, urban population, sex distribution, occupation, economically active population, education, literate population, and number of Buddhists, Christians, Hindus, Jainis, Moslems, Sikhs, and other religious groups. Part 13 (Norway, Province), and Part 14 (Norway, Commune) consist of the returns for four national elections in 1949, 1953, 1957, and 1961, and descriptive data from two national censuses. Data are provided for the total number

In the last few decades, the Democratic Party has often pulled ahead of the Republican Party in terms of party identification. However, 2022 saw a shift in party identification, with slightly more Americans identifying with the Republican Party for the first time since 2011, when both parties stood at ** percent in 2011. These values include not only those surveyed who identified with a major political party, but also those who identified as independent, but have leanings towards one party over another.

Audio-visual data is ubiquitous in politics. Campaign advertisements, political debates, and the news cycle all constantly generate sound bites and imagery, which in turn inform and affect voters. Though these sources of information have been a topic of research in political science for decades, their study has been limited by the cost of human coding. To name but one example, to answer questions about the effects of negative campaign advertisements, humans must watch tens of thousands of advertisements and manually label them. And even if the necessary resources can be mustered for such a study, future researchers may be interested in a different set of labels, and so must either recode every advertisement or discard the exercise entirely. Through three separate models, this dissertation resolves this limitation by developing automated methods to study the most common types of audio-video data in political science. The first two models are neural networks, the third a hierarchical hidden Markov model. In Chapter 1, I introduce neural networks and their complications to political science, building up from familiar statistical methods. I then develop a novel neural network for classifying newspaper articles, using both the text of the article and the imagery as data. The model is applied to an original data set of articles about fake news, which I collected by developing and deploying bots to concurrently crawl the online pages of newspapers and download news text and images. This is a novel engineering effort that future researchers can leverage to collect effectively limitless amounts of data about the news. Building on the methodological foundations established in Chapter 1, in Chapter 2 I develop a second neural network for classifying political video and demonstrate that the model can automate classification of campaign advertisements, using both the visual and the audio information. In Chapter 3 (joint with Dean Knox), I develop a hierarchical hidden Markov model for speech classification and demonstrate it with an application to speech on the Supreme Court. Finally, in Chapter 4 (joint with Volha Charnysh and Prerna Singh), I demonstrate the behavioral effects of imagery through a dictator game in which a visual image reduces out-group bias. In sum, this dissertation introduces a new type of data to political science, validates its substantive importance, and develops models for its study in the substantive context of politics.

Each R script replicates all of the example code from one chapter from the book. All required data for each script are also uploaded, as are all data used in the practice problems at the end of each chapter. The data are drawn from a wide array of sources, so please cite the original work if you ever use any of these data sets for research purposes.

This dataset contains cash and in-kind contributions, (including unpaid loans) made to Washington State Candidates and Political Committees for the last 10 years as reported to the PDC on forms C3, C4, Schedule C and their electronic filing equivalents. It does not include loans which have been paid or forgiven, pledges or any expenditures. For candidates, the number of years is determined by the year of the election, not necessarily the year the contribution was reported. For political committees, the number of years is determined by the calendar year of the reporting period. Candidates and political committees choosing to file under "mini reporting" are not included in this dataset. See WAC 390-16-105 for information regarding eligibility. This dataset is a best-effort by the PDC to provide a complete set of records as described herewith and may contain incomplete or incorrect information. The PDC provides access to the original reports for the purpose of record verification. Descriptions attached to this dataset do not constitute legal definitions; please consult RCW 42.17A and WAC Title 390 for legal definitions and additional information political finance disclosure requirements. CONDITION OF RELEASE: This publication constitutes a list of individuals prepared by the Washington State Public Disclosure Commission and may not be used for commercial purposes. This list is provided on the condition and with the understanding that the persons receiving it agree to this statutorily imposed limitation on its use. See RCW 42.56.070(9) and AGO 1975 No. 15.

Since 1988, the share of adults in the U.S. who identify as political independents has continued to grow, often surpassing the that of Democrats or Republicans. In 2024, approximately ** percent of adults rejected identification with the major parties, compared to ** percent of respondents identified with the Democratic Party, and ** percent with the Republican Party.

Abstract: The Database on Ideology, Money in Politics, and Elections (DIME) is intended as a general resource for the study of campaign finance and ideology in American politics. The database was developed as part of the project on Ideology in the Political Marketplace, which is an on-going effort to perform a comprehensive ideological mapping of political elites, interest groups, and donors using the common-space CFscore scaling methodology (Bonica 2014). Constructing the database required a large-scale effort to compile, clean, and process data on contribution records, candidate characteristics, and election outcomes from various sources. The resulting database contains over 130 million political contributions made by individuals and organizations to local, state, and federal elections spanning a period from 1979 to 2014. A corresponding database of candidates and committees provides additional information on state and federal elections. The DIME+ data repository on congressional activity extends DIME to cover detailed data on legislative voting, lawmaking, and political rhetoric. (See http://dx.doi.org/10.7910/DVN/BO7WOW for details.) The DIME data is available for download as a standalone SQLite database. The SQLite database is stored on disk and can be accessed using a SQLite client or queried directly from R using the RSQLite package. SQLite is particularly well-suited for tasks that require searching through the database for specific individuals or contribution records. (Click here to download.) Overview: The database is intended to make data on campaign finance and elections (1) more centralized and accessible, (2) easier to work with, and (3) more versatile in terms of the types of questions that can be addressed. A list of the main value-added features of the database is below: Data processing: Names, addresses, and occupation and employer titles have been cleaned and standardized. Unique identifiers: Entity resolution techniques were used to assign unique identifiers for all individual and institutional donors included in the database. The contributor IDs make it possible to track giving by individuals across election cycles and levels of government. Geocoding: Each record has been geocoded and placed into congressional districts. The geocoding scheme relies on the contributor IDs to assign a complete set of consistent geo-coordinates to donors that report their full address in some records but not in others. This is accomplished by combining information on self-reported address across records. The geocoding scheme further takes into account donors with multiple addresses. Geocoding was performed using the Data Science Toolkit maintained by Pete Warden and hosted at http://www.datasciencetoolkit.org/. Shape files for congressional districts are from Census.gov (http://www.census.gov/rdo/data). Ideological measures: The common-space CFscores allow for direct distance comparisons of the ideal points of a wide range of political actors from state and federal politics spanning a 35 year period. In total, the database includes ideal point estimates for 70,871 candidates and 12,271 political committees as recipients and 14.7 million individuals and 1.7 million organizations as donors. Corresponding data on candidates, committees, and elections: The recipient database includes information on voting records, fundraising statistics, election outcomes, gender, and other candidate characteristics. All candidates are assigned unique identifiers that make it possible to track candidates if they campaign for different offices. The recipient IDs can also be used to match against the database of contribution records. The database also includes entries for PACs, super PACs, party committees, leadership PACs, 527s, state ballot campaigns, and other committees that engage in fundraising activities. Identifying sets of important political actors: Contribution records have been matched onto other publicly available databases of important political actors. Examples include: Fortune 500 directors and CEOs: (Data) (Paper) Federal court judges: (Data) (Paper} State supreme court justices: (Data) (Paper} Executives appointees to federal agencies: (Data) (Paper) Medical professionals: (Data) (Paper)

This study investigated a sample of federal civil service employees whose political activities were regulated by federal legislation. Questions probed the respondents' political interest and participation in the political process at various levels, their feelings of political efficacy, perceptions of the influence of their occupational role on their political activity and attitudes, their knowledge of the restrictions placed on them, and their evaluations of these restrictions. Many questions were replicated from the Survey Research Center's American National Election Studies (see AMERICAN NATIONAL ELECTION STUDIES CUMULATIVE DATA FILE, 1948-1998 [ICPSR 8475]). Demographic variables include sex, race, place of birth, and family income

This dataset contains descriptive statistics for the eleven political talk shows.

Replication Materials (Data and Code) for 'Text as Data' Abstract: Politics and political conflict often occur in the written and spoken word. Scholars have long recognized this, but the massive costs of analyzing even moderately sized collections of texts have hindered their use in political science research. Here lies the promise of automated text analysis: it substantially reduces the costs of analyzing large collections of text. We provide a guide to this exciting new area of research and show how, in many instances, the methods have already obtained part of their promise. But there are pitfalls to using automated methods--they are no substitute for careful thought and close reading and require extensive and problem specific validation. We survey a wide range of new methods, provide guidance on how to validate the output of the models, and clarify misconceptions and errors in the literature. To conclude, we argue that for automated text methods to become a standard tool for political scientists, methodologists must contribute new methods and new methods of validation.

These data are derived from CANDIDATE NAME AND CONSTITUENCY TOTALS, 1788-1990 (ICPSR 0002). They consist of returns for two-thirds of all elections from 1788 to 1823 to the offices of president, governor, and United States representative, and over 90 percent of all elections to those offices since 1824. They also include information on United States Senate elections since 1912. Returns for one additional statewide office are included beginning with the 1968 election. This file provides a set of derived measures describing the vote totals for candidates and the pattern of contest in each constituency. These measures include the total number of votes cast for all candidates in the election, each candidate's percentage of the vote received, and several measures of the relative performance of each candidate. They are appended to the individual candidate records and permit extensive analysis of electoral contests over time. This dataset contains returns for all parties and candidates (as well as scattering vote) for general elections and special elections, including information on elections for which returns were available only at the constituency level. Included in this edition are data from the District of Columbia election for United States senator and United States representative. The offices of two senators and one representative were created by the "District of Columbia Statehood Constitutional Convention Initiative," which was approved by District voters in 1980. Elections for these offices were postponed until the 1990 general election. The three offices are currently local District positions, which will turn into federal offices if the District becomes a state.

This article investigates the supply side of women's political representation by focusing on how the election of female politicians affects the motivation of women to run for office in other units. The analysis relies on an original dataset of over 1,500 municipal elections in Switzerland, starting with the first election after the introduction of women's suffrage. In the first election in which women could participate, the election of a woman in a given municipality was associated in the next election with an additional female candidate in 10% of its neighbors. The relationship decreases over time, fades away after sixteen years, and is driven primarily by new female candidates in units where no female incumbents are running for re-election. These findings suggest that role models are important for improving women's representation, but only in its early stages. This conclusion could be relevant for understanding the political representation of other underrepresented groups.

Replication data and scripts to reproduce all plots, tables, and analyses reported in the paper and Online Supporting Information. The file 00000_README.pdf contains detailed information on each script and explains how to run the files. The PolNos datasets are available at: Müller, S. and S.-O. Proksch (2023). PolNos: Political Nostalgia in Party Manifestos. Harvard Dataverse, V1. URL: https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/L198GI.

Academic conferences are important institutions for promoting new research and facilitating conversations about the field. As a venue for knowledge exchange, professional development, and networking, conferences ideally promote positive environments that make scholars from underrepresented groups feel welcome. Yet negative experiences at conferences are well-documented. Codes of conduct have been promoted as tools to re- duce harassment and discrimination. We examine the prevalence and content of codes at U.S.-based political science conferences and workshops. More specifically, we analyze whether and how codes address issues of sexual misconduct and identity-based discrimination. We find that 19% of 177 surveyed conferences have codes. Conferences that are older and larger are more likely to have codes, as are conferences that are run by organizations with permanent staff and relevant committees. We argue that effective conference codes must contain definitions, reporting channels, and enforcement procedures. Many of the analyzed codes did not explicitly define prohibited behaviors, specify mechanisms to report code violations, or describe consequences for misconduct.

Political scientists rely on complex software to conduct research, and much of the software they use is written and distributed for free by other researchers. We argue that creating and maintaining these public goods is very costly for individual software developers, but that it is not adequately incentivized by the academic community. We demonstrate that statistical software is widely used but rarely cited in political science, and we highlight a partial solution to this problem: software bibliographies. To facilitate their creation, we introduce an \texttt{R} package which scans analysis scripts, detects the software used in those scripts, and creates bibliographies automatically. We hope that recognizing the contribution of software developers to science will encourage more academics to create public goods, which could yield important downstream benefits.

This paper studies the effect of additional government revenues on political corruption and on the quality of politicians, both with theory and data. The theory is based on a political agency model with career concerns and endogenous entry of candidates. The data refer to Brazil, where federal transfers to municipal governments change exogenously at given population thresholds, allowing us to implement a regression discontinuity design. The empirical evidence shows that larger transfers increase observed corruption and reduce the average education of candidates for mayor. These and other more specific empirical results are in line with the predictions of the theory.

While many previous studies on U.S. right-wing violence center on factors such as racial threat and economic anxiety, we draw from comparative politics research linking electoral dynamics to anti-minority violence. Furthermore, we argue that the causes of right-wing terrorism do not solely rest on political, economic, or social changes individually, but on their interaction. Using a geocoded, U.S. county-level analysis of right-wing terrorist incidents from 1970 to 2016, we find no evidence that poorer or more diverse counties are targets of right-wing terrorism. Rather, right-wing violence is more common in areas where “playing the ethnic card” makes strategic sense for elites looking to shift electoral outcomes: counties that are in electorally competitive areas and that are predominantly white.

This data collection contains the results of a survey measuring political attitudes and behavior in Belo Horizonte, the capital city of the state of Minas Gerais, Brazil, during the time of the gubernatorial elections in 1965-1966. Undertaken in two waves -- from July to November l965 -- (before the elections), and June to July 1966 (after the elections) the survey was administered to a total of 645 heads of households and housewives in Belo Horizonte. Data include the respondents' partisan affiliations and their voting behavior over the past few elections, as well as their attitudes toward Brazil's present government, political situation (e.g., agrarian reform, influence of communism, influence of labor unions, and the expected presidential election in 1966), problems facing the country, and their own political efficacy and trust in the government. Other variables describe respondents' mobility (residential, interoccupational, and generational), awareness of social class in Brazil, subjective social status and aspirations, and attitudes toward authority. Demographic and background data include occupation, education, age, marital status, race, sex, literacy, household composition, place of residence before Belo Horizonte, length of residence (if ever) on a farm, length of residence in Belo Horizonte, total monthly income of family, membership in associations, and socioeconomic status.

Vote shares of the smaller parties and a few selected coalitions of interest. These shares are calculated based on a pooled survey (at each date pooled sample was calculated based on aggregation of polls from different German pollsters). For each date this data set provides a subset of 500 simulations from a Dirichlet distribution, which is the (Bayesian) Posterior distribution of a Multinomial Likelihood (pooled survey) and a uninformative (flat) Dirichlet-Prior. Each simulation provides a possible election outcome. The vote shares provided here are based on "redistributed votes" (i.e. vote shares of parties below 5% threshold are redistributed proportionally to parties above the 5% threshold). Data from October 2016 until September 22nd, 2017.

The share of people in the United States who trust in the government has been steadily decreasing for both Democrats and Republicans. However, 2024 saw an increase across all political ideologies, but remained lowest amongst conservative Republicans, with only ***** percent of those surveyed inMay 2024 stating they trust their government always or most of the time. This figure stood at ** percent in 1972.