According to a survey conducted in 2023, ** percent of Americans believed that the bigger problem of racial discrimination in the United States was people not seeing racial discrimination where it really does exist. In comparison, ** percent of Americans who were Black shared this belief.
According to a survey conducted in 2020, ** percent of Black adults said that they had experienced being stopped or detained by the police in the United States while ** percent said that they had experience being denied a job they were qualified for.
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Reported experience and/or witnessing of racial discrimination by demographic characteristics.
This dataset comprises all of the data used in the paper: "Beliefs about Racial Discrimination and Support for Pro-Black Policies", forthcoming in the Review of Economics and Statistics.
In 2023, ** percent of Black Democrats and ** percent of Black Republicans in the U.S. believed that racism in health care was a major problem in the United States. Democrats in comparison to Republicans, across all racial groups, are more likely to believe that racism is a major problem in health care in the U.S. as of August 2023.
https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/38387/termshttps://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/38387/terms
This catalog record includes detailed variable-level descriptions, enabling data discovery and comparison. The data are not archived at ICPSR. Users should consult the data owners (via the Roper Center for Public Opinion Research) directly for details on obtaining the data. This collection includes variable-level metadata of the 2017 Discrimination in the United States Survey, a survey from Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health/Robert Wood Johnson Foundation/National Public Radio conducted by Social Science Research Solutions (SSRS). Topics covered in this survey include:Belief in discrimination against racial/ethnic minoritiesDiscrimination against men/womenDiscrimination against lesbian/gay/bisexual peopleDiscrimination against transgender peopleBiggest problem with discrimination against lesbian/gay/bisexual/transgender/queer (LGBTQ) peopleLive on tribal landsLocal/tribal government Discrimination based on raceDiscrimination based on genderDiscrimination based on being part of the LGBTQ communityReasons for avoiding seeking health careExperiences with discriminationDiscrimination resulting in fewer employment opportunitiesDiscrimination resulting in unequal payDiscrimination resulting in fewer chances for quality educationEncouraged to/discouraged from applying to collegePredominant groups living in respondent's areaNot feeling/being welcomed in neighborhood due to raceNot feeling/being welcomed in neighborhood due to being part of LGBTQ communityConsidered moving to another area because of discriminationComparing respondent's area to othersPolice using unnecessary force based on race/ethnicityAvoiding activities to avoid discrimination from policeExperiences caused by racial discriminationExperiences caused by gender discriminationExperiences caused by discrimination against LGBTQ communityLocal police force does/does not reflect racial/ethnic background of communityContacted by political representatives about voting/supporting causeRegistered to voteVote in 2016 presidential electionPhysical health statusMental health statusDisabilityChronic illnessVeterans AdministrationIndian Health ServicesSeeking health careInsurance coverageThe data and documentation files for this survey are available through the Roper Center for Public Opinion Research [Roper #31114655]. Frequencies and summary statistics for the 235 variables from this survey are available through the ICPSR social science variable database and can be accessed from the Variables tab.
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Proportion of respondents comfortable with discussing racial discrimination.
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We report the total citations and citations/year since publication for all 759 articles in EconLit, published from 1970 to 2020, that include race and crime (or variations) in their titles or abstracts. We report the citations from Web of Science, Scopus and Google Scholar. We also determine whether the articles report findings of racial discrimination or racism, based on multiple reader reviews of the article. In our citation analysis, we consider two main variables: (a) whether one or more of the authors were Black, and (b) whether the article was published in the Review of Black Political Economy. For each source of our citation counts, we provide tests of differences in the probability of zero citations, and the average and total citations between Black authors and all others as well as between papers published in the RBPE and all others,. We estimate ordinary least squares and negative binomial models of the citation counts as well as logistic models of zero citations with and without year and article category fixed effects, controlling for top five journal, race and gender of author(s), an interaction term between race of author and top five journal, and whether the journal indexed by EconLit was the Journal of Economic Perspectives or the Journal of Economic Literature, a law review, or the Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. Depending on whether we measure citations as average or totals and depending upon whether we use the Web of Science, Scopus or Google Scholar citation engines, and whether the models are linear or negative binomial, we find evidence of systematically lower citations for Black authors publishing in top journals and articles published in the Review of Black Political Economy. We find that articles authored by Black scholars are more likely to find discrimination or racism. Articles published in the Review are also more likely to outline findings of discrimination, but these journal effects are not always statistically significant. These findings are consistent across different citation engines, different model specifications and estimations. As a result, these findings are all the more compelling given that that the three search engines cover Black authors and of the Review of Black Political Economy in very different ways
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We use data from Airbnb to identify the mechanisms underlying discrimination against ethnic-minority hosts. Within the same neighbourhood, hosts from minority groups charge 3.2% less for comparable listings. Since ratings provide guests with increasingly rich information about a listing's quality, we can measure the contribution of statistical discrimination, building upon Altonji and Pierret (2001). We find that statistical discrimination can account for the whole ethnic price gap: ethnic gaps would disappear if all unobservables were revealed. Also, three quarters (2.5 points) of the initial ethnic gap can be attributed to inaccurate beliefs by potential guests about hosts' average group quality.
This is replication data for Evidence from a Correspondence Study of Four-Year Colleges. It is not the complete data set since that includes data that would allow one to identify individual respondents (i.e., schools). We are happy to send the full data set upon request and an agreement to keep respondent identification confidential.
Researchers are often interested in whether discrimination on the basis of racial cues persists above and beyond discrimination on the basis of non-racial attributes that decision-makers — e.g., employers, legislators, etc. — infer from such cues. We show that existing audit experiments may be unable to parse these explanations because of an asymmetry in when decision-makers are exposed to cues of race and additional signals intended to rule out discrimination due to other attributes. For example, email audit experiments typically cue race via the name in the email address, at which point legislators can choose to open the email, but cue other attributes in the body of the email, which decision-makers can be exposed to only after opening the email. We derive the bias resulting from this asymmetry and then propose two distinct solutions for email audit experiments. The first exposes decision-makers to all cues before the decision to open. The second crafts the email to ensure no discrimination in opening and then exposes decision-makers to all cues in the body of the email after opening. This second solution works without measures of opening, but can be improved when researchers do measure opening, even if with error.
Replication data for: Are Americans less likely to reply to emails from Black people relative to White people?
This study explores attitudes and perceptions related to urban problems and race relations in 15 northern cities of the United States (Baltimore, Boston, Brooklyn, Chicago, Cincinnati, Cleveland, Detroit, Gary, Milwaukee, Newark, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, St. Louis, San Francisco, and Washington, DC). More specifically, it seeks to define the social and psychological characteristics and aspirations of the Black and White urban populations. Samples of Blacks and Whites were selected in each of the cities in early 1968. The study employed two questionnaire forms, one for Whites and one for Blacks, and two corresponding data files were generated. Attitudinal questions asked of the White and Black respondents measured their satisfaction with community services, their feelings about the effectiveness of government in solving urban problems, and their experience with police abuse. Additional questions about the respondent's familiarity with and participation in antipoverty programs were included. Other questions centered on the respondent's opinions about the 1967 riots: the main causes, the purpose, the major participating classes, and the effect of the riots on the Black cause. Respondents' interracial relationships, their attitudes toward integration, and their perceptions of the hostility between the races were also investigated. White respondents were asked about their opinions on the use of governmental intervention as a solution for various problems of the Blacks, such as substandard schools, unemployment, and unfair housing practices. Respondent's reactions to nonviolent and violent protests by Blacks, their acceptance of counter-rioting by Whites and their ideas concerning possible governmental action to prevent further rioting were elicited. Inquiries were made as to whether or not the respondent had given money to support or hinder the Black cause. Other items investigated respondents' perceptions of racial discrimination in jobs, education, and housing, and their reactions to working under or living next door to a Black person. Black respondents were asked about their perceptions of discrimination in hiring, promotion, and housing, and general attitudes toward themselves and towards Blacks in general. The survey also investigated respondents' past participation in civil rights organizations and in nonviolent and/or violent protests, their sympathy with rioters, and the likelihood of personal participation in a future riot. Other questions probed respondents' attitudes toward various civil rights leaders along with their concurrence with statements concerning the meaning of 'Black power.' Demographic variables include sex and age of the respondent, and the age and relationship to the respondent of each person in the household, as well as information about the number of persons in the household, their race, and the type of structure in which they lived. Additional demographic topics include the occupational and educational background of the respondent, of the respondent's family head, and of the respondent's father. The respondent's family income and the amount of that income earned by the head of the family were obtained, and it was determined if any of the family income came from welfare, Social Security, or veteran's benefits. This study also ascertained the place of birth of the respondent and respondent's m other and father, in order to measure the degree of southern influence. Other questions investigated the respondent's military background, religious preference, marital status, and family composition.
Open Government Licence 3.0http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/version/3/
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In the year ending in March 2024, 31.3% of victims of racially or religiously aggravated hate crime were Asian, 30.6% were White, and 23.1% were Black.
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This study reports results from a new analysis of 17 survey experiment studies that permitted assessment of racial discrimination, drawn from the archives of the Time-sharing Experiments for the Social Sciences. For White participants (n=10,435), pooled results did not detect a net discrimination for or against White targets, but, for Black participants (n=2,781), pooled results indicated the presence of a small-to-moderate net discrimination in favor of Black targets; inferences were the same for the subset of studies that had a political candidate target and the subset of studies that had a worker or job applicant target. These results have implications for understanding racial discrimination in the United States, and, given that some of the studies have never been fully reported on in a journal or academic book, the results also suggest the need for preregistration to reduce or eliminate publication bias in racial discrimination studies.
According to a survey conducted in 2023, ** percent of Gen Z adults and Millennials in the United States reported experiencing discrimination or hostility based on race or ethnicity. In comparison, only ***** percent of the surveyed Silent Generation shared experiences of discrimination based on race or ethnicity.
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Did the G.I. bill discriminate against Black World War II veterans? Using a variety of historical sources, I estimate the average amounts of G.I. benefits received by Black and white World War II veterans, as well as their cash-equivalents. These estimates suggest that Black veterans received more in benefits than white veterans, but that their cash-equivalents were lower. However, these estimates are associated with significant uncertainty.
ImportanceAsthma is a multifactorial disease composed of endotypes with varying risk profiles and outcomes. African Americans experience a high burden of asthma and of psychosocial stress, including racial discrimination. It is unknown which endotypes of asthma are vulnerable to racial/ethnic discrimination.ObjectiveWe examined the association between self-reported racial/ethnic discrimination and bronchodilator response (BDR) among African American youth with asthma ages 8 to 21 years (n = 576) and whether this association varies with tumor necrosis factor alpha (TNF-α) level.Materials and methodsSelf-reported racial/ethnic discrimination was assessed by a modified Experiences of Discrimination questionnaire as none or any. Using spirometry, BDR was specified as the mean percentage change in forced expiratory volume in one second before and after albuterol administration. TNF-α was specified as high/low levels based on our study population mean. Linear regression was used to examine the association between self-reported racial/ethnic discrimination and BDR adjusted for selected characteristics. An interaction term between TNF-α levels and self-reported racial/ethnic discrimination was tested in the final model.ResultsAlmost half of participants (48.8%) reported racial/ethnic discrimination. The mean percent BDR was higher among participants reporting racial/ethnic discrimination than among those who did not (10.8 versus 8.9, p = 0.006). After adjustment, participants reporting racial/ethnic discrimination had a 1.7 (95% CI: 0.36–3.03) higher BDR mean than those not reporting racial/ethnic discrimination. However, we found heterogeneity of this association according to TNF-α levels (p-interaction = 0.040): Among individuals with TNF-α high level only, we observed a 2.78 higher BDR mean among those reporting racial/ethnic discrimination compared with those not reporting racial/ethnic discrimination (95%CI: 0.79–4.77).ConclusionsWe found BDR to be increased in participants reporting racial/ethnic discrimination and this association was limited to African American youth with TNF-α high asthma, an endotype thought to be resistant to traditional asthma medications. These results support screening for racial/ethnic discrimination in those with asthma as it may reclassify disease pathogenesis.
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Concerns about systemic racism at academic and research institutions have increased over the past decade. Here, we investigate data from the National Science Foundation (NSF), a major funder of research in the United States, and find evidence for pervasive racial disparities. In particular, white principal investigators (PIs) are consistently funded at higher rates than most non-white PIs. Funding rates for white PIs have also been increasing relative to annual overall rates with time. Moreover, disparities occur across all disciplinary directorates within the NSF and are greater for research proposals. The distributions of average external review scores also exhibit systematic offsets based on PI race. Similar patterns have been described in other research funding bodies, suggesting that racial disparities are widespread. The prevalence and persistence of these racial disparities in funding have cascading impacts that perpetuate a cumulative advantage to white PIs across all of science, technology, engineering and mathematics. Methods All data were collated from publicly available annual merit review reports published by the National Science Foundation, which can be accessed online at the following link: https://www.nsf.gov/nsb/publications/pubmeritreview.jsp
https://doi.org/10.5061/dryad.jwstqjqmv
This dataset contains the statistical data and R codes required to replicate analyses in the paper entitled "Reducing racial ingroup biases in empathy and altruistic decision-making by shifting racial identification", testing the hypothesis that racial identification based on perception of one’s own face provides a cognitive basis for racial ingroup biases in empathy and altruistic decision-making.
Description: Rating scores for racial identification and R codes for statistical analysis in Experiment 1.
spssdata.csv
This file contains rating scores for racial identification obtained from four groups of participants before and after mask training procedures (MTP). The following text de...
According to a survey conducted in 2023, ** percent of Americans believed that the bigger problem of racial discrimination in the United States was people not seeing racial discrimination where it really does exist. In comparison, ** percent of Americans who were Black shared this belief.