In 1990, there were around *** teen pregnancies per 1,000 women aged between 15 and 19 years in the United States. This figure had decreased to about ** by 2020. This statistic depicts the U.S. pregnancy rate among teenagers from 1973 to 2020.

In 2023, the birth rate among teenagers and young adult women aged 15 to 19 stood at 13.1 births per every thousand women. This statistic shows the U.S. birth rate among teenagers and young adult women, aged 15-19 years, between 1991 and 2023. Teenage pregnancy and birth Teenage pregnancy and births are related to a number of negative outcomes. Babies born to teenage mothers are more likely to be premature and have a low birth weight, and teen mothers often experience gestational hypertension and anemia. Additionally, there are significant adverse effects on socioeconomic and educational outcomes for teenage parents. Teenage pregnancy is usually unplanned and due to the negative consequences mentioned above the ratio of legal abortions to live births in the United States is highest among teenagers. In 2022, there were 374 legal abortions per 1,000 live births among girls and young women aged 15 to 19 years, compared a ratio of 284 legal abortions per 1,000 live births among women aged 20 to 24 years. Contraceptive use among teens Contraceptive use is the best way for sexually active teenagers to avoid unwanted pregnancies, but use and accessibility remain problems in the United States. In 2021, only 23 percent of high school girls in the U.S. used the birth control pill to prevent pregnancy before their last sexual intercourse. Use of the birth control pill to prevent pregnancy is highest among white teenagers and lowest among Black teenagers, with only 11 percent of Black teenagers reporting use in 2021. Condom use is more common among high school students, but still only around half of sexually active students reported using a condom during their last sexual intercourse in 2021.

This dataset includes teen birth rates for females by age group, race, and Hispanic origin in the United States since 1960. Data availability varies by race and ethnicity groups. All birth data by race before 1980 are based on race of the child. Since 1980, birth data by race are based on race of the mother. For race, data are available for Black and White births since 1960, and for American Indians/Alaska Native and Asian/Pacific Islander births since 1980. Data on Hispanic origin are available since 1989. Teen birth rates for specific racial and ethnic categories are also available since 1989. From 2003 through 2015, the birth data by race were based on the “bridged” race categories (5). Starting in 2016, the race categories for reporting birth data changed; the new race and Hispanic origin categories are: Non-Hispanic, Single Race White; Non-Hispanic, Single Race Black; Non-Hispanic, Single Race American Indian/Alaska Native; Non-Hispanic, Single Race Asian; and, Non-Hispanic, Single Race Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander (5,6). Birth data by the prior, “bridged” race (and Hispanic origin) categories are included through 2018 for comparison. National data on births by Hispanic origin exclude data for Louisiana, New Hampshire, and Oklahoma in 1989; New Hampshire and Oklahoma in 1990; and New Hampshire in 1991 and 1992. Birth and fertility rates for the Central and South American population includes other and unknown Hispanic. Information on reporting Hispanic origin is detailed in the Technical Appendix for the 1999 public-use natality data file (see ftp://ftp.cdc.gov/pub/Health_Statistics/NCHS/Dataset_Documentation/DVS/natality/Nat1999doc.pdf). SOURCES NCHS, National Vital Statistics System, birth data (see https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/births.htm); public-use data files (see https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data_access/VitalStatsOnline.htm); and CDC WONDER (see http://wonder.cdc.gov/). REFERENCES National Office of Vital Statistics. Vital Statistics of the United States, 1950, Volume I. 1954. Available from: https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/vsus/vsus_1950_1.pdf. Hetzel AM. U.S. vital statistics system: major activities and developments, 1950-95. National Center for Health Statistics. 1997. Available from: https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/misc/usvss.pdf. National Center for Health Statistics. Vital Statistics of the United States, 1967, Volume I–Natality. 1969. Available from: https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/vsus/nat67_1.pdf. Martin JA, Hamilton BE, Osterman MJK, et al. Births: Final data for 2015. National vital statistics reports; vol 66 no 1. Hyattsville, MD: National Center for Health Statistics. 2017. Available from: https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/nvsr/nvsr66/nvsr66_01.pdf. Martin JA, Hamilton BE, Osterman MJK, Driscoll AK, Drake P. Births: Final data for 2016. National Vital Statistics Reports; vol 67 no 1. Hyattsville, MD: National Center for Health Statistics. 2018. Available from: https://www.cdc.gov/nvsr/nvsr67/nvsr67_01.pdf. Martin JA, Hamilton BE, Osterman MJK, Driscoll AK, Births: Final data for 2018. National vital statistics reports; vol 68 no 13. Hyattsville, MD: National Center for Health Statistics. 2019. Available from: https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/nvsr/nvsr68/nvsr68_13.pdf.

Over the past 70 years in the United States, women have gradually started having children at a later point in their lives. Before the *****, women in their early twenties had the highest birth rates, however women in their late twenties had the highest rates between 1980 and 2015, but were recently overtaken by women in their early thirties. Another major trend is the decline of teenage pregnancies, which was less than a quarter of it's ********* rate in the years between 2015 and 2020. In fact, birth rates among ***** years olds often doubled birth rates of women aged ***** throughout the late twentieth century, but in 2020, the opposite is true.

For women in their forties, birth rates have remained comparatively lower than rates among the other age groups. The high figures in the ***** and *****, can be attributed to the baby boom that followed the Second World War. In more recent decades, rising birth rates among older age groups is not only due to societal trends, but has also been aided by improvements in assisted reproductive technology (ART), such as in vitro fertilization (IVF). Such technologies have granted thousands of women the ability to conceive in circumstances where this would not have been possible in years past.

From 1950 to 2020, fertility patterns in Germany changed drastically, as women gradually had children at later stages in life. The baby boom that followed the Second World War was a unique event, but women in their twenties had the highest birth rates by a significant margin. This remained true until the *****, when birth rates among women in their early thirties overtook those of women aged 20-24, before having the highest birth rates in the country from around 2010 onwards. Birth rates among women in their late thirties also fluctuated over the given period, but have generally followed the trajectory of the age group below, and this age group is on course to have the second highest birth rate in Germany in the next decade.

Birth rates among teenagers have also dropped significantly, from a peak of almost ** births per 1,000 women in 1970, to just ***** births in 2020. Throughout the *****, birth rates among women in their early forties were actually higher than teen pregnancies; this is not only due to societal trends, but improvements in assisted reproductive technologies have increased conception rates among older age groups.

ObjectiveMen who have sex with men (MSM) and heterosexuals are the populations with the fastest growing HIV infection rates in China. We characterize the epidemic growth and age patterns between these two routes from 2004 to 2015 in Chongqing and Shenzhen, China.Design and methodsData were downloaded from the National HIV/ AIDS Comprehensive Response Information Management System. For the new HIV diagnoses of heterosexuals and MSM in both cities, we estimated the growth rates by fitting different sub-exponential models. Heat maps are used to show their age patterns. We used histograms to compare these patterns by birth cohort.ResultsThe MSM epidemics grew significantly in both cities. Chongqing experienced quadratic growth in HIV reported cases with an estimated growth rate of 0.086 per week and a “deceleration rate” of 0.673. HIV reported cases of MSM in Shenzhen grew even more drastically with a growth rate of 0.033 per week and “deceleration rate” of 0.794. The new infections are mainly affecting the ages of 18 to 30 in Chongqing and ages of 20 to 35 in Shenzhen. They peaked in early 1990’s and mid-1990’s birth cohorts in Chongqing and Shenzhen respectively. The HIV epidemic among heterosexuals grew rapidly in both cities. The growth rates were estimated as 0.02 and 0.028 in Chongqing and Shenzhen respectively whereas the “deceleration rates” were 0.878 and 0.790 in these two places. It affected mostly aged 18 to 75 in males and 18 to 65 in females in Chongqing and aged 18 to 45 in males and 18 to 50 in females in Shenzhen in 2015. In Chongqing, the heterosexual female epidemics display two peaks in HIV diagnoses in the birth cohorts of early 1950’s and early 1980’s, with heterosexual male epidemics peaked in early 1940’s and early 1960’s. The heterosexual male and female epidemics display higher rates in the birth cohort 1940-1960, than the birth cohort 1960-1990. It peaked in birth cohorts of 1950’s and 1980’s in Shenzhen.ConclusionsWe revealed striking differences in epidemic growth and age patterns of the HIV epidemics in these two cities. Our results may be used to inform age-targeted public health policies to curb their epidemic growth.

In Egypt, the crude birth rate in 1900 was 42 live births per thousand people. In the first decade of the 20th century, Egypt’s crude birth rate remained steady at this number, however, the rate began to climb during and in the decade following the First World War, peaking at 47.22 births per thousand people in 1930. After bottoming out at 44.08 births per thousand people following the Great Depression and the Second World War, Egypt’s birth rate began to rise, especially so in the years immediately following the establishment of the Egyptian republic in 1950. As both part of the global baby boom and the result of a booming Egyptian economy, the birth rate jumped by 6 in just five years, peaking in 1955 at 51.4 births per thousand people. The crude birth rate in Egypt dropped sharply after the 1955 peak, as the result of a slowing economy in the late 1960s, and strong government promotion of family planning services and programs, bottoming out at 25.2 in 2005. The crude birth rate saw a sharp reversal in the early 2010s, rising from 25.3 births per thousand people in 2010 to 28.9 in 2015, which some studies suggest could be attributed to disruptions in family planning services following severe civil unrest, however, this rate is has fallen again in recent years, to 26.5 births per thousand people in 2020.

In 1900, the fertility rate in the region of present-day South Korea was six children per woman, meaning that the average woman born in South Korea in that year could expect to have six children over the course of their reproductive years. This number began to fluctuate in the 1930s, when the Japanese administration (the Korean peninsula had been annexed by Japan in 1910) promoted fertility as part of the war effort, before fertility dropped below 5.2 births per woman in the aftermath of the war. It then increased above 6.3 in the 1950s due to the devastation and mass-displacement caused by the Korean War. As stability returned to the region, South Korea's fertility rate would fall sharply throughout the remainder of the century, as modernization, urbanization, and the implementation of family planning programs would see fertility fall to just over 1.5 children per woman by 1990.

Sex-selective abortion and gender ratios Abortion was illegal in South Korea between 1953 and 2020, although it was permitted in some cases from 1973 onward. Despite this, these laws were rarely enforced, and sex-selective abortion became widespread following advancements in ultrasound technology. In many Asian societies, it was often preferred to have male children as they were viewed as being better long-term providers for their parents and they would carry on the family name. In South Korea in the early 1990s, the practice of sex-selective abortion became so widespread that the gender ratio at birth was 114 males for every 100 females (reportedly as high as 125 in some cities), compared to the historical and natural average of approximately 105 males per 100 females. The government then prohibited doctors from revealing the gender of unborn babies to the parents in 1987, and introduced more severe penalties in 1994, in an attempt to revert this trend. The gender imbalance then reduced in the following decades, and has been at 106 males per 100 females since the 2010s (roughly the natural average). Abortion rights in South Korea were expanded in 2021.

Lowest in the world? Despite government initiatives aimed at increasing fertility, including financial incentives, South Korea's fertility rate has continued to fall in recent years, and today is at around half of replacement level. In 2020, it is estimated that the average woman born in South Korea will have just over one child over the course of their reproductive years. Some critics cite economic factors, such as high education and housing costs, for the reason that young couples are postponing marriage and having families; today, South Korea has the lowest adolescent fertility rate, and the lowest overall fertility rate in the Asia Pacific region. Due to the current trajectory of South Korea's fertility rate, in January 2021, it was announced that the South Korean population experienced a natural decline for the first time in it's history.

The fertility rate of a country is the average number of children that women from that country will have throughout their reproductive years. From 1800 until 1865, Japan's fertility rate grew quite gradually, from 4.1 children per woman, to 4.8. From this point the fertility rate drops to 3.6 over the next ten years, as Japan became more industrialized. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, Japan's fertility rate grew again, and reached it's highest recorded point in the early 1920s, where it was 5.4 children per woman. Since this point it has been gradually decreasing until now, although it did experience slight increases after the Second World War, and in the early 1970s. In recent decades Japan's population has aged extensively, and today, Japan has the second oldest population and second highest life expectancy in the world (after Monaco). In contrast to this, Japan has a very low birth rate, and it's fertility rate is expected to fall below 1.4 children per woman in 2020.

In the mid-1800s, women in Ireland could expect to have over four children throughout the course of their reproductive years. More so than most European countries, the total fertility rate of Ireland would be influenced not only by the number of births, which would remain largely high compared to much of the continent, but would rather be influenced by emigration from the country. While the largest wave of Irish emigration (driven by the Great Famine) occurred before the years shown, the spikes in 1870, and particularly the spikes of the 1940s to early 1960s, can be attributed in part to significant declines in emigration among young adult females (rather than an increase in the number of births).

Another significant impact on Ireland's fertility rate in the 20th century was the influence of the Catholic Church in Irish society, education and healthcare. The church controlled the majority of primary and secondary education establishments, as well as hospitals; their influence on government meant that contraception and divorce remained illegal until 1985 and 1996 respectively, while the prohibition of abortion was not repealed until 2018. The promotion of traditional Catholic family values saw Ireland's fertility rate peak at over four children per woman in the early 1960s (double replacement level), however the gradual liberalization of Irish society and the decline of the church's influence, saw Ireland's fertility rate drop below two births per woman by the 1990s. (below replacement level). While fertility has remained below replacement level in the past three decades, the country still remains above the European average, with a total fertility rate of more than 1.8 children per woman in 2020, compared to the continental average of 1.6 children.

The fertility rate of a country is the average number of children that women from that country would have throughout their reproductive years. In France in 1800, the average woman of childbearing age would have 4.4 children over the course of their lifetime. The beginning of the nineteenth century was a tumultuous time in France's history, involving France's revolutionary period, as well as the Napoleonic Empire. In the first decade of the 1800s, the fertility rate dropped by 0.4, before dropping more slowly, by another 0.5 between 1810 and 1850. The fertility growth rate fluctuated slightly in the late 1800s, before dropping drastically in the early twentieth century, falling from an average of 3 children per woman to less than 1.7 in 1920. France's fertility rate reached this point as a result of the First World War, and the influenza epidemic (known as the Spanish Flu) that followed. The interwar period saw a slight increase in fertility rate, before it fell again in the Second World War. Similarly to other major European countries after the war, France experienced a baby boom in the two decades following the war, before dropping again into the 1980s. The fertility rate reached it's lowest point in the post-war period, falling to 1.7 in 1995, before increasing in more recent years.

The fertility rate of a country is the average number of children that women from that country will have throughout their reproductive years. In 1800, Australian women of childbearing age would go on to have approximately 6.5 children on average over the course of their lifetime, and this number decreased gradually to just below five in the early 1850s. Over the next ten years the fertility rate increased to 5.7 children per woman, as an influx of migrants arrived on the continent during the Australian gold rushes, however the fertility rate dropped from 1860 until 1935, when it was then just 2.2 children per woman, although there was a small baby boom after the First World War. Australia's fertility rate did rise during the global 'Baby Boom' after the Second World War, reaching 3.4 in the 1960s, but it then dropped to two children per woman in 1980, and it has plateaued just under this number until today.