In 2025, Pietermaritzburg in South Africa ranked as the world's most dangerous city with a crime rate of 82 per 100,000 inhabitants. Five of the 10 cities with the highest crime rates worldwide are found in South Africa. The list does not include countries where war and conflict exist. South Africa dominates crime statistics When looking at crime rates, among the 10 most dangerous cities in the world, half of them are found in South Africa. The country is struggling with extremely high levels of inequality, and is struggling with high levels of crime and power outages, harming the country's economy and driving more people into unemployment and poverty. Crime in Latin America On the other hand, when looking at murder rates, Latin America dominates the list of the world's most dangerous countries. Violence in Latin America is caused in great part by drug trafficking, weapons trafficking, and gang wars.
Turks and Caicos Islands saw a murder rate of ***** per 100,000 inhabitants, making it the most dangerous country for this kind of crime worldwide as of 2024. Interestingly, El Salvador, which long had the highest global homicide rates, has dropped out of the top 29 after a high number of gang members have been incarcerated. Meanwhile, Colima in Mexico was the most dangerous city for murders. Violent conflicts worldwide Notably, these figures do not include deaths that resulted from war or a violent conflict. While there is a persistent number of conflicts worldwide, resulting casualties are not considered murders. Partially due to this reason, homicide rates in Latin America are higher than those in Afghanistan or Syria. A different definition of murder in these circumstances could change the rate significantly in some countries. Causes of death Also, noteworthy is that murders are usually not random events. In the United States, the circumstances of murders are most commonly arguments, followed by narcotics incidents and robberies. Additionally, murders are not a leading cause of death. Heart diseases, strokes and cancer pose a greater threat to life than violent crime.
In 2023, the violent crime rate in the United States was 363.8 cases per 100,000 of the population. Even though the violent crime rate has been decreasing since 1990, the United States tops the ranking of countries with the most prisoners. In addition, due to the FBI's transition to a new crime reporting system in which law enforcement agencies voluntarily submit crime reports, data may not accurately reflect the total number of crimes committed in recent years. Reported violent crime rate in the United States The United States Federal Bureau of Investigation tracks the rate of reported violent crimes per 100,000 U.S. inhabitants. In the timeline above, rates are shown starting in 1990. The rate of reported violent crime has fallen since a high of 758.20 reported crimes in 1991 to a low of 363.6 reported violent crimes in 2014. In 2023, there were around 1.22 million violent crimes reported to the FBI in the United States. This number can be compared to the total number of property crimes, roughly 6.41 million that year. Of violent crimes in 2023, aggravated assaults were the most common offenses in the United States, while homicide offenses were the least common. Law enforcement officers and crime clearance Though the violent crime rate was down in 2013, the number of law enforcement officers also fell. Between 2005 and 2009, the number of law enforcement officers in the United States rose from around 673,100 to 708,800. However, since 2009, the number of officers fell to a low of 626,900 officers in 2013. The number of law enforcement officers has since grown, reaching 720,652 in 2023. In 2023, the crime clearance rate in the U.S. was highest for murder and non-negligent manslaughter charges, with around 57.8 percent of murders being solved by investigators and a suspect being charged with the crime. Additionally, roughly 46.1 percent of aggravated assaults were cleared in that year. A statistics report on violent crime in the U.S. can be found here.
In 2023, the District of Columbia had the highest reported violent crime rate in the United States, with 1,150.9 violent crimes per 100,000 of the population. Maine had the lowest reported violent crime rate, with 102.5 offenses per 100,000 of the population. Life in the District The District of Columbia has seen a fluctuating population over the past few decades. Its population decreased throughout the 1990s, when its crime rate was at its peak, but has been steadily recovering since then. While unemployment in the District has also been falling, it still has had a high poverty rate in recent years. The gentrification of certain areas within Washington, D.C. over the past few years has made the contrast between rich and poor even greater and is also pushing crime out into the Maryland and Virginia suburbs around the District. Law enforcement in the U.S. Crime in the U.S. is trending downwards compared to years past, despite Americans feeling that crime is a problem in their country. In addition, the number of full-time law enforcement officers in the U.S. has increased recently, who, in keeping with the lower rate of crime, have also made fewer arrests than in years past.
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The average for 2017 based on 97 countries was 7.4 homicides per 100,000 people. The highest value was in El Salvador: 61.8 homicides per 100,000 people and the lowest value was in Japan: 0.2 homicides per 100,000 people. The indicator is available from 1990 to 2017. Below is a chart for all countries where data are available.
This table contains data on the rate of violent crime (crimes per 1,000 population) for California, its regions, counties, cities and towns. Crime and population data are from the Federal Bureau of Investigations, Uniform Crime Reports. Rates above the city/town level include data from city, university and college, county, state, tribal, and federal law enforcement agencies. The table is part of a series of indicators in the Healthy Communities Data and Indicators Project of the Office of Health Equity. Ten percent of all deaths in young California adults aged 15-44 years are related to assault and homicide. In 2010, California law enforcement agencies reported 1,809 murders, 8,331 rapes, and over 95,000 aggravated assaults. African Americans in California are 11 times more likely to die of assault and homicide than Whites. More information about the data table and a data dictionary can be found in the About/Attachments section.
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Introduction: The dataset used for this experiment is real and authentic. The dataset is acquired from UCI machine learning repository website [13]. The title of the dataset is ‘Crime and Communities’. It is prepared using real data from socio-economic data from 1990 US Census, law enforcement data from the 1990 US LEMAS survey, and crimedata from the 1995 FBI UCR [13]. This dataset contains a total number of 147 attributes and 2216 instances.
The per capita crimes variables were calculated using population values included in the 1995 FBI data (which differ from the 1990 Census values).
The variables included in the dataset involve the community, such as the percent of the population considered urban, and the median family income, and involving law enforcement, such as per capita number of police officers, and percent of officers assigned to drug units. The crime attributes (N=18) that could be predicted are the 8 crimes considered 'Index Crimes' by the FBI)(Murders, Rape, Robbery, .... ), per capita (actually per 100,000 population) versions of each, and Per Capita Violent Crimes and Per Capita Nonviolent Crimes)
predictive variables : 125 non-predictive variables : 4 potential goal/response variables : 18
http://archive.ics.uci.edu/ml/datasets/Communities%20and%20Crime%20Unnormalized
U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Census Of Population And Housing 1990 United States: Summary Tape File 1a & 3a (Computer Files),
U.S. Department Of Commerce, Bureau Of The Census Producer, Washington, DC and Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research Ann Arbor, Michigan. (1992)
U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics, Law Enforcement Management And Administrative Statistics (Computer File) U.S. Department Of Commerce, Bureau Of The Census Producer, Washington, DC and Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research Ann Arbor, Michigan. (1992)
U.S. Department of Justice, Federal Bureau of Investigation, Crime in the United States (Computer File) (1995)
Your data will be in front of the world's largest data science community. What questions do you want to see answered?
Data available in the dataset may not act as a complete source of information for identifying factors that contribute to more violent and non-violent crimes as many relevant factors may still be missing.
However, I would like to try and answer the following questions answered.
Analyze if number of vacant and occupied houses and the period of time the houses were vacant had contributed to any significant change in violent and non-violent crime rates in communities
How has unemployment changed crime rate(violent and non-violent) in the communities?
Were people from a particular age group more vulnerable to crime?
Does ethnicity play a role in crime rate?
Has education played a role in bringing down the crime rate?
In 2024, the highest homicide rate among 22 Latin American and Caribbean countries surveyed was in Haiti, with around 62 murders committed per 100,000 inhabitants. Trinidad and Tobago came in second, with a homicide rate of 46, while Honduras ranked seventh, with 25. In the same year, the lowest rate was recorded in El Salvador, with a homicide rate of 1.9 per 100,000 inhabitants. A violence-ridden region Violence and crime are some of the most pressing problems affecting Latin American society nowadays. More than 40 of the 50 most dangerous cities in the world are located in this region, as well as one of the twenty countries with the least peace in the world according to the Global Peace Index. Despite governments’ large spending on security and high imprisonment rates, drug and weapon trafficking, organized crime, and gangs have turned violence into an epidemic that affects the whole region and a solution to this issue appears to be hardly attainable. The cost of violence in Mexico Mexico stands out as an example of the great cost that violence inflicts upon a country, since beyond claiming human lives, it also affects everyday life and has a negative impact on the economy. Mexicans have a high perceived level of insecurity, as they do not only fear becoming victims of homicide, but also of other common crimes, such as assault or rape. Such fear prevents people from performing everyday activities, for instance, going out at night, taking a taxi or going to the movies or the theater. Furthermore, the economic toll of violence in Mexico is more than considerable. For example, the cost of homicide and violent crime amounted to 2099.8 and 1778.1 billion Mexican pesos in 2023, respectively.
This is an Official Statistics bulletin produced by statisticians in the Ministry of Justice, Home Office and the Office for National Statistics. It brings together, for the first time, a range of official statistics from across the crime and criminal justice system, providing an overview of sexual offending in England and Wales. The report is structured to highlight: the victim experience; the police role in recording and detecting the crimes; how the various criminal justice agencies deal with an offender once identified; and the criminal histories of sex offenders.
Providing such an overview presents a number of challenges, not least that the available information comes from different sources that do not necessarily cover the same period, the same people (victims or offenders) or the same offences. This is explained further in the report.
Based on aggregated data from the ‘Crime Survey for England and Wales’ in 2009/10, 2010/11 and 2011/12, on average, 2.5 per cent of females and 0.4 per cent of males said that they had been a victim of a sexual offence (including attempts) in the previous 12 months. This represents around 473,000 adults being victims of sexual offences (around 404,000 females and 72,000 males) on average per year. These experiences span the full spectrum of sexual offences, ranging from the most serious offences of rape and sexual assault, to other sexual offences like indecent exposure and unwanted touching. The vast majority of incidents reported by respondents to the survey fell into the other sexual offences category.
It is estimated that 0.5 per cent of females report being a victim of the most serious offences of rape or sexual assault by penetration in the previous 12 months, equivalent to around 85,000 victims on average per year. Among males, less than 0.1 per cent (around 12,000) report being a victim of the same types of offences in the previous 12 months.
Around one in twenty females (aged 16 to 59) reported being a victim of a most serious sexual offence since the age of 16. Extending this to include other sexual offences such as sexual threats, unwanted touching or indecent exposure, this increased to one in five females reporting being a victim since the age of 16.
Around 90 per cent of victims of the most serious sexual offences in the previous year knew the perpetrator, compared with less than half for other sexual offences.
Females who had reported being victims of the most serious sexual offences in the last year were asked, regarding the most recent incident, whether or not they had reported the incident to the police. Only 15 per cent of victims of such offences said that they had done so. Frequently cited reasons for not reporting the crime were that it was ‘embarrassing’, they ‘didn’t think the police could do much to help’, that the incident was ‘too trivial or not worth reporting’, or that they saw it as a ‘private/family matter and not police business’
In 2011/12, the police recorded a total of 53,700 sexual offences across England and Wales. The most serious sexual offences of ‘rape’ (16,000 offences) and ‘sexual assault’ (22,100 offences) accounted for 71 per cent of sexual offences recorded by the police. This differs markedly from victims responding to the CSEW in 2011/12, the majority of whom were reporting being victims of other sexual offences outside the most serious category.
This reflects the fact that victims are more likely to report the most serious sexual offences to the police and, as such, the police and broader criminal justice system (CJS) tend to deal largely with the most serious end of the spectrum of sexual offending. The majority of the other sexual crimes recorded by the police related to ‘exposure or voyeurism’ (7,000) and ‘sexual activity with minors’ (5,800).
Trends in recorded crime statistics can be influenced by whether victims feel able to and decide to report such offences to the police, and by changes in police recording practices. For example, while there was a 17 per cent decrease in recorded sexual offences between 2005/06 and 2008/09, there was a seven per cent increase between 2008/09 and 2010/11. The latter increase may in part be due to greater encouragement by the police to victims to come forward and improvements in police recording, rather than an increase in the level of victimisation.
After the initial recording of a crime, the police may later decide that no crime took place as more details about the case emerge. In 2011/12, there were 4,155 offences initially recorded as sexual offences that the police later decided were not crimes. There are strict guidelines that set out circumstances under which a crime report may be ‘no crimed’. The ‘no-crime’ rate for sexual offences (7.2 per cent) compare
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Latin America is the most violent region in the world, with many countries also suffering from high levels of criminality and the presence of powerful criminal organizations. Identifying government responses that improve citizen security is imperative. Existing research argues that improving intergovernmental coordination helps the state combat criminality, but has limited its analysis to political factors that affect coordination. I study the impact of increasing intergovernmental coordination between law enforcement agencies. Using the generalized synthetic control method, original data on the staggered implementation of a police reform that increased intergovernmental police coordination and detailed data on criminal organizations and criminality in Guanajuato, Mexico, I find that the reform weakened criminal organizations and reduced violent crime, but increased violence.
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In this dataset you'll find statistics on the most common forms of crime committed from all countries around the world.
This data comes from https://data.world/unodc/b4aa5785-7a33-4c07-af15-0f15d95a121f.
In 2024, Colima in Mexico ranked as the world's most dangerous city with a homicide rate of 140 per 100,000 inhabitants. Seven of the 10 cities with the highest murder rates worldwide are found in Mexico. The list does not include countries where war and conflict exist. Latin America dominates murder statistics Except for Mandela Bay, all the cities on the list are found in Latin America. Latin America also dominate the list of the world's most dangerous countries. Violence in Latin America is caused in great part by drug trafficking, weapons trafficking, and gang wars. Crime in South Africa Mandela Bay in South Africa is the only city outside Latin America among the 10 most dangerous cities worldwide. The country is struggling with extremely high levels of inequality, and is struggling with high levels of crime and power outages, harming the country's economy and driving more people into unemployment and poverty.
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The average for 2017 based on 79 countries was 105 robberies per 100,000 people. The highest value was in Costa Rica: 1587 robberies per 100,000 people and the lowest value was in Oman: 1 robberies per 100,000 people. The indicator is available from 2003 to 2017. Below is a chart for all countries where data are available.
In 2023, around 3,640.56 violent crimes per 100,000 residents were reported in Oakland, California. This made Oakland the most dangerous city in the United States in that year. Four categories of violent crimes were used: murder and non-negligent manslaughter; forcible rape; robbery; and aggravated assault. Only cities with a population of at least 200,000 were considered.
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The global crime analytics software market is expected to grow at CAGR of 8.2% for the forecast period 2023-2030.
Growing demand for effective crime prevention and reduction techniques due to rising crime rate is expected to drive the growth of the crime analytics software market
North America dominates the crime analytics software market
Key Dynamics of Crime Analytics Software Market.
Key Drivers of Crime Analytics Software Market.
Increasing Urban Crime Rates and Concerns for Public Safety: As urban populations expand and criminal activities become more sophisticated, law enforcement agencies face mounting pressure to take proactive measures. The use of crime analytics software facilitates real-time monitoring, predictive policing, and data-driven decision-making, all aimed at enhancing public safety and optimizing resource allocation.
Government and Law Enforcement Agency Adoption: Across various regions, governments are making significant investments in smart policing infrastructure. Crime analytics tools are being incorporated into national security and policing frameworks to identify patterns, anticipate threats, and enable quicker responses. Such investments are a major driver of market growth.
Advancements in AI, Big Data, and Geospatial Technologies: The advancement of artificial intelligence, machine learning, and GIS technologies significantly boosts the capabilities of crime analytics software. These innovations support real-time crime mapping, recognition of behavioral patterns, and the generation of actionable insights, which contribute to more effective crime prevention and resolution.
Key Restrains for Crime Analytics Software Market.
Concerns Regarding Data Privacy and Ethics: The utilization of personal data for predictive analytics raises critical issues related to surveillance, bias, and civil liberties. Any misuse or lack of transparency in data collection and analysis can result in legal challenges and public discontent.
High Costs of Implementation and Integration: The deployment of crime analytics systems necessitates substantial investment in hardware, software, training, and data infrastructure. For smaller municipalities or agencies with constrained budgets, the significant initial and ongoing expenses may hinder or restrict adoption.
Challenges of Inconsistent Data Sources and System Fragmentation: Crime data is frequently sourced from various entities—law enforcement, public safety, social media, etc.—which may not adhere to standardization or interoperability. This fragmentation can impede data accuracy and the overall effectiveness of crime analysis platforms.
Key Trends in Crime Analytics Software Market.
Increasing Adoption of Predictive Policing Models: Law enforcement agencies are progressively utilizing predictive analytics to identify potential crime hotspots and strategically deploy officers. These models analyze historical crime data, along with factors such as time, location, and environmental conditions, to predict incidents and mitigate crime rates.
Integration with Body Cameras and Surveillance Systems: Crime analytics systems are being combined with live video feeds, CCTV networks, and body-worn cameras. This integration facilitates real-time monitoring, evidence gathering, and automated identification of suspects, thereby improving overall situational awareness.
Expansion of Cloud-Based and Mobile Solutions: Cloud-based and mobile-compatible crime analytics applications provide remote access, enable collaboration across different jurisdictions, and offer real-time data updates. These solutions are becoming increasingly favored due to their scalability, cost-effectiveness, and enhanced operational flexibility for law enforcement agencies.
The COVID-19 impact on the Crime Analytics Software Market.
The COVID-19 pandemic has had a significant impact on the crime analytics software market, resulting in both challenges and opportunities for the industry. The most immediate impact of the pandemic was the widespread imposition of travel restrictions, lockdowns, and quarantines. Due to the lockdowns, social distancing measures, and changes in daily routines, the burglary and street-level crimes have noticed some reduction. Crime analytics software would have been crucial in identifying and analysing these shifts. Remote work became essential during the pandemic, including for law enforcement agencies....
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The average for 2017 based on 35 countries was 1.7 homicides per 100,000 people. The highest value was in Russia: 9.2 homicides per 100,000 people and the lowest value was in Luxembourg: 0.3 homicides per 100,000 people. The indicator is available from 1990 to 2017. Below is a chart for all countries where data are available.
The survey focuses upon citizens' experiences of civil wrongs and criminal offences and their use of formal and informal dispute resolution mechanisms to obtain redress.
BACKGROUND
The World Bank began its engagement on legal and judicial reform in Bangladesh with the Legal and Judicial Capacity Building Project (the project commenced in 2001 and has been extended until December 2008), a Government strategy supporting the reform agenda in this package was adopted in 2000. The project was a product of its time, and focused on a series of technocratic reforms to the civil justice system (improving the commercial legal framework, increasing court efficiency (strengthening court administration, improving case management, strengthening judicial training), upgrading infrastructure and facilities, establishing capacity in law reform and legal drafting, and attempting to establish and support a legal aid framework.).
The last decade has seen a significant evolution in the Bank's approach to the overall governance agenda in its client countries. It has also witnessed a broadening of the Bank's agenda to “demand side” interventions and pro-poor justice, and a new interpretation of the Articles of Agreement which comprehends that working on criminal justice and human rights is within the Bank's mandate. Since the 2000/2001 World Development Report, the Bank has adopted a definition of poverty that incorporates vulnerability, exposure to risk, voicelessness and powerlessness, seeing poverty as multi-dimensional -- the absence of “fundamental freedoms of action and choice”. So, the poverty reduction aspiration is logically also one which incorporates the notion of increasing human security and individual dignity/reducing vulnerability. The Articles of Association were interpreted to comprehend criminal justice and human rights issues as within the Bank's mandate in separate legal opinions of the General Counsel in early 2006.
At the same time, there has been a shift in the Government's stated policy priorities to reform of the criminal justice sector and enhancing affordable justice for the poor. The PRSP of 2005-8 proposes a number of institutional reforms in the justice sector (embracing the judiciary, police, public prosecution system and prison reform) as well as initiatives to increase access to justice, develop informal mechanisms of dispute resolution, and meaningful progress on the separation of the judiciary from the executive. Only the last of these matters has been the subject of significant progress, one of the governance reforms introduced by the Caretaker Government during 2007.
Other donors in Bangladesh have shifted their attention to a number of interventions relating to access to justice for the poor, after limited success with the formal institutions involved in the administration of justice. In fact, reform of legal institutions has met with scant success anywhere in the world. A World Bank assessment concluded that “less overall progress has been made in judicial reform and strengthening than in almost any other area of policy or institutional reform: James H. Anderson, David S. Bernstein and Cheryl W. Gray, Judicial Systems in Transition Economies: Assessing the Past, Looking to the Future (Washington DC, World Bank, 2005).
When the existing project concludes at the end of 2008, the Bank is interested in designing a new intervention in this field. However, there needs to be a greater evidence base about the existing state of play before preparatory work on a new project can begin. While a literature review reveals a multitude of analyses of Bangladesh's legal system, much of this material is doctrinal, with little empirical work and practically no work which engages with the political economy of institutional reform. Few initiatives have been informed by hard analysis of the day to day experiences of citizens in dealing with civil and criminal wrongs on the one hand and the embedded political, economic and cultural incentives that surround institutional change on the other.
What is proposed is a set of empirical investigations that is closely tailored to the initial literature review's findings. A survey would provide insights into the dispute resolution experiences and needs of the bulk of citizens in the country. Qualitative work would probe the current institutional responses (both formal and informal) - how the institutions operate and why, the incentive structures within, the dynamics of institutional change. Through the results of this work, the Bank will be better equipped to put the two parts of the puzzle together (basic institutional reform and ensuring that the poor are benefited) in planning any future interventions.
RATIONALE
The rationale for the survey lies in the paucity of robust data regarding citizens' experience of civil wrongs and crime and about their experiences and perceptions of formal and informal institutions involved in dispute resolution (including NGO service-providers). As is the case in many developing countries, official statistics cannot be relied upon, due to the chronic under-reporting of crime - in fact, some countries undertake or use crime victimisation surveys in the absence of any other reliable basis upon which to develop public policy in this area. The existing record-keeping practices of NGO service-providers often catalogue numbers of cases processed but fail to disaggregate this data or to collect meaningful statistics about the incidence of crimes and civil wrongs more generally. Thus, this survey could establish a baseline for monitoring purposes that could be repeated in coming years.
After sifting through the existing empirical work, several recent surveys stand out as worthwhile background. Survey work on dispute resolution and legal systems tends to be folded into larger “high-end” governance surveys. This genre of surveys usefully outlines the dimensions of governance problems in Bangladesh including, at a general level, the relationship of institutions that enforce laws and resolve disputes. Three surveys more specifically probe law and order and human security issues, one of which is being finalized at the present time. Another survey draws on the data bases of four prominent legal aid NGOs to provide a profile of perceptions of beneficiaries of the services of those NGOs. And another probes public opinion more broadly with respect to alternative dispute resolution mechanisms.
Collectively, the existing surveys are useful; they provide glimpses into the institutional pathologies of law enforcement and dispute resolution from a citizen's perspective and potential policy prescriptions and programmatic interventions. But they have certain limitations for the purposes of examining very broadly the contours of dispute resolution at informal and formal levels, the enforcement of norms, and citizens' behaviour in response to the civil and criminal wrongs that increase their vulnerability and reduce control and predictability over their lives:
(i) a narrow topical focus;
(ii) the sample size is insufficient to show regional differentiation, that could be expected to be substantial;
(iii) the sample pool is bounded geographically and by beneficiaries of on-going NGO programs;
(iv) the surveys potentially have a bias toward empirically justifying an on-going activity; and/or
(v) donor pressure in terms of time frame and methodology employed.
Finally, a lot of the social change in Bangladesh over the last three decades is not adequately documented in the scholarship on the justice-poverty nexus. It thus does not capture the effects of increased urbanization, the breakdown in the authority of traditional mediators (and thus presumably compliance with the outcomes of traditional dispute resolution) as well as the penetration of partisan political patronage into the fabric of collective social life down to the village level in the period since 1991. Recent years have also witnessed the growth in the variety of dispute resolution fora available to parts of the population, especially with the rise of community legal service providers. The latter term refers to NGOs, which in the Bangladesh context provide a variety of dispute resolution services in addition to assisting clients with legal advice and representation in the courts where appropriate.
OBJECTIVES
The broad objectives of the survey have been identified through the literature review and are designed to supplement existing knowledge:
A. To provide a national and regionally representative profile of civil disputes and crimes and their impacts, by gathering data on:
i. Reported personal and household experience of civil disputes and crimes: type, frequency, severity
ii. Community security and social cohesion profile: knowledge of civil disputes and crimes in the locality (type, frequency, severity) as well as social harmony (trust, confidence, collective action, feeling of safety etc.)
iii. Which legal violations (criminal actions, human rights violations and civil wrongs) are the most serious for the average citizen (viz. that reduce to the greatest extent feelings of control over, and predictability in planning, one's life or for which redress is difficult/impossible to obtain.).
iv. Self-help strategies, routine practices for avoiding exposure to civil and criminal wrongs, and the impacts on individual citizens of institutional failure. This includes assessing the impact of chronic conditions of crime and violence on coping strategies and pre-emptive behaviour which may have negative consequences for economic and social well-being. These include risk-averse economic behaviour, incorporation into exploitative social networks or patron-client relationships, violent and other forms of vigilante or retaliatory behaviour. This will enable a fuller assessment of the extent of 'unmet need'.
v.
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Abstract Violence against LGBT people has always been present in our society. Brazil is the country with the highest number of lethal crimes against LGBT people in the world. The aim of this study was to describe the characteristics of homicides of LGBT people in Brazil using spatial analysis. The LGBT homicide rate was used to facilitate the visualization of the geographical distribution of homicides. Public thoroughfares and the victim’s home were the most common places of occurrence. The most commonly used methods for killing male homosexuals and transgender people were cold weapons and firearms, respectively; however, homicides frequently involved beatings, suffocation, and other cruelties. The large majority of victims were aged between 20 and 49 years and typically white or brown. The North, Northeast and Central-West regions, precisely the regions with the lowest HDI, presented LGBT homicide rates above the national rate. LGBT homicides are typically hate crimes and constitute a serious public health problem because they affect young people, particularly transgender people. This problem needs to be addressed by the government, starting with the criminalization of homophobia and the subsequent formulation of public policies to reduce hate crimes and promote respect for diversity.
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The United Nations began its World Crime Surveys in 1978. The first survey collected statistics on a small range of offenses and on the criminal justice process for the years 1970-1975. The second survey collected data on a wide range of offenses, offenders, and criminal justice process data for the years 1975-1980. Several factors make these two collections difficult to use in combination. Some 25 percent of those countries responding to the first survey did not respond to the second and, similarly, some 30 percent of those responding to the second survey did not respond to the first. In addition, many questions asked in the second survey were not asked in the first survey. This data collection represents the efforts of the investigators to combine, revise, and recheck the data of the first two surveys. The data are divided into two parts. Part 1 comprises all data on offenses and on some criminal justice personnel. Crime data are entered for 1970 through 1980. In most cases 1975 is entered twice, since both surveys collected data for this year. Part 2 includes data on offenders, prosecutions, convictions, and prisons. Data are entered for 1970 through 1980, for every even year.
In 2023, property crime was the most common type of crime committed in the United States, with over 6.41 million offenses reported to the FBI. In the same year, there were around 1.22 million cases of violent crime reported to the FBI, of which there were 19,252 cases of homicide, including murder and nonnegligent manslaughter.
In 2025, Pietermaritzburg in South Africa ranked as the world's most dangerous city with a crime rate of 82 per 100,000 inhabitants. Five of the 10 cities with the highest crime rates worldwide are found in South Africa. The list does not include countries where war and conflict exist. South Africa dominates crime statistics When looking at crime rates, among the 10 most dangerous cities in the world, half of them are found in South Africa. The country is struggling with extremely high levels of inequality, and is struggling with high levels of crime and power outages, harming the country's economy and driving more people into unemployment and poverty. Crime in Latin America On the other hand, when looking at murder rates, Latin America dominates the list of the world's most dangerous countries. Violence in Latin America is caused in great part by drug trafficking, weapons trafficking, and gang wars.