In 2023, nearly *********** Generation Alpha were living in poverty in the United States, with ** percent of Gen Alpha living in families with incomes below the federal poverty line. In comparison, only **** percent of Generation X were living in poverty in that year.

Except for physical health, Gen Z had the highest share of respondents who reported poor health across various health dimensions. For example, 18 percent of Gen Z respondents stated their mental health was poor or very poor, compared to 13 percent of Millennials.

Between 2018 and 2022, Americans who identified as Black and Americans who identified as American Indian or Alaska Native were most likely to be living in poverty across all generations in the United States. Within the provided time period, 34 percent of Gen Alpha who were Black lived in families with incomes below the federal poverty line in the United States, followed by 32 percent who were American Indian or Alaska Native.

We analyze the effects of increased access to education in one generation on human capital outcomes in the next generation. Using longitudinal data, we exploit the geographical and cohort variations in exposure to a massive primary school construction program in the 1970s in Indonesia. We show that the school building project increases primary school completion rates among both men and women. We find that children whose mothers were exposed to the school building project score higher on the national primary school examination, suggesting the importance of maternal education in the intergenerational transmission of human capital.

In a McKinsey Consumer survey fielded in 2022, approximately ***** in *** Gen Z respondents reported poor or very poor mental health status. Compared to other generations, Gen Z respondents were more likely poor or very poor health.

It is often claimed that cocoa producers are poor, but the extent of their poverty is rarely defined. We analyzed six data sets derived from household questionnaires of 385–88,896 cocoa producers in Côte d'Ivoire and Ghana. Across all data sets, many households (30–58%) earn a gross income below the World Bank extreme poverty line and the majority (73–90%) do not earn a Living Income. Households with less income per person per day generally achieve lower cocoa yields, consist of more household members, have a smaller land size available, and rely more on cocoa income than households with higher incomes. When comparing the effects of increasing prices and yields on gross income, yield increases lead to larger benefits especially for the poorest households. Doubling the cocoa price would leave 15–25% of households with a gross income below the extreme poverty line and 53–65% below the Living Income benchmark. At yields of 600 kg/ha, against current yields around 300 kg/ha, these percentages are reduced to 7–11 and 48–62%, respectively, while at yields of 1,500 kg/ha only 1–2% of households remain below the extreme poverty line and 13–20% below the Living Income benchmark. If we assume that the production costs of achieving a yield of 1,500 kg/ha are 30% of revenue, still only 2–4% of households earn a net income below the extreme poverty line and 25–32% below the Living Income benchmark. Whilst sustainable intensification of cocoa production is undoubtedly a strong approach to increase cocoa yields and farmer incomes, achieving this does not come without pitfalls. The poorer households face multiple barriers to invest in cocoa production. A better understanding of cocoa producing households and the resources available to them, as well as the opportunity for alternative income generation, is required to tailor options to increase their income. The utility and interpretability of future household surveys would be drastically improved if definitions and variables addressed were approached in a standardized way.

Poverty and social exclusion, social services, climate change, and the national economic situation and statistics.

Topics: 1. Poverty and social exclusion: own life satisfaction (scale); satisfaction with family life, health, job, and satisfaction with standard of living (scale); personal definition of poverty; incidence of poverty in the own country; estimated proportion of the poor in the total population; poor persons in the own residential area; estimated increase of poverty: in the residential area, in the own country, in the EU, and in the world; reasons for poverty in general; social and individual reasons for poverty; population group with the highest risk of poverty; things that are necessary to being able to afford to have a minimum acceptable standard of living (heating facility, adequate housing, a place to live with enough space and privacy, diversified meals, repairing or replacing a refrigerator or a washing machine, annual family holidays, medical care, dental care, access to banking services as well as to public transport, access to modern means of communication, to leisure and cultural activities, electricity, and running water); perceived deprivation through poverty in the own country regarding: access to decent housing, education, medical care, regular meals, bank services, modern means of communication, finding a job, starting up a business of one’s own, maintaining a network of friends and acquaintances; assessment of the financial situation of future generations and current generations compared to parent and grandparent generations; attitude towards poverty: necessity for the government to take action, too large income differences, national government should ensure the fair redistribution of wealth, higher taxes for the rich, economic growth reduces poverty automatically, poverty will always exist, income inequality is necessary for economic development; perceived tensions between population groups: rich and poor, management and workers, young and old, ethnic groups; general trust in people, in the national parliament, and the national government (scale); trust in institutions regarding poverty reduction: EU, national government, local authorities, NGOs, religious institutions, private companies, citizens; reasons for poverty in the own country: globalisation, low economic growth, pursuit of profit, global financial system, politics, immigration, inadequate national social protection system; primarily responsible body for poverty reduction; importance of the EU in the fight against poverty; prioritized policies of the national government to combat poverty; assessment of the effectiveness of public policies to reduce poverty; opinion on the amount of financial support for the poor; preference for governmental or private provision of jobs; attitude towards tuition fees; increase of taxes to support social spending; individual or governmental responsibility (welfare state) to ensure provision; attitude towards a minimum wage; optimism about the future; perceived own social exclusion; perceived difficulties to access to financial services: bank account, bank card, credit card, consumer loans, and mortgage; personal risk of over-indebtedness; attitude towards loans: interest free loans for the poor, stronger verification of borrowers by the credit institutions, easier access to start-up loans for the unemployed, free financial advice for the poor, possibility to open a basic bank account for everyone; affordable housing in the residential area; extent of homelessness in the residential area, and recent change; adequacy of the expenditures for the homeless by the national government, and the local authorities; assumed reasons for homelessness: unemployment, no affordable housing, destruction of the living space by a natural disaster, debt, illness, drug or alcohol addiction, family breakdown, loss of a close relative, mental health problems, lack of access to social services and support facilities, lack of identity papers, free choice of this life; probability to become homeless oneself; own support of homeless people: monetary donations to charities, volunteer work in a charity, help find access in emergency shelters and with job search, direct donations of clothes to homeless people, buying newspapers sold by homeless people, food donations; sufficient household income, or difficulties to make ends meet; ability to afford the heating costs, a week’s holiday once a year, and a meal with meat every second day; expected development of the financial situation of the household; assessment of the risk of potential difficulties in the next 12 months in paying: rent, mortgage, consumer loan rates, electricity bills, unexpected events, daily consumer goods; job security; difficulties in fulfilling family responsibilities because of the workload; difficulties in concentrating at work due to family commitments; necessary minimum monthly income for the own household; comparison of the monthly...

Family income and life adversities across generations.

The world’s poorest and most vulnerable farmers on the whole have not benefited from international agricultural research and development. Past efforts have tried to increase the production of countries in more favourable environments; farmers with relatively higher potential for improvement benefited most from these advances. Current and future crop improvement efforts will focus more on marginal environments, especially those prone to drought. The objective of this research is to guide crop improvement efforts by prioritizing areas of high poverty, the key problem of high drought risk and the crops grown and consumed in these areas. Global spatial data on crop production, climate and poverty (as proxied by child stunting) were used to identify geographic areas of high priority for crop improvement. The analysis employed spatial overlay, drought modelling and descriptive statistics to identify where best to target technology generation to achieve its intended human welfare goals. Analysis showed that drought coincides with high levels of poverty in 15 major farming systems, especially in South Asia, the Sahel and eastern and southern Africa, where high diversity in drought frequency characterizes the environments. Thirteen crops make up the bulk of food production in these areas. A database was developed for use in agricultural research and development targeting and priority setting to raise the productivity of crops on which the poor in marginal environments depend

Qualitative data was collected mainly in two villages, one in southern Malawi, the other in the Maluti Mountains of Lesotho exploring the impacts of three social cash transfer schemes (pensions and child grants in Lesotho; poverty-targeted grants in Lesotho). The main focus was the ways in which cash transfers shape social relations within families and communities, particularly relations of generation, age and gender. Transcripts from three methods of data collection are included: 1) Interviews with members of households that receive cash transfers (n=77) exploring the impacts of the transfers on relations within and beyond the family. 2) Interviews with young adults in the communities ('previous participants' who participated in an earlier study). These explore changes in the young people's lives over the preceding decade as well as their perspectives on social cash transfers. Young adults in cash transfer recipient households were also asked to talk about the impacts of these on their own families, and relations of generation, age and gender within and beyond the family. 3) Participatory activities involving groups of young adults (8 groups of 3-10 individuals per country).

Youth poverty is important, not least because of its implications for the future, yet rural youth poverty in particular has received little attention from researchers or policy makers. The major recent innovation in policy responses to poverty in sub-Saharan Africa has been social cash transfer (SCT) schemes which disburse cash to poor people. There is growing evidence that these address symptoms of poverty among their target populations, particularly children and the elderly. However, impact evaluations have paid minimal attention to their effects on young adults or generational relations. Researchers increasingly recognise that poverty is produced through structural power relations including political and economic relations, and relations within and between social groups (based on social categorisations such as gender, age, generation and class). If the impacts of SCTs are to be fully understood, it is necessary to examine how they intervene in and are negotiated through these structural relationships. Rather than examining the impacts of SCTs on youth as an age-based category, the research focuses on their effects on the power relationships that structure young lives. Drawing on recent calls for a 'generationing' of development, it examines how SCTs shape generational relationships (between older and younger people; between members of an age cohort; between life phases; and between young people and their wider structural contexts). As generational relations intersect with other social relations, effects of SCTs on relations of age and gender will also be examined. The proposal addresses the call question: What factors shape pathways into and out of poverty and people's experience of these, and how can policy create sustained routes out of extreme poverty in ways that can be replicated and scaled up? It focuses on two countries that have instituted contrasting SCTs in the past decade: Lesotho (social pensions and child grants) and Malawi (SCTs to ultra-poor labour constrained households). Objectives: 1) To identify how specific structural power relationships shape young people's poverty trajectories, focusing particularly on generational relations. 2) To identify how SCTs operating in Malawi and Lesotho intervene in these structural power relationships, and the consequences for young people's poverty trajectories. 3) To examine how political and economic power relationships between national and international institutions are implicated in the design and implementation of SCT schemes. 4) To develop an analysis of young people's poverty trajectories and policy responses that conceptually connects national and international political economic processes with social relations of generation, age and gender 5. To develop and refine a methodological approach that facilitates the involvement of young people in the identification and analysis of the structural relations at the root of their experiences of poverty Methods: The research will augment a rich dataset from a previous project (2007/8) which detailed the life histories and aspirations of 80 young people, then aged 10-24, in two villages. Follow-up interviews will be conducted with these young people, some of whose households will have since begun to receive SCTs, to map their poverty trajectories and explore influencing factors. In depth interviews will also be conducted with members of five households per village in receipt of SCTs to explore further the impacts on relations of gender, age and generation. Subsequently, participatory workshops with groups of young people will examine in greater depth the processes that produce and perpetuate poverty, and how SCTs intervene in these processes.

Living conditions of Botswana have improved over the past decade and poverty has reduced significantly. This decrease was accompanied by a considerable decline in both depth and severity of poverty, indicating that consumption has improved among the poor. While rural areas led the poverty reduction, the share of the poor living in urban areas has increased. Botswana’s progress toward reduction of extreme poverty and inequality was among the world’s strongest in the second half of 2000s. During this period, the economic growth has been strongly pro-poor. Botswana is one of the top performers in Africa when measured by annual consumption distribution growth for the bottom 40 percentile. However, despite these noteworthy improvements, inequality remains high. The study concludes that with adequate macro and social policies, and a strong focus on improving equity, Botswana has a historical opportunity to build on recent achievements and move towards eradicating extreme poverty within one generation. The analyses was conducted in close collaboration with the Statistics Botswana, utilizing the data generated through the nationally representative households income and expenditure surveys conducted by Statistics Botswana in 2002/2003 and 2009/2010. The report benefited greatly from the leadership by the Poverty Eradication Unit.

In West Africa, IITA works with multi-disciplinary Results for Development (R4D) partners in selected communities located in Northern Ghana and Southern Mali. More particularly, in Northern Ghana three regions were chosen for the study: the Northern, Upper-East and Upper-West regions. These areas cover both maize-based and rice/vegetables-based systems and therefore allow to address the production constraints characterizing both realities. As IFPRI (2012) highlights, the northern regions of Ghana are characterized by small land holdings and low input / low output farming systems, which adversely impact food security. In particular, they are subject to a seasonal cycle of food insecurity of three to seven months for cereals (i.e., maize, millet and sorghum) and four to seven months for legumes (i.e., groundnuts, cowpeas, and soybeans). These crops in the savannahs are often produced in a continuous monoculture, steadily depleting the soil's natural resources and causing the yields per unit area to fall to very low levels. The poverty profile of Ghana identifies the three northern regions as the poorest and most hunger-stricken areas in the country. Gender inequalities are also apparent in these regions, since women have limited access to resources and therefore limited capacity to generate income on their own.

In West Africa, IITA works with multi-disciplinary Results for Development (R4D) partners in selected communities located in Northern Ghana and Southern Mali. More particularly, in Northern Ghana three regions were chosen for the study: the Northern, Upper-East and Upper-West regions. These areas cover both maize-based and rice/vegetables-based systems and therefore allow to address the production constraints characterizing both realities. As IFPRI (2012) highlights, the northern regions of Ghana are characterized by small land holdings and low input / low output farming systems, which adversely impact food security. In particular, they are subject to a seasonal cycle of food insecurity of three to seven months for cereals (i.e., maize, millet and sorghum) and four to seven months for legumes (i.e., groundnuts, cowpeas, and soybeans). These crops in the savannahs are often produced in a continuous monoculture, steadily depleting the soil's natural resources and causing the yields per unit area to fall to very low levels. The poverty profile of Ghana identifies the three northern regions as the poorest and most hunger-stricken areas in the country. Gender inequalities are also apparent in these regions, since women have limited access to resources and therefore limited capacity to generate income on their own.

Since the early 1970s the European Commission´s Standard & Special Eurobarometer are regularly monitoring the public opinion in the European Union member countries. Principal investigators are the Directorate-General Communication and on occasion other departments of the European Commission or the European Parliament. Over time, candidate and accession countries were included in the Standard Eurobarometer Series. Selected questions or modules may not have been surveyed in each sample. Please consult the basic questionnaire for more information on country filter instructions or other questionnaire routing filters. In this study the following modules are included: 1. Poverty and social exclusion, 2. Mobile phone use in other EU countries, 3. Financial and economic crisis, 4. International trade.
Topics: 1. Poverty and social exclusion: own life satisfaction (scale); satisfaction with family life, health, job satisfaction and satisfaction with standard of living (scale); personal definition of being poor; estimated spread of poverty in the own country; estimated proportion of poor in the total population; people who live in poverty in the own residential area; estimated increase of poverty: in the living area, in the own country, in the EU and in the world; reasons for poverty in general; social and individual causes of poverty; population group with the highest risk of poverty; absolutely neccessary long-lived assets for a minimum acceptable standard of living (heating facility, adequate housing, plenty of room to life and privacy, varied meals, repair or replacement of a refrigerator, an annual family vacation, medical care, dental care, access to banking services as well as to public transport, access to modern means of communication, to leisure and cultural events, electricity, gas and tap water); perceived impairments (deprivation) caused by poverty in the own country: access to decent housing, education, health care, regular meals, bank service, modern means of communication to the labor market, maintaining a network of friends and acquaintances, as well as the chance to start the own business; assessment of the financial situation and level of future generations compared to parents’ and grandparents’ generation; attitude towards poverty: the need for action by the government, too large income differences, duty of the government for the fair redistribution of wealth, more taxes for the rich, automatic reduction of poverty through economic growth, poverty will always exist, income inequality is necessary for economic development; perceived conflict groups: rich and poor, employers and workers, young and old, different racial and ethnic groups; general trust in people and trust in the parliament and the government (scale); trust in institutions in poverty reduction: EU, national government, local authorities, NGOs, religious institutions, private companies, citizens; causes of poverty in the own country: globalisation, low economic growth, profit motive, global financial system, politics, immigration, poor social system; primarily responsible for poverty reduction; importance of the role of the EU in combating poverty; prioritized policies of the state government to combat poverty; assessment of the effectiveness of public policies to reduce poverty; opinion on the extent of financial support for the poor; preference for state or private provision of jobs; attitude towards education fees; controlling for social spending; individual responsibility or responsibility of the government (welfare state) for the supply of citizens; attitude towards the minimum wage; optimistic about the future vs. personally perceived social exclusion; perceived difficulties to get access to financial services: bank account, bank card, credit card, consumer loans and a mortgage; personal risk of over-indebtedness; attitude towards loans: easy access to interest free loans for the poor, stronger verification of borrowers by credit institutions, easier access to start-up loans for unemployed, free financial advice for the poor, possibility for every individual to open a basic bank account; affordable housing in the residential environment; extent of homelessness in the residential environment and its recent change; reasonableness of the expenditure for the homeless by the national government and the local authorities; assumed reasons for homelessness: unemployment, no affordable housing, destruction of the living space by a natural disaster, indebtedness, illness, addiction to drugs or alcohol, family breakdown, loss of a close relative, mental health problems, lack of access to social services and support facilities, and lack of identification papers or free choice of this life; probability of own homelessness; personal charity actions to support poor people: monetary donations to charities, volunteer work in charities, help with recording in emergency shelters and with job search, giving clothes to poor people, buying...

Research on conflict traditionally focuses on its initiation, duration, and severity, but seldom on its consequences. Yet, demographic and economic recovery from the consequences of war lasts far longer and may be more devastating than the waging war. Our concern is with war losses and post-war recovery leading to convergence with pre-war performance. To test this proposition, we choose the most severe international and civil wars after 1920. We find that all belligerents recover or overtake demographic losses incurred in war. Economic assessments differ. The most-developed belligerents recover like a “phoenix” from immense destruction in one generation. For less-developed societies, the outcomes are mixed. The less-developed belligerents recover only a portion of their pre-war performance. The least-developed societies suffer the most and fall into lasting poverty traps. The overlapping generation growth model accounts for such differences in recovery rates based on pre-war performance challenging arguments from Solow's neoclassical growth perspective. Our results imply that foreign aid is incidental to the post-war convergence for the most-developed societies, can prompt recovery for the less-developed societies, and is not effective—unless it is massive and sustained—for the least-developed societies. World War II may provide a poor guide to current post-war challenges in Iraq and in Afghanistan.

Context

High-resolution satellite imagery is increasingly available at the global scale and contains an abundance of information about landscape features that could be correlated with economic activity. Unfortunately, such data are highly unstructured and thus challenging to extract meaningful insights from at scale, even with intensive manual analysis. Recent applications of deep learning techniques to large-scale image data sets have led to marked improvements in fundamental computer vision tasks such as object detection and classification, but these techniques are generally most effective in supervised learning regimes where labelled training data are abundant. A convolutional neural network can be trained to identify image features that can explain up to 75% of the variation in local-level economic outcomes.

This data set contains 3 zip folders having a total of 32823 images. Ethiopia, Malawi and Nigeria are the 3 countries. Each folder contains images of the respective countries.

Ethiopia https://www.googleapis.com/download/storage/v1/b/kaggle-user-content/o/inbox%2F5563010%2Fcd8b70635ab2a334809438460e695fff%2F4.752716945228008_39.22483343759402_4.76768886663_39.269749201799996.png?generation=1603882372912555&alt=media" alt="">

Malawi https://www.googleapis.com/download/storage/v1/b/kaggle-user-content/o/inbox%2F5563010%2F63655de156cd773c2dc5ab39828db5bd%2F-9.651637_33.82882592140199_-9.651637_33.813854.png?generation=1603882497548977&alt=media" alt="">

Nigeria https://www.googleapis.com/download/storage/v1/b/kaggle-user-content/o/inbox%2F5563010%2F504125a68f6eab3489c1618d1dd8c7c5%2F4.78376024056_7.035940588761993_4.78376024056_7.020968667360001.png?generation=1603882549779492&alt=media" alt="">

• The images are of the dimensions 256x256 pixels RGB.
• They are named 'image_lat_image_lon_cluster_lat_cluster_lon.png'.
• These images have been taken from the Planet Developer Resource Center.
• A maximum cloud filter of 5% is applied.
• Filtered all images having more than 50% clouds.

Apache 2.0 - Licensed

Acknowledgements

https://developers.planet.com/

Inspiration

Around 767 million people in the world surviving on less than $1.90 a day. I hope this data helps reduce this number in some way.

The data consists of writings in which respondents talk about their experiences of poverty inherited from their childhood. The data was originally collected for a Master's thesis on what poverty and exclusion look and feel like in the everyday lives of families with children from one generation to the next. The writing call was open to anyone who had lived in a low-income family as a child and who was themselves a family member and low-income earner at the time of the collection. In the writing call, respondents were asked to answer the following questions to help guide their writing; where have you felt deprived as a child due to financial deprivation, how do you feel deprivation has affected your life and how is deprivation seen and felt by your children, and do you feel that deprivation or financial scarcity has brought positive things into your life. As background information, age group, gender and labour market status were asked. The data were organised into an easy to use HTML version at FSD.

SAMSET LEAP model inputs preparation in Excel.Urbanisation rates in Africa are the highest in the world, and in most Sub-Saharan countries service delivery is inadequate to keep up with the needs. African populations remain amongst the poorest in the world, and efforts to achieve the energy-related dimensions of the Millennium Development Goals s have in most cases not had significant impact on urban populations. The situation can be summarised as one where much urban energy transformation research does not understand the detailed organisational dynamics and constraints in cities and therefore is often of limited use; where there is a gap between policy and implementation; where capacity within local/national government departments involved in energy and urban development is inadequate in the face of increasing challenges; and where modes of knowledge transfer are not effective in facilitating sustainable energy transitions in cities. SAMSET seeks to develop a knowledge exchange framework for supporting local and national bodies involved in municipal energy planning in the effective transition to sustainable energy use in urban areas. Through close partnering with six cities in three African countries (Ghana, Uganda and South Africa), the project aims to develop an information base from which to support cities, undertake direct support for cities around strategy development and priority initiatives, and facilitate knowledge exchange and capacity building.

This Poverty Assessment is the first output of a multi-year program adopted by the World Bank to assist the Governments of Serbia and Montenegro in the development and implementation of their Poverty Reduction Strategies. The program relies on collaboration in joint data production and analysis. Based on data collected in 2002, the report finds that absolute material poverty affects every tenth person in both Serbia and Montenegro. From an historical standpoint, this is a very high incidence. Inequality remained moderate by regional standards, and as a result poverty is shallow. At the same time vulnerability--or exposure to negative shocks and inability to cope with them-- threatens many currently non-poor individuals. At least as many suffer from deprivation in other dimensions of well being, such as health, education, housing, social inclusion or property rights. Material poverty, therefore, is not the only challenge for the Governments. Four factors are most strongly related to poverty: low education attainment; joblessness; the location in rural areas and depressed regions, and the presence of socially disadvantaged members (such as internally displaced persons or Roma). The poor are found to face serious problems of access to public services (health, education, sanitation) and suffer disproportionately from the deterioration in the quality of public service provision. Even though some of the social assistance programs are among the best targeted programs in the region, the social protection system as a whole suffers from large exclusion errors. Given the high level of vulnerability of the population and the shallowness of poverty, a broad-based growth strategy that ensures that the benefits accrue at least proportionately to the poor is central for accelerated poverty reduction. Improvements in the business climate will stimulate private sector growth and feed into employment generation. Growth will increase fiscal revenues to remedy the problems of chronic under funding, while structural and public administration reforms will strengthen the governance and the quality of services provided to the poor. The multidimensional nature of poverty requires concerted and well coordinated action in different sectors. The report is organized in two volumes. Volume One (Executive summary) summarizes the Report content. Volume Two (Main report) provides detailed results of poverty analysis. Due to data limitations the sectoral part of the main report covers Serbia in greater details. An analysis of available data for Montenegro is presented in a background paper.

Abstract

The Opportunity Atlas has collected contextual data by county and tract. Rather than providing contextual socioeconomic data of where people currently live, the data represents average socioeconomic indicators (e.g., earnings) of where people grew up.

Documentation

A core element of Population Health Science is that health outcomes can only be fully understood when they are studied within their context. Therefore, we have a copy of The Opportunity Atlas, a dataset that provides socioeconomic data by county and tract.

Several studies have shown that especially childhood neighborhoods drive adult outcomes and that residential areas lived in through adulthood have much smaller effects. The focus of the Opportunity Atlas is therefore on contextual data of where people grew up:

%3E Traditional measures of poverty and neighborhood conditions provide snapshots of income and other variables for residents in an area at a given point in time. But to study how economic opportunity varies across neighborhoods, we really need to follow people over many years and see how one’s outcomes depend upon family circumstances and where on grew up. The Opportunity Atlas is the first dataset that provides such longitudinal information at a detailed neighborhood level. Using the Atlas, you can see not just where the rich and poor currently live – which was possible in previously available data from the Census Bureau – but whether children in a given area tend to grow up to become rich of poor. This focus on mobility out of poverty across generations allows us to trace the roots of outcomes such as poverty and incarceration back to where kids grew up, potentially permitting much more effective interventions.

As such, The Opportunity Atlas data provides a rich source of data for researchers who wish to overlay health data with contextual data.

Methodology

Three sources of Census Bureau are linked to compute the data

1. The 2000 and 2010 Decennial Census short form
2. Federal income tax returns for 1989, 1994, 1995, 1998-2015
3. The 2000 Decennial Census long form and the 2005-2015 American Community Surveys (ACS).

%3C!-- --%3E

20.5 million Americans born between 1987-1983 are sampled from these data and mapped back to the Census tracts they lived in through age 23. After that step, a range of outcomes are then estimated for each of the 70,000 tracts. In order to comply with federal data disclosure standards and protect the privacy of individuals no estimates in tracts with 20 or fewer children are published and noise (small random numbers) is added to all the estimates.

For more information on the data collection and methodology, please visit:

Website

Documentation

Data availability

Some variables are available for counties only. The table below gives you an overview. Open the table in a new tab for a larger view.

https://redivis.com/fileUploads/ee6544ef-e1b1-473d-a75d-36618c91f4a5%3E" alt="data availability.png">