The statistic shows the share of U.S. population, by race and Hispanic origin, in 2016 and a projection for 2060. As of 2016, about 17.79 percent of the U.S. population was of Hispanic origin. Race and ethnicity in the U.S. For decades, America was a melting pot of the racial and ethnical diversity of its population. The number of people of different ethnic groups in the United States has been growing steadily over the last decade, as has the population in total. For example, 35.81 million Black or African Americans were counted in the U.S. in 2000, while 43.5 million Black or African Americans were counted in 2017.

The median annual family income in the United States in 2017 earned by Black families was about 50,870 U.S. dollars, while the average family income earned by the Asian population was about 92,784 U.S. dollars. This is more than 15,000 U.S. dollars higher than the U.S. average family income, which was 75,938 U.S. dollars.

The unemployment rate varies by ethnicity as well. In 2018, about 6.5 percent of the Black or African American population in the United States were unemployed. In contrast to that, only three percent of the population with Asian origin was unemployed.

This graph shows the population of the U.S. by race and ethnic group from 2000 to 2023. In 2023, there were around 21.39 million people of Asian origin living in the United States. A ranking of the most spoken languages across the world can be accessed here. U.S. populationCurrently, the white population makes up the vast majority of the United States’ population, accounting for some 252.07 million people in 2023. This ethnicity group contributes to the highest share of the population in every region, but is especially noticeable in the Midwestern region. The Black or African American resident population totaled 45.76 million people in the same year. The overall population in the United States is expected to increase annually from 2022, with the 320.92 million people in 2015 expected to rise to 341.69 million people by 2027. Thus, population densities have also increased, totaling 36.3 inhabitants per square kilometer as of 2021. Despite being one of the most populous countries in the world, following China and India, the United States is not even among the top 150 most densely populated countries due to its large land mass. Monaco is the most densely populated country in the world and has a population density of 24,621.5 inhabitants per square kilometer as of 2021. As population numbers in the U.S. continues to grow, the Hispanic population has also seen a similar trend from 35.7 million inhabitants in the country in 2000 to some 62.65 million inhabitants in 2021. This growing population group is a significant source of population growth in the country due to both high immigration and birth rates. The United States is one of the most racially diverse countries in the world.

The purpose of this study was to understand the processes of development and advancement that produce minority executives by examining the cultures, orientations toward executive development, and approach to promoting racial diversity in management of three major U.S. organizations. The participants were employees at three major U.S. companies. The companies were selected because they are leaders in their industries in promoting racial diversity in management. They represent industries with different levels of technological intensity, and their culture and employment practices were all different. The target participants included 54 employees: 20 Minority Executives, 13 Minority Managers, 13 White Executives, and 8 White Managers. Of theses participants, 8 were women. In addition, 158 interviews were conducted with current or former supervisors, peers, and subordinates of the target participants, and 28 interviews were conducted with corporate officers, HR professionals, and others who were or had played a role in diversity management positions such as key succession planning, affirmative action, or diversity management of the three companies. Companies were asked to provide the contributor with a list of African American, Asian American, and Hispanic Americans who met the executive criteria for the study. A subset of these individuals was selected. Based on this group of minorities, a group of individuals was then selected from each of the comparison groups: White executives, plateaued minority managers, and plateaued White managers. The study consisted of Focal Interviews, Role Set Interviews, Corporate Interviews, and included personnel records, archival data, and other documents. The Focal Interview was administered to the 54 target participants and its purpose was to enable the participants to describe their upbringing, education, and career as they experienced it. This interview collected information to build personal histories and career biographies, explored issues salient to career experiences such as race, developmental relationships, and critical career incidents, sought to understand the effects of corporate context on career and development, and enabled participants to describe their careers from their personal perspective. The Role Set interview was administered to the 158 current or former supervisors, peers, and subordinates of the target participants. The purpose of this interview was to obtain additional perspectives on the target participants' strengths, weaknesses, management style, their career development, and the extent their race and gender influenced behavior. The Corporate Interview was administered to the 28 corporate officers, HR professionals, and others who were or had played a role in diversity management positions such as key succession planning, affirmative action, or diversity management of the three companies. The purpose of this final interview was to understand the histories, culture, executive development, and approaches to promoting racial diversity in management of the three organizations. Lastly, personnel records were used to construct individual career biographies and to validate interview data, archival records from one organization was used to validate career trajectory patterns, and published and unpublished documents were gathered on each companies' diversity efforts over a thirty year period. Variables assessed include supervisory positions, tenure, upbringing, career history, education, race, mentors, high and low career points, management style, and strengths and weaknesses. The Murray Research Archive holds electronic text file transcripts from this study.

BackgroundIt is widely claimed that racial and ethnic minorities, especially in the US, are less willing than non-minority individuals to participate in health research. Yet, there is a paucity of empirical data to substantiate this claim. Methods and FindingsWe performed a comprehensive literature search to identify all published health research studies that report consent rates by race or ethnicity. We found 20 health research studies that reported consent rates by race or ethnicity. These 20 studies reported the enrollment decisions of over 70,000 individuals for a broad range of research, from interviews to drug treatment to surgical trials. Eighteen of the twenty studies were single-site studies conducted exclusively in the US or multi-site studies where the majority of sites (i.e., at least 2/3) were in the US. Of the remaining two studies, the Concorde study was conducted at 74 sites in the United Kingdom, Ireland, and France, while the Delta study was conducted at 152 sites in Europe and 23 sites in Australia and New Zealand. For the three interview or non-intervention studies, African-Americans had a nonsignificantly lower overall consent rate than non-Hispanic whites (82.2% versus 83.5%; odds ratio [OR] = 0.92; 95% confidence interval [CI] 0.84–1.02). For these same three studies, Hispanics had a nonsignificantly higher overall consent rate than non-Hispanic whites (86.1% versus 83.5%; OR = 1.37; 95% CI 0.94–1.98). For the ten clinical intervention studies, African-Americans' overall consent rate was nonsignificantly higher than that of non-Hispanic whites (45.3% versus 41.8%; OR = 1.06; 95% CI 0.78–1.45). For these same ten studies, Hispanics had a statistically significant higher overall consent rate than non-Hispanic whites (55.9% versus 41.8%; OR = 1.33; 95% CI 1.08–1.65). For the seven surgery trials, which report all minority groups together, minorities as a group had a nonsignificantly higher overall consent rate than non-Hispanic whites (65.8% versus 47.8%; OR = 1.26; 95% CI 0.89–1.77). Given the preponderance of US sites, the vast majority of these individuals from minority groups were African-Americans or Hispanics from the US. ConclusionsWe found very small differences in the willingness of minorities, most of whom were African-Americans and Hispanics in the US, to participate in health research compared to non-Hispanic whites. These findings, based on the research enrollment decisions of over 70,000 individuals, the vast majority from the US, suggest that racial and ethnic minorities in the US are as willing as non-Hispanic whites to participate in health research. Hence, efforts to increase minority participation in health research should focus on ensuring access to health research for all groups, rather than changing minority attitudes.

In the past four centuries, the population of the United States has grown from a recorded 350 people around the Jamestown colony of Virginia in 1610, to an estimated 331 million people in 2020. The pre-colonization populations of the indigenous peoples of the Americas have proven difficult for historians to estimate, as their numbers decreased rapidly following the introduction of European diseases (namely smallpox, plague and influenza). Native Americans were also omitted from most censuses conducted before the twentieth century, therefore the actual population of what we now know as the United States would have been much higher than the official census data from before 1800, but it is unclear by how much. Population growth in the colonies throughout the eighteenth century has primarily been attributed to migration from the British Isles and the Transatlantic slave trade; however it is also difficult to assert the ethnic-makeup of the population in these years as accurate migration records were not kept until after the 1820s, at which point the importation of slaves had also been illegalized. Nineteenth century In the year 1800, it is estimated that the population across the present-day United States was around six million people, with the population in the 16 admitted states numbering at 5.3 million. Migration to the United States began to happen on a large scale in the mid-nineteenth century, with the first major waves coming from Ireland, Britain and Germany. In some aspects, this wave of mass migration balanced out the demographic impacts of the American Civil War, which was the deadliest war in U.S. history with approximately 620 thousand fatalities between 1861 and 1865. The civil war also resulted in the emancipation of around four million slaves across the south; many of whose ancestors would take part in the Great Northern Migration in the early 1900s, which saw around six million black Americans migrate away from the south in one of the largest demographic shifts in U.S. history. By the end of the nineteenth century, improvements in transport technology and increasing economic opportunities saw migration to the United States increase further, particularly from southern and Eastern Europe, and in the first decade of the 1900s the number of migrants to the U.S. exceeded one million people in some years. Twentieth and twenty-first century The U.S. population has grown steadily throughout the past 120 years, reaching one hundred million in the 1910s, two hundred million in the 1960s, and three hundred million in 2007. In the past century, the U.S. established itself as a global superpower, with the world's largest economy (by nominal GDP) and most powerful military. Involvement in foreign wars has resulted in over 620,000 further U.S. fatalities since the Civil War, and migration fell drastically during the World Wars and Great Depression; however the population continuously grew in these years as the total fertility rate remained above two births per woman, and life expectancy increased (except during the Spanish Flu pandemic of 1918).

Since the Second World War, Latin America has replaced Europe as the most common point of origin for migrants, with Hispanic populations growing rapidly across the south and border states. Because of this, the proportion of non-Hispanic whites, which has been the most dominant ethnicity in the U.S. since records began, has dropped more rapidly in recent decades. Ethnic minorities also have a much higher birth rate than non-Hispanic whites, further contributing to this decline, and the share of non-Hispanic whites is expected to fall below fifty percent of the U.S. population by the mid-2000s. In 2020, the United States has the third-largest population in the world (after China and India), and the population is expected to reach four hundred million in the 2050s.

In 2023, California had the highest Hispanic population in the United States, with over 15.76 million people claiming Hispanic heritage. Texas, Florida, New York, and Illinois rounded out the top five states for Hispanic residents in that year. History of Hispanic people Hispanic people are those whose heritage stems from a former Spanish colony. The Spanish Empire colonized most of Central and Latin America in the 15th century, which began when Christopher Columbus arrived in the Americas in 1492. The Spanish Empire expanded its territory throughout Central America and South America, but the colonization of the United States did not include the Northeastern part of the United States. Despite the number of Hispanic people living in the United States having increased, the median income of Hispanic households has fluctuated slightly since 1990. Hispanic population in the United States Hispanic people are the second-largest ethnic group in the United States, making Spanish the second most common language spoken in the country. In 2021, about one-fifth of Hispanic households in the United States made between 50,000 to 74,999 U.S. dollars. The unemployment rate of Hispanic Americans has fluctuated significantly since 1990, but has been on the decline since 2010, with the exception of 2020 and 2021, due to the impact of the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic.

Excel workbook of age-standardised baseline mortality rates (BMRs) for each US county by race and ethnicity used for calculating racial-ethnic disparities in health burdens for air pollution from the major oil and gas lifecycle stages in the United States.The workbook includes 3 sheets:BMRs for all-cause mortality in 25+ years population for calculating premature mortality from exposure to fine particular matter (PM2.5).BMRs for all-cause mortality in 65+ years population for calculating premature mortality from exposure to nitrogen dioxide (NO2), andBMRs for all-ages chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD) mortality from exposure to ozone air pollution.Raw BMRs from the US US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Wide-ranging ONline Data for Epidemiologic Research (CDC WONDER) are processed to gap fill data not reported at the county level. This data gap filling is detailed in Vohra et al. (2025) Science Advances, "The health burden and racial-ethnic disparities of air pollution from the major oil and gas lifecycle stages in the United States", doi:10.1126/sciadv.adu2241.

Introduction and Background. Minorities are less likely to report rapes. The Post Coital DNA Recovery (PCDR) study (2009-14) subjects were white (93%) where expanded collection times were not generalizable to minority populations. Evidence reports health and medical differences between races necessitating duplication of previous research in minority populations. Aims. (1) What is the time period in which it is possible to collect post-coital DNA in minority women using Y-STR laboratory methods? and (2) when compared to the former study sample of minority and non-minority, what are the physiological conditions, factors, or activities in minority couples that influence post-coital DNA recovery? Design. The design includes mixed methods duplication perfected in the first study, embracing descriptive and inferential techniques. Qualitative research used semi-structured interviews. Aim 1 analysis used PCDR-M data only. Aim 2 combined data from both PCDR and PCDR-M studies. Combined, DNA recovery, a binary outcome accounting for repeated methods in population regression analysis, used Generalized Estimating Equation (GEE) methods. Fidelity. The strict criteria for adherence included considerable outreach and support of study personnel. PCDR and PCDR-M data combined and compared the two samples, which had specific homogeneity, including same inclusion and elimination criteria in both studies; fidelity to the validated protocol; laboratory method and interpretation for inclusion; duplicate statistical analysis; and interpretation of data. Any variation in key variables met elimination criteria. Assumptions and Limitations. Assumptions included (1) motivation is altruistic; (2) motivation is incentives and coercion for some; (3) negotiating coitus is difficult and stressful; and (4) similar fidelity and dropout rates. The limitations included (1) a lack of representation for the diverse experiences of rape victims; (2) sample size; (3) self-selection bias; (4) protocol adherence; and (4) advances in laboratory science and DNA kits. Demographics. Demographic variables included gender, race, and age. Major categories in the dataset included participants' reproductive history, data on female participants' reproductive organs, and childhood abuse.

These data are part of NACJD's Fast Track Release and are distributed as they were received from the data depositor. The files have been zipped by NACJD for release, but not checked or processed except for the removal of direct identifiers. Users should refer to the accompanying readme file for a brief description of the files available with this collection and consult the investigator(s) if further information is needed. The main aim of this research is to study the criminal mobility of ethnic-based organized crime groups. The project examines whether organized crime groups are able to move abroad easily and to reproduce their territorial control in a foreign country, or whether these groups, and/or individual members, start a life of crime only after their arrival in the new territories, potentially as a result of social exclusion, economic strain, culture conflict and labeling. More specifically, the aim is to examine the criminal mobility of ethnic Albanian organized crime groups involved in a range of criminal markets and operating in and around New York City, area and to study the relevance of the importation/alien conspiracy model versus the deprivation model of organized crime in relation to Albanian organized crime. There are several analytical dimensions in this study: (1) reasons for going abroad; (2) the nature of the presence abroad; (3) level of support from ethnic constituencies in the new territories; (4) importance of cultural codes; (5) organizational structure; (6) selection of criminal activities; (7) economic incentives and political infiltration. This study utilizes a mixed-methods approach with a sequential exploratory design, in which qualitative data and documents are collected and analyzed first, followed by quantitative data. Demographic variables in this collection include age, gender, birth place, immigration status, nationality, ethnicity, education, religion, and employment status. Two main data sources were employed: (1) court documents, including indictments and court transcripts related to select organized crime cases (84 court documents on 29 groups, 254 offenders); (2) in-depth, face-to-face interviews with 9 ethnic Albanian offenders currently serving prison sentences in U.S. Federal Prisons for organized crime related activities, and with 79 adult ethnic Albanian immigrants in New York, including common people, undocumented migrants, offenders, and people with good knowledge of Albanian organized crime modus operandi. Sampling for these data were conducted in five phases, the first of which involved researchers examining court documents and identifying members of 29 major ethnic Albanian organized crime groups operating in the New York area between 1975 and 2013 who were or had served sentences in the U.S. Federal Prisons for organized crime related activities. In phase two researchers conducted eight in-depth interviews with law enforcement experts working in New York or New Jersey. Phase three involved interviews with members of the Albanian diaspora and filed observations from an ethnographic study. Researchers utilized snowball and respondent driven (RDS) recruitment methods to create the sample for the diaspora dataset. The self-reported criteria for recruitment to participate in the diaspora interviews were: (1) age 18 or over; (2) of ethnic Albanian origin (foreign-born or 1st/2nd generation); and (3) living in NYC area for at least 1 year. They also visited neighborhoods identified as high concentrations of ethnic Albanian individuals and conducted an ethnographic study to locate the target population. In phase four, data for the cultural advisors able to help with the project data was collected. In the fifth and final phase, researchers gathered data for the second wave of the diaspora data, and conducted interviews with offenders with ethnic Albanian immigrants with knowledge of the organized crime situation in New York City area. Researchers also approached about twenty organized crime figures currently serving a prison sentence, and were able to conduct 9 in-depth interviews.

"Over 300,000 worshipers in over 2,000 congregations across America participated in the U.S. Congregational Life Survey--making it the largest survey of worshipers in America ever conducted. Three types of surveys were completed in each participating congregation: (a) an Attendee survey completed by all worshipers age 15 and older who attended worship services during the weekend of April 29, 2001; (b) a Congregational Profile describing the congregation's facilities, staff, programs, and worship services completed by one person in the congregation; and (c) a Leader Survey completed by the pastor, priest, minister, rabbi, or other leader. Together the information collected provides a unique three-dimensional look at religious life in America." (From Appendix 1, A Field Guide to U.S. Congregations: Who's Going Where and Why. U.S. Congregational Life Survey Methodology.) This data file contains data for the Congregational Profile for the Racial Ethnic Presbyterian congregations. The Congregational Life Survey also has a Leader survey of the Racial Ethnic Presbyterian leaders and an Attender survey of the Racial Ethnic Presbyterian worshipers.

In 2023, **** percent of Black people living in the United States were living below the poverty line, compared to *** percent of white people. That year, the total poverty rate in the U.S. across all races and ethnicities was **** percent. Poverty in the United States Single people in the United States making less than ****** U.S. dollars a year and families of four making less than ****** U.S. dollars a year are considered to be below the poverty line. Women and children are more likely to suffer from poverty, due to women staying home more often than men to take care of children, and women suffering from the gender wage gap. Not only are women and children more likely to be affected, racial minorities are as well due to the discrimination they face. Poverty data Despite being one of the wealthiest nations in the world, the United States had the third highest poverty rate out of all OECD countries in 2019. However, the United States' poverty rate has been fluctuating since 1990, but has been decreasing since 2014. The average median household income in the U.S. has remained somewhat consistent since 1990, but has recently increased since 2014 until a slight decrease in 2020, potentially due to the pandemic. The state that had the highest number of people living below the poverty line in 2020 was California.

The Housing Discrimination Study 2000 (HDS 2000) represents the most ambitious effort to date to measure the extent of housing discrimination in the United States against persons because of their race or color. It is the third nationwide effort sponsored by HUD to measure the amount of discrimination faced by minority home seekers. The previous studies were conducted in 1977 and 1989.The report noted below provides national estimates of discrimination faced by African Americans and Hispanics in 2000/2001 as they searched for housing in the sales and rental markets. It also provides an accurate measure of how housing discrimination has changed for these groups since 1989.Discrimination in Metropolitan Housing Markets: Phase 1The results in this report are based on 4,600 paired tests in 23 metropolitan areas nationwide. The report shows large decreases between 1989 and 2000 in the level of discrimination experienced by Hispanics and African Americans seeking to a buy a home. There has also been a modest decrease in discrimination toward African Americans seeking to rent a unit. This downward trend, however, has not been seen for Hispanic renters. Hispanic renters now are more likely to experience discrimination in their housing search than do African American renters.While generally down since 1989, housing discrimination still exists at unacceptable levels. The greatest share of discrimination for Hispanic and African American home seekers can still be attributed to being told units are unavailable when they are available to non-Hispanic whites and being shown and told about less units than a comparable non-minority. Although discrimination is down on most measures for African American and Hispanic homebuyers, there are worrisome upward trends of discrimination in the areas of geographic steering for African Americans and, relative to non-Hispanic whites, the amount of help agents provide to Hispanics with obtaining financing. On the rental side, Hispanics are more likely in 2000 than in 1989 to be quoted a higher rent than their white counterpart for the same unit.There are three volumes to this report, the main report, an annex, and a supplement. The main report provides the key findings; the annex provides more details on the data collection, analysis methods and metropolitan estimates; and the supplement uses 1,507 additional tests conducted in Phase 2 to provide state estimates for Alabama, California, Georgia, and New York, metropolitan estimates for the Baltimore MSA and the Miami MSA, and updated national estimates of discrimination for blacks and Hispanics.Discrimination in Metropolitan Housing Markets: Phase 2 - Asians and Pacific IslandersThis study provides the first ever estimate of the level of discrimination experienced by Asians and Pacific Islanders. The results are based on 889-paired tests conducted in eleven metropolitan areas nationwide in 2000 and 2001. The key findings are that:Asian and Pacific Islander prospective renters experienced consistent adverse treatment relative to comparable whites in 21.5 percent of tests, about the same as the level for African American and Hispanic renters.Asian and Pacific Islander prospective homebuyers experienced consistent adverse treatment relative to comparable whites 20.4 percent of the time, with systematic discrimination occurring in housing availability, inspections, financing assistance, and agent encouragement.In addition to the national estimate for Asians and Pacific Islanders, the report also provides a national estimate for Asians alone, an estimate for the continental U.S., statewide estimate of discrimination against Asians and Pacific Islanders in California, estimates of discrimination faced by Chinese and Koreans in the Los Angeles metropolitan area, and an estimate of discrimination faced by Southeast Asians in the Minneapolis metropolitan area.Discrimination in Metropolitan Housing Markets: Phase 3 - Native AmericansThis study provides estimates of the level of housing discrimination experienced by Native Americans when they search for housing in the metropolitan areas of Minnesota, Montana, and New Mexico. Across all three states, Native Americans receive consistently unfavorable treatment relative to whites in 28.5 percent of rental tests. Systematic discrimination is most observable on measures of availability. That is,

Project Summary: This research, which was eventually published in a 2012 book by Cambridge University Press entitled The Rise of Ethnic Politics in Latin America, focused on the emergence of indigenous parties in Latin America. Specifically, it sought to explain why some parties based in the indigenous population succeeded while others failed. The study focused on the three South American countries with the largest indigenous populations--Bolivia, Ecuador, and Peru--but a comparative chapter examined the fate of indigenous parties in the rest of Latin America as well. The central argument of this study is that indigenous-based parties have succeeded in recent years by using inclusive ethnic and populist appeals to reach out to whites and mestizo as well as indigenous people. Indigenous parties, unlike many other ethnic parties, have managed to win support across ethnic lines because the long history of racial mixing in Latin America blurred ethnic boundaries and reduced ethnic polarization. Data Abstract: This study used a combination of qualitative and quantitative data, including interviews, party documents, journalistic accounts, surveys of public opinion and municipal-level census and electoral data. The data consist of notes in Spanish from interviews with prominent party leaders, legislators, interest group representatives, government officials, and pollsters. I selected interviewees who were deemed to have extensive knowledge of the elections and the parties involved in them and the interest groups that supported them. I was particularly interested in interviewees who were knowledgeable about or involved with the Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) in Bolivia, Pachakutik in Ecuador, the Partido Nacionalista Peruano (PNP) in Peru, and Winaq in Guatemala. The interviews were conducted in 10 summer research trips to Latin America between 2002 and 2008. The interviews were unstructured in nature and were conducted by the author.

We present a comprehensive assessment of genomic diversity in the African-American population by studying three genotyped cohorts comprising 3,726 African-Americans from across the United States that provide a representative description of the population across all US states and socioeconomic status. An estimated 82.1% of ancestors to African-Americans lived in Africa prior to the advent of transatlantic travel, 16.7% in Europe, and 1.2% in the Americas, with increased African ancestry in the southern United States compared to the North and West. Combining demographic models of ancestry and those of relatedness suggests that admixture occurred predominantly in the South prior to the Civil War and that ancestry-biased migration is responsible for regional differences in ancestry. We find that recent migrations also caused a strong increase in genetic relatedness among geographically distant African-Americans. Long-range relatedness among African-Americans and between African-Americans and European-Americans thus track north- and west-bound migration routes followed during the Great Migration of the twentieth century. By contrast, short-range relatedness patterns suggest comparable mobility of ∼15–16km per generation for African-Americans and European-Americans, as estimated using a novel analytical model of isolation-by-distance.

Demographic characteristics SGMs and non-SMGs by race and ethnicity.

Currently, the vast majority of genomic research cohorts are made up of participants with European ancestry. Genomic medicine will only reach its full potential when genomic studies become more broadly representative of global populations. We are working to support the establishment of genomic medicine in developing countries in Latin America via studies of ethnically and ancestrally diverse Colombian populations. The goal of this study was to analyze the effect of ethnicity and genetic ancestry on observed disease prevalence and predicted disease risk in Colombia. Population distributions of Colombia’s three major ethnic groups – Mestizo, Afro-Colombian, and Indigenous – were compared to disease prevalence and socioeconomic indicators. Indigenous and Mestizo ethnicity show the highest correlations with disease prevalence, whereas the effect of Afro-Colombian ethnicity is substantially lower. Mestizo ethnicity is mostly negatively correlated with six high-impact health conditions and positively correlated with seven of eight common cancers; Indigenous ethnicity shows the opposite effect. Malaria prevalence in particular is strongly correlated with ethnicity. Disease prevalence co-varies across geographic regions, consistent with the regional distribution of ethnic groups. Ethnicity is also correlated with regional variation in human development, partially explaining the observed differences in disease prevalence. Patterns of genetic ancestry and admixture for a cohort of 624 individuals from Medellín were compared to disease risk inferred via polygenic risk scores (PRS). African genetic ancestry is most strongly correlated with predicted disease risk, whereas European and Native American ancestry show weaker effects. African ancestry is mostly positively correlated with disease risk, and European ancestry is mostly negatively correlated. The relationships between ethnicity and disease prevalence do not show an overall correspondence with the relationships between ancestry and disease risk. We discuss possible reasons for the divergent health effects of ethnicity and ancestry as well as the implication of our results for the development of precision medicine in Colombia.

Victimization characteristics by SGM status and race or ethnicity.

The Census Bureau determines that a person is living in poverty when his or her total household income compared with the size and composition of the household is below the poverty threshold. The Census Bureau uses the federal government's official definition of poverty to determine the poverty threshold. Beginning in 2000, individuals were presented with the option to select one or more races. In addition, the Census asked individuals to identify their race separately from identifying their Hispanic origin. The Census has published individual tables for the races and ethnicities provided as supplemental information to the main table that does not dissaggregate by race or ethnicity. Race categories include the following - White, Black or African American, American Indian or Alaska Native, Asian, Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander, Some other race, and Two or more races. We are not including specific combinations of two or more races as the counts of these combinations are small. Ethnic categories include - Hispanic or Latino and White Non-Hispanic. This data comes from the American Community Survey (ACS) 5-Year estimates, table B17001. The ACS collects these data from a sample of households on a rolling monthly basis. ACS aggregates samples into one-, three-, or five-year periods. CTdata.org generally carries the five-year datasets, as they are considered to be the most accurate, especially for geographic areas that are the size of a county or smaller.Poverty status determined is the denominator for the poverty rate. It is the population for which poverty status was determined so when poverty is calculated they exclude institutionalized people, people in military group quarters, people in college dormitories, and unrelated individuals under 15 years of age.Below poverty level are households as determined by the thresholds based on the criteria of looking at household size, Below poverty level are households as determined by the thresholds based on the criteria of looking at household size, number of children, and age of householder.number of children, and age of householder.

Between 2016 and 2018, 21 percent of Non-Hispanic white children from families with parents with an educational attainment of high school or less had been diagnosed with ADHD or a learning disability. The statistic illustrates the prevalence of children aged 3-17 years ever diagnosed with ADHD or a learning disability in the U.S. from 2016 to 2018, by parental educational attainment and ethnicity.