According to a survey taken in March, 2024, just over 50 percent of American voters aged between 50 and 64 years had more confidence in Donald Trump to preserve democracy in the United States than Joe Biden. However, this was the only age group polled who believed this, with voters aged 65 years and over believing Biden to be the better candidate for democracy.

According to exit polling in ten key states of the 2024 presidential election in the United States, Donald Trump received the most support from white voters between the ages of ** and **. In comparison, ** percent of Black voters between the ages of ** and ** reported voting for Kamala Harris.

As of March 2022, a survey conducted among registered voters in the United States found that 12 percent of respondents aged between 35 and 44 years old expect to use Donald Trump's new social platform, Truth Social, a lot. Overall, 28 percent of 18 to 34 year olds reported they would use the former Presidents social media network sometimes. The majority of respondents stated that they did not expect to use Truth Social, owned by Trump Media and Technology, at all.

Whites have become decreasingly likely to support the Democratic Party. I show this shift is being driven by two mechanisms. The first mechanism is the process of ideological sorting. The Democratic Party has lost support among conservative whites because the relationships between partisanship, voting behavior, and policy orientations have strengthened. The second mechanism relates to demographic changes. The growth of liberal minority populations has shifted the median position on economic issues to the left and away from the median white citizen’s position. The parties have responded to these changes by shifting their positions and whites have become less likely to support the Democratic Party as a result. I test these explanations using 40 years of ANES and DW-NOMINATE data. I find that whites have become 7.7-points more likely vote for the Republican Party and mean white partisanship has shifted .25 points in favor of the Republicans as a combined result of both mechanisms.

Replication files and appendices for, "Loyalists and Switchers: Characterizing Voters’ Responses to Donald Trump’s Campaign and Presidency." Abstract: Despite characterizations of the American electorate as rooted in immovable partisan loyalties, a crucial segment of voters shift their support to or away from an incumbent president. For example, Donald Trump’s campaign won support from a slice of voters who had previously backed Barack Obama, arguably through Trump’s appeals on immigration, economic growth, populist reform, and strong leadership. Other voters rejected Trump’s rhetoric and were not persuaded by his promises. Using two original surveys, we ask what opinions and perceptions characterize voters who remained loyal in their support for or opposition to Trump from the 2016 election into his presidency, and how their views compare with the views of voters who abandoned their previous support or opposition. We find that loyalty and switching cannot be explained by demographic characteristics; instead, particular sets of attitudes on race and immigration, populism and authoritarianism, and the nation’s and their own economic well-being are all associated with loyalty to and switching from this divisive president. Our findings suggest that voters’ support for incumbents is conditioned by issue attitudes and experience; switchers’ views reveal a lot about the strengths and vulnerabilities of a president.

According to exit polling in ten key states of the 2024 presidential election in the United States, ** percent of surveyed white voters reported voting for Donald Trump. In contrast, ** percent of Black voters reported voting for Kamala Harris.

According to a December survey, Donald Trump's favorability among Republicans remained strong following the 2024 election, with 72 percent viewing him very favorably and 18 percent somewhat favorably. This overwhelming support from his party base contrasts sharply with Democrats, of whom 84 percent viewed Trump very unfavorably. Independents were more divided, with 47 percent expressing some degree of favorability towards the former president. Electoral college victory Trump's popularity among Republicans translated into electoral success in the 2024 presidential election. He secured 312 electoral votes, surpassing the 270 needed to win the presidency. This victory came as Trump won all seven swing states, some by significant margins, despite pre-election polls showing only a slight lead in most battleground states. Increased republican support The 2024 election saw Republicans gain ground across the country. Every state reported an increase in Republican votes compared to 2020, with New York showing the largest gain of 6.43 percent. New Jersey and Florida also saw significant increases of nearly five percent. This surge in Republican support led to Trump flipping six states that he had lost in the previous election, contributing to his decisive victory.

2024 General Election: Trump vs. Biden | RealClearPolling

A survey done in March 2022 found that 31% of Republican voters said they would use Truth Social often and 14% said they plan to use the platform a lot.

This special topic poll, fielded November 19-23, 2009, focuses on the opinions of a multitude of political matters including an oversample of respondents identifying themselves as Republican. Respondents were asked how satisfied they were with how the country's political system was working, how they felt about the Obama Administration policies, the policies offered by Republicans in Congress, and if the leadership of the Republican Party was taking the party in the right direction. Respondents were also asked whether Republicans should mainly work with the Democrats to try to get some Republican ideas into legislation or try to stop the Democratic agenda, whether they should try to stop the changes proposed by the Democrats for the country's health care system, and whether they should try to stop the changes proposed by the Democrats for the country's energy policy. They were queried on whether President Obama, the Democratic Party, and the Republican Party shared their views on most issues. They were asked if Republicans in Congress understood their problems, shared their personal values, and stood up for the core values of the Republican Party. Furthermore, they were queried on whether the Republican Party put too much emphasis on Second Amendment gun rights, same-sex marriage, abortion, federal spending, taxes, the environment, illegal immigration, the economy, and jobs. Opinions were sought on which Republican leader best reflected the core values of the Republican Party, whether religion should have a greater influence in politics and public life, how comfortable the respondent felt expressing their true feelings about politics, and whether most friends and family thought of themselves as Democrats, Republicans, or Independents. They were asked whether they would vote to re-elect Obama in 2012, for whom they would vote for in the Republican presidential primary, how much they blamed George W. Bush for current problems in the Republican Party, whether Sarah Palin had a good effect on the Republican Party, and whether the news media was fair to Sarah Palin. Respondents were queried on whether they thought television news was biased towards the Republican Party, the Democratic Party, and the Obama Administration. Information was collected on how often the respondents watched Fox News and MSNBC, and how often they listened to Glenn Beck and Rush Limbaugh. They were also queried on whether they thought abortion should be legal and whether they supported government bailouts for companies hit by the economic crisis. Demographic information includes age, race, sex, education level, religious preference, religiosity, party affiliation, voter participation, household income, and whether the respondent is a born-again Christian.

This graph shows the percentages of popular votes cast for the republican and the democrat candidate in the U.S. presidential election in 2008 by state. **** percent of the popular votes in Alabama were cast for the Democratic party.

This poll, fielded September 10-14, 2010, is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. Respondents were asked whether they approved of the way Barack Obama was handling his job as president, the economy, and the situation with Afghanistan. Respondents were also asked what they thought was the most important problem facing the country, whether they thought things in the country were going in the right direction, whether they approved of the way Congress as a whole and individual Democrats and Republicans in Congress were handling their jobs, whether they thought the economy was getting better and their rating of the economy. Opinions were sought on the Republican and Democratic Party, whether the Congressional representative from their district and members of Congress deserved to be re-elected, and whether they thought Republicans in Congress or Barack Obama had a clear plan for solving the nation's problems. Respondents were asked multiple questions about Barack Obama including whether he has made progress in fixing the economy, whether he has expanded the role of government too much in trying to solve the nation's economic problems, whether the Obama Administration had increased taxes for most Americans, and whether respondents thought he had a clear plan for creating jobs. Information was collected on whether respondents thought the country needed a third political party, whether they would rather have a smaller or bigger government, whether the Republicans or the Democrats had better ideas about solving the nation's problems, whether respondents approved of the health care law that was enacted the previous March, whether Congress should repeal this health care law, and who they thought was doing more, Barack Obama or the Republicans in Congress, to improved the economy. Respondents were asked whether they thought Arab Americans, Muslims, and immigrants from the Middle East were being singled out unfairly by people in the United States, whether respondents themselves had negative feelings towards Muslims because of the attack on the World Trade Center, and whether they knew anyone that was Muslim. Additional questions focused on Sarah Palin, the war in Iraq, personal finances, the war in Afghanistan, and the Tea Party movement. Demographic information includes sex, age, race, education level, household income, employment status, military service, religious preference, reported social class, type of residential area (e.g., urban or rural), political party affiliation, political philosophy, voter registration status, and whether respondents thought of themselves as born-again Christians.

Past outlooks on US demography, ethnoracial identity, and party politics had predicted that Latinos would become part of a dominant, multiracial, and liberal Democratic political coalition. These predictions, however, have failed to come to pass. Instead, Latinos have increasingly voted for Trump between 2016 and 2024. In The Construction, Connection, and Communication of Latino Identities and Politics, I draw on in-depth interviews with 66 Latino Republican, Democrat, and Independent partisans to understand better how Latinos interpret the relationship between Latino identity, partisanship, and racial, ethnic, and immigration politics. I challenge approaches that assume a rigid, linear, and a priori link between social identities and politics. Conversely, I argue that Latinos ambivalently articulate the relationship between ethnoracial, immigrant, and political identities. To theorize this interpretive process, in Chapters Two and Three, I draw on Stuart Hall and other social science scholars to theorize how individuals use ideologies to articulate how they see themselves in relation to partisan politics and racialization processes.
I empirically develop my argument and theorization through three empirical chapters. In Chapter Four, I analyze how Latino Republicans “reconcile” their “paradoxical politics” by using ideologies to align how they see themselves with the Republican Party. In Chapter Five, I analyze how Latino Democrats navigate partisan ambivalence as they see Trump and the Republican Party as categorically invalid options while believing that the Democratic Party is insufficiently pursuing their interests. In Chapter Six, I analyze how Latino Republicans and Democrats navigate and interpret intra-Latino political conflict within their families. Through that case study, I show how Latinos draw on ideologies to articulate divergent interpretations of ethnoracial and familial solidarity. Overall, this study contributes to interdisciplinary research at the intersections of the sociology of race and ethnicity, Latino Sociology/Studies, and political sociology/science.

Americans’ trust in scientists has been stable and high, relative to other political and social institutions, for the last half century (Krause et al. 2019). Yet, underlying this stability lies a dramatic change such that a partisan gap emerged, with Democrats exhibiting substantially more trust than Republicans. Fifty years ago, Republicans in fact exhibited more relative trust in scientists. This article explains this continuity and change. First, we demonstrate that the demographic correlates of trust in scientists have been remarkably stable for more than a half century: women, Black, rural, religious, non-college educated, and lower/working class individuals exhibit less trust than their counterparts. Second, we show the partisan relationship with trust in scientists flipped (over that same time period) as low-trusting demographic strata shifted partisan allegiances. This is particularly the case when it comes to education and religiosity. Concomitant with the emergent partisan gap is a massive perceptual gap among Democrats, who perceive a partisan divide more than double its actual size. Democrats vastly underestimate Republicans’ trust in scientists. The enduring demographic basis of trust in scientists provides an opportunity to bridge partisan divides by addressing demographic inequities in the practice and application of science.

According to exit polling in the 2020 Presidential Election in the United States, ** percent of surveyed voters whose leading issue was the coronavirus pandemic reported voting for former Vice President Joe Biden. In the race to become the next president of the United States, ** percent of voters whose leading issue was crime and safety reported voting for incumbent President Donald Trump.

This poll, fielded August 30 - September 02, 2010, is a part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicits public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. Respondents were asked whether they approved of the way Barack Obama was handling his job as president, the economy, the federal budget deficit, and the situation in Iraq. Respondents were also asked whether they approved of the way the United States Congress was doing its job, whether they trusted the Democrats or the Republicans to do a better job in coping with the nation's problems in future years, handling the economy, health care, immigration issues, the situation in Afghanistan, taxes, and the federal budget deficit. Multiple questions addressed the 2010 congressional elections including whether respondents would vote for the Democratic or the Republican House of Representatives candidate in their district if the election were held that day, whether they thought most Republicans and Democrats in Congress deserved to be re-elected, whether they planned to re-elect their representative in Congress, and what respondents considered the single most important issue pertaining to their congressional vote. Information was collected on respondents' opinions on Islam, whether respondents had a good understanding of the beliefs of Islam, whether respondents personally knew anyone who was Muslim, whether they had some feelings of prejudice against Muslims, and whether they supported the building of a Muslim community center near the former World Trade Center site. Additional opinions were solicited about President Obama, the Tea Party movement, the state of the nation's economy, the war in Iraq, respondents' feelings about the way the federal government works, and national security. Demographic variables include sex, age, race, education level, household income, religious preference, type of residential area (e.g., urban or rural), political party affiliation, political philosophy, voter registration status, and whether respondents thought of themselves as born-again Christians.

This poll, fielded January 30 - February 01, 2008, is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. A national sample of 1,249 adults was surveyed, including an oversample of African Americans and Latinos, for a total of 215 African Americans respondents and 186 Latino respondents. Respondents were asked whether they approved of the way George W. Bush was handling his job as president, and whether they approved of his handling of the war in Iraq and the economy. Respondents were asked whether they approved of the way United States Congress as a whole was doing its job, as well as whether they approved of the way Republicans in Congress and Democrats in Congress were doing their jobs. Opinions were sought on the amount that Congress had accomplished that year, and who could be trusted more, the Democrats or the Republicans, to do a better job handling the war in Iraq, health care, the United States campaign on terrorism, the economy, taxes, and the federal budget deficit. Questions were asked about the war in Iraq, including whether the war was worth fighting, and whether respondents thought the United States was making significant progress toward restoring civil order in Iraq. Respondents were also asked how closely they were following the 2008 presidential race, the probability that they would vote in the primary, for whom they would vote in the general election and their state's presidential primary if the election were held that day, their opinion of the candidates, who they trusted to handle various issues, whether they would vote for specific candidates if they won their party's nomination, and what they felt was the most important issue in their choice for president. Opinions were sought on Bill Clinton and whether respondents felt comfortable with the idea of Clinton being a first husband and whether Clinton played a positive or negative role in Hillary Clinton's presidential campaign. Other topics included the state of the nation's economy, the financial situation of the respondent's family, and how respondents would spend a federal rebate check. Demographic information includes voter registration status and participation history, sex, age, race, income, marital status, religious preference, religious service attendance, education level, type of residential area (e.g., urban or rural), political philosophy, political party affiliation, and whether the respondent or anyone in the home was a military veteran.

You might be surprised how much Truth Social is worth based on its small number of users.

More than 93 percent of parents place high importance on sex education in both middle and high school. Sex education in middle and high school is widely supported by parents regardless of their political affiliation. Using data from a large diverse sample of 1,633 parents of children aged 9 to 21 years, we examined whether views on sex education differed by parents’ political affiliation. More than 89 percent of parents that identified as Republicans or Democrats support including a wide range of topics in sex education including puberty, healthy relationships, abstinence, sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) and birth control in high school. In middle school, 78 percent or more of both parents that identified as Republicans and Democrats support the inclusion of those topics. Controlling for key demographic factors, parents that identified as Democrats are more likely than those that identified as Republicans to support the inclusion of the topics of healthy relationships, birth control, STDs, and sexual orientation in both middle and high school. However, a strong majority of Republican parents want all these topics included in sex education. Sex education which includes a broad set of topics represents an area of strong agreement between parents of both political parties.

This poll, conducted July 29-August 2, 2005, is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. Respondents were asked to give their opinions of the way President George W. Bush was handling the presidency and issues such as foreign policy and Social Security. They were also asked to voice their concerns about what they viewed as the most important problem facing the country, to give their opinions of the condition of the national economy and the Republicans and Democrats in the United States Congress, and to rate how well Congress was doing its job. A series of questions addressed the success of the war against terrorism and the war in Iraq, whether the result of the war with Iraq was worth the costs, whether it was a part of the war on terrorism, the likelihood of another terrorist attack against the United States, and whether Saddam Hussein was personally involved in the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. Several questions focused on the United States Supreme Court, Supreme Court Justice nominee John Roberts, the Supreme Court decision, Roe v. Wade, which legalized abortion, how important it was that the Senate understood Roberts' position on abortion before voting on his confirmation, and whether Supreme Court justices should take public opinion and their own personal views into account when deciding cases. Views were also sought on White House Deputy Chief of Staff Karl Rove and the recent investigation into the disclosure of the identity of an undercover Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) agent to news reporters, whether someone in the Bush Administration was responsible, and whether the leak was a mistake or part of a wider effort to discredit critics of the Bush Administration. Additional topics focused on immigration, NASA and the Space Shuttle, the death penalty, same-sex marriage, abortion, physician-assisted suicide, how often respondents watched network television news programs, and whether they felt that Democrats and Republicans shared their values and goals. Demographic variables include sex, age, race, religious affiliation, frequency of religious service attendance, education level, household income, marital status, political party affiliation, political philosophy, voter registration status, for whom the respondent voted in the 2004 presidential election, whether there were children in the household, whether a member of the household was currently in college, and whether the respondent or a family member was serving in the United States armed forces.