The United Kingdom's economy grew by 1.1 percent in 2024, after a growth rate of 0.4 percent in 2023, 4.8 percent in 2022, 8.6 percent in 2021, and a record 10.3 percent fall in 2020. During the provided time period, the biggest annual fall in gross domestic product before 2020 occurred in 2009, when the UK economy contracted by 4.6 percent at the height of the global financial crisis of the late 2000s. Before 2021, the year with the highest annual GDP growth rate was 1973, when the UK economy grew by 6.5 percent. UK economy growing but GDP per capita falling In 2022, the UK's GDP per capita amounted to approximately 37,371 pounds, with this falling to 37,028 pounds in 2023, and 36,977 pounds in 2024. While the UK economy as a whole grew during this time, the UK's population grew at a faster rate, resulting in the negative growth in GDP per capita. This suggests the UK economy's struggles with productivity are not only stagnating, but getting worse. The relatively poor economic performance of the UK in recent years has not gone unnoticed by the electorate, with the economy consistently seen as the most important issue for voters since 2022. Recent shocks to UK economy In the second quarter of 2020, the UK economy shrank by a record 20.3 percent at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic. Although there was a relatively swift economic recovery initially, the economy has struggled to grow much beyond its pre-pandemic size, and was only around 3.1 percent larger in December 2024, when compared with December 2019. Although the labor market has generally been quite resilient during this time, a long twenty-month period between 2021 and 2023 saw prices rise faster than wages, and inflation surge to a high of 11.1 percent in October 2022.

United Kingdom UK: GDP: Growth data was reported at 1.787 % in 2017. This records a decrease from the previous number of 1.936 % for 2016. United Kingdom UK: GDP: Growth data is updated yearly, averaging 2.527 % from Dec 1961 (Median) to 2017, with 57 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 6.596 % in 1970 and a record low of -4.188 % in 2009. United Kingdom UK: GDP: Growth data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s United Kingdom – Table UK.World Bank.WDI: Gross Domestic Product: Annual Growth Rate. Annual percentage growth rate of GDP at market prices based on constant local currency. Aggregates are based on constant 2010 U.S. dollars. GDP is the sum of gross value added by all resident producers in the economy plus any product taxes and minus any subsidies not included in the value of the products. It is calculated without making deductions for depreciation of fabricated assets or for depletion and degradation of natural resources.; ; World Bank national accounts data, and OECD National Accounts data files.; Weighted average;

The decades that followed the Second World War were among the most prosperous in modern history, and are referred to as the Golden Age of Capitalism in many countries. This period came to an end, however, with the 1973-1975 recession. Differences across the bloc Across the OECD member states, there was a significant drop in real GDP growth over the two decades, falling from an average of five percent annual growth in the 1960s to just 3.5 percent annually in most of the 1970s. Of all OECD countries shown here, Japan experienced the highest rate of real GDP growth in both decades, although it dropped from 11 to six percent between these years (Japan's real GDP growth was still higher in the 1970s than the other members' rates in the 1960s). Switzerland saw the largest relative decline over the two periods, with growth in the 1970s below one third of its growth rate in the 1960s. What caused the end of rapid growth? The Yom Kippur War between Israel and its Arab neighbors (primarily Egypt and Syria) resulted in the Arab oil-producing states placing an embargo on Israel's Western allies. This resulted in various energy and economic crises, compounded by other issues such as the end of the Bretton Woods financial system, which had far-reaching consequences for the OECD bloc. Additionally, the cost of agricultural goods and raw materials increased, and there was a very rare case of stagflation across most of the world's leading economies.

The 1973-1975 recession marked the end of a remarkably prosperous period for developed economies. Apart from the United States, who experienced a brief recession in 1969-70, the other nations had enjoyed a period of uninterrupted growth in the 25 years leading up to this event. Japan in particular had the fastest growth of any major economy. This ended, however, following the 1973 oil crisis, which saw the member states of the OAPEC (Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries) place an embargo on the nations who supported Israel during the Yom Kippur War, particularly the U.S., who supplied arms to Israel. As a result, oil prices quadrupled in some periods; the U.S. and most of its major economic partners then went into recession due to their dependency on oil imports. Additional factors exacerbated the effects of the recession in each country, such as the miners' strike in the United Kingdom, or Nixon's unstable economic policies in the early 1970s. It was not until 1976 when the major OECD economies would come out of their recession, although real GDP growth rates would not return to the consistent highs experienced in the 1950s and 1960s. Additionally, while GDP growth resumed within a few years, inflation rates and unemployment rates generally remained higher going into the 1980s.

United Kingdom UK: GDP: USD: Gross National Income per Capita: Atlas Method data was reported at 40,530.000 USD in 2017. This records a decrease from the previous number of 42,370.000 USD for 2016. United Kingdom UK: GDP: USD: Gross National Income per Capita: Atlas Method data is updated yearly, averaging 21,055.000 USD from Dec 1970 (Median) to 2017, with 48 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 48,420.000 USD in 2008 and a record low of 2,440.000 USD in 1970. United Kingdom UK: GDP: USD: Gross National Income per Capita: Atlas Method data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s UK – Table UK.World Bank: Gross Domestic Product: Nominal. GNI per capita (formerly GNP per capita) is the gross national income, converted to U.S. dollars using the World Bank Atlas method, divided by the midyear population. GNI is the sum of value added by all resident producers plus any product taxes (less subsidies) not included in the valuation of output plus net receipts of primary income (compensation of employees and property income) from abroad. GNI, calculated in national currency, is usually converted to U.S. dollars at official exchange rates for comparisons across economies, although an alternative rate is used when the official exchange rate is judged to diverge by an exceptionally large margin from the rate actually applied in international transactions. To smooth fluctuations in prices and exchange rates, a special Atlas method of conversion is used by the World Bank. This applies a conversion factor that averages the exchange rate for a given year and the two preceding years, adjusted for differences in rates of inflation between the country, and through 2000, the G-5 countries (France, Germany, Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States). From 2001, these countries include the Euro area, Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States.; ; World Bank national accounts data, and OECD National Accounts data files.; Weighted Average;

The 1964-1970 Wilson governments were committed to economic planning and consensus with both sides of industry, designed to deliver 4 per cent growth and industrial modernization. But it achieved only 2.4 per cent average annual growth. This arose from a lack of confidence, arising from a weak external balance, on the part of the financial markets that the sterling-dollar rate of 1£=$2.80 was sustainable. Ultimately the pound was devalued by 14.3 per cent in November 1967.

Wilson’s defence of the pound has often been criticized. It has been argued that by drawing on external support to supplement the reserves Labour gave overriding influence over macroeconomic policy to foreign central bankers and the IMF whose main concern was not growth but a fall in imports, to be achieved by deflation. Devaluation, it is said, would have freed Britain from such influences. Yet the evidence suggests that throughout 1964-67 the case for an adjustment was not as powerful as has been assumed. Only in the autumn of 1967 did devaluation become inescapable, following bad trade figures occasioned by dock strikes, a global economic slowdown and the closure of the Suez Canal during and after the Arab-Israeli War. The events of 1968, when the exchange rate came under renewed pressure and the budget was by the government’s own admission ‘punishing’ suggests the choice between disinflation and devaluation may have been illusory. At the same time the measures taken to protect Sterling after 1964 were largely successful exercises in the control of speculative forces which were gaining strength in an increasingly interdependent world economy. The government’s actions reveal a commitment to managed markets at home and within the international environment: they were not rewarded with rapid growth but by 1970 they had arguably freed the UK from its ‘balance of payment constraints’.

Unemployment Rate in the United Kingdom increased to 4.70 percent in May from 4.60 percent in April of 2025. This dataset provides the latest reported value for - United Kingdom Unemployment Rate - plus previous releases, historical high and low, short-term forecast and long-term prediction, economic calendar, survey consensus and news.

Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner. The 1964-1970 Wilson governments were committed to economic planning and consensus with both sides of industry, designed to deliver 4 per cent growth and industrial modernization. But it achieved only 2.4 per cent average annual growth. This arose from a lack of confidence, arising from a weak external balance, on the part of the financial markets that the sterling-dollar rate of 1£=$2.80 was sustainable. Ultimately the pound was devalued by 14.3 per cent in November 1967. Wilson’s defence of the pound has often been criticized. It has been argued that by drawing on external support to supplement the reserves Labour gave overriding influence over macroeconomic policy to foreign central bankers and the IMF whose main concern was not growth but a fall in imports, to be achieved by deflation. Devaluation, it is said, would have freed Britain from such influences. Yet the evidence suggests that throughout 1964-67 the case for an adjustment was not as powerful as has been assumed. Only in the autumn of 1967 did devaluation become inescapable, following bad trade figures occasioned by dock strikes, a global economic slowdown and the closure of the Suez Canal during and after the Arab-Israeli War. The events of 1968, when the exchange rate came under renewed pressure and the budget was by the government’s own admission ‘punishing’ suggests the choice between disinflation and devaluation may have been illusory. At the same time the measures taken to protect Sterling after 1964 were largely successful exercises in the control of speculative forces which were gaining strength in an increasingly interdependent world economy. The government’s actions reveal a commitment to managed markets at home and within the international environment: they were not rewarded with rapid growth but by 1970 they had arguably freed the UK from its ‘balance of payment constraints’.

Terms of Trade in the United Kingdom increased to 101.80 points in April from 101.50 points in March of 2018. This dataset provides - United Kingdom Terms of Trade - actual values, historical data, forecast, chart, statistics, economic calendar and news.

The benchmark interest rate in the United Kingdom was last recorded at 4.25 percent. This dataset provides - United Kingdom Interest Rate - actual values, historical data, forecast, chart, statistics, economic calendar and news.

Energy to gross domestic product ratio in the United Kingdom presented a trend of decline in the period of consideration, despite some oscillation, reaching the record low in 2023, when 73 metric tons of oil equivalent were needed to create one million British pounds. In the period under consideration, figures decreased by over 194 metric tons of oil equivalent per one million British pounds of gross domestic product.

United Kingdom UK: GDP: Real: Gross Value Added at Factor Cost data was reported at 1,626,217.678 GBP mn in 2017. This records an increase from the previous number of 1,597,701.119 GBP mn for 2016. United Kingdom UK: GDP: Real: Gross Value Added at Factor Cost data is updated yearly, averaging 998,404.013 GBP mn from Dec 1970 (Median) to 2017, with 48 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 1,626,217.678 GBP mn in 2017 and a record low of 581,924.081 GBP mn in 1970. United Kingdom UK: GDP: Real: Gross Value Added at Factor Cost data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s United Kingdom – Table UK.World Bank.WDI: Gross Domestic Product: Real. Gross value added at factor cost (formerly GDP at factor cost) is derived as the sum of the value added in the agriculture, industry and services sectors. If the value added of these sectors is calculated at purchaser values, gross value added at factor cost is derived by subtracting net product taxes from GDP. Data are in constant local currency.; ; World Bank national accounts data, and OECD National Accounts data files.; ;

Part I: GermanyBy means of a statistical analysis, this study examines the question whether there are long-term fluctuations in the course of the economic development in Germany, and if so, why they occur. On the grounds of a discussion about the hypothesises of lack of capital, overproduction and innovation, an explanatory model for the growth waves has been developed. This model, which is based on an empirical analysis, can be summarised as follows: The long-term development of the national product is mainly determined by the development of investments, which depend on the development of the profit expectations in their turn. In this respect, the development of wages, national consumption, and protection are considered important factors for the definition of long-term profit expectations. Hereby the above-mentioned model is empirically tested. Eventually some economic conclusions are drawn. Part II: An International ComparisonIn the 1970s, the process of global economic growth weakened considerably as compared to the two preceding decades. This development provoked several explanatory attempts. Within the scope of an empiric study for Germany, the slowed growth of the 1970s has been understood as being the downswing phase of a long-term cycle of development. In doing so, the diagnosed development of the national product was mainly explained by long-term fluctuations of the (functional) distribution of income and the governmental activity, which, on their part, caused long-term ups and downs concerning investment activities due to their influence on profit expectations. In fact, the article faced harsh criticism, which was directed at both the explanatory approach and the under-lying empirical method. This study calculates the deviations of streamlined national product series from the long-term trend; its results show that there have been long-term, more or less distinct fluctuations in the development of the national product of several free-market countries other than Germany. According to the available data, different index numbers were applied to the respective national production. The period examined in this study for every country reaches as far back as data are available. With regard to the results of the empirical analysis of the long-term economic development of Germany, France, Italy, Sweden, the United Kingdom, the United States, and the Soviet Union, it can be stated that - long-term fluctuations of the economic development are not merely restricted to Germany, and that a socialistic economic system presumably does not guarantee a continuous growth either;- the cyclical pattern differs from country to country;- there were parallel developments at the international level; however, these do not develop in a synchronous way. Factual classification of the tables in HISTAT:Part I: GermanyPart I: 1. Macroeconomic indicators for the Federal Republic of Germany (1960-1990)Part I: A.1 Net national product and net investments in the Federal Republic of Germany (1850-1990)Part I:A.2 Net national product, net investments, foreign trade values and national consumption (in million D-marks) in Germany (1850-1990)Part I: A.3 Stock yields and profit expectations (in percent) in Germany (1926-1977)Part I: A.4 Actual earnings of employees and unemployment rate (in percent) in Germany (1925-1990)Part I: A.5 The population (in 1,000) in the Federal Republic of Germany and in the German Reich (1850-1913) Part II: International comparisonPart II: A.1.Macroeconomic annual production of selected states (1830-1979)Part II: A.2 Investments of selected states (1830-1979)Part II: A.3 Unemployment rate of selected states (in percent) (1887-1979)

The unemployment rate of the United Kingdom was 4.7 percent in May 2025, an increase from the previous month. Before the arrival of the COVID-19 pandemic, the UK had relatively low levels of unemployment, comparable with the mid-1970s. Between January 2000 and the most recent month, unemployment was highest in November 2011, when the unemployment rate hit 8.5 percent. Will unemployment continue to rise in 2025? Although low by historic standards, there has been a noticeable uptick in the UK's unemployment rate, with other labor market indicators also pointing to further loosening. In December 2024, the number of job vacancies in the UK fell to its lowest level since May 2021, while payrolled employment declined by 47,000 compared with November. Whether this is a continuation of a broader cooling of the labor market since 2022 or a reaction to more recent economic developments, such as upcoming tax rises for employers, remains to be seen. Forecasts made in late 2024 suggest that the unemployment rate will remain relatively stable in 2025, averaging out at 4.1 percent and falling again to four percent in 2026.
Demographics of the unemployed As of the third quarter of 2024, the unemployment rate for men was slightly higher than that of women, at 4.4 percent, compared to 4.1 percent. During the financial crisis at the end of the 2000s, the unemployment rate for women peaked at a quarterly rate of 7.7 percent, whereas for men, the rate was 9.1 percent. Unemployment is also heavily associated with age, and young people in general are far more vulnerable to unemployment than older age groups. In late 2011, for example, the unemployment rate for those aged between 16 and 24 reached 22.3 percent, compared with 8.2 percent for people aged 25 to 34, while older age groups had even lower peaks during this time.

Goods Trade Balance in the United Kingdom increased to -21688 GBP Million in May from -23206 GBP Million in April of 2025. This dataset provides - United Kingdom Goods Trade Balance- actual values, historical data, forecast, chart, statistics, economic calendar and news.

This dataset is about book subjects. It has 4 rows and is filtered where the books is British economic policy, 1970-74 : two views. It features 10 columns including number of authors, number of books, earliest publication date, and latest publication date.

This data collection is part of a continuing series of surveys of the British electorate, begun by David Butler and Donald Stokes at Nuffield College, Oxford, in 1963, and continued at the University of Essex. This panel study about the British general election of February 1974 was conducted with a sample of electors in 80 constituencies who had previously been interviewed twice, once in 1969 and again after the 1970 general election. This data collection contains information gathered in the third wave of the study, known as the February 1974 cross-section panel survey. It includes data gathered from participants who were interviewed in 1970, of whom about half had also been interviewed in 1969. As with other surveys in the series, electors in Northern Ireland and the Scottish Highlands and Islands were excluded from the sampling frame. Interviewed in March-April 1974, respondents answered questions relating to the mass media (e.g., attention to newspapers and television and perceived bias in newspapers), their first and second choices in the 1974 general election, and their opinions of the Conservative, Labour, Liberal, Scottish Nationalist, and Plaid Cymru political parties (e.g., perceived difference among parties, knowledge of party position/record, party identification, and the strength of party preference). Respondents were asked for their views on a range of social issues relating to domestic and foreign affairs, with emphasis on the economy and the Common Market. Respondents were then asked how the parties stood on each issue, and how much that influenced the respondent's vote. Some of the issues included rising prices, strikes in general, the miners' strike, taxation, the Common Market, social services, nationalization, wage control, and the amount of power held by unions and by big business. Respondents were also asked for their perceptions of class conflict and their predictions for Britain's future economy. Finally, respondents rated the political parties and several politicians, and commented on the effect of government on their own well-being. Background information includes age, sex, marital status, place of residence during childhood, subjective class, forced subjective class, family class, tenure, type and length of residence, employment status, degree of responsibility in and training for job (respondent and spouse), experience of unemployment in household, income trade union membership (respondent and spouse), and socioeconomic group.

United Kingdom UK: GDP: GNI per Capita data was reported at 30,358.815 GBP in 2017. This records an increase from the previous number of 29,217.036 GBP for 2016. United Kingdom UK: GDP: GNI per Capita data is updated yearly, averaging 12,892.396 GBP from Dec 1970 (Median) to 2017, with 48 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 30,358.815 GBP in 2017 and a record low of 1,042.209 GBP in 1970. United Kingdom UK: GDP: GNI per Capita data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s United Kingdom – Table UK.World Bank.WDI: Gross Domestic Product: Nominal. GNI per capita is gross national income divided by midyear population. GNI (formerly GNP) is the sum of value added by all resident producers plus any product taxes (less subsidies) not included in the valuation of output plus net receipts of primary income (compensation of employees and property income) from abroad. Data are in current local currency.; ; World Bank national accounts data, and OECD National Accounts data files.; ;

Public sector net debt amounted to 95.8 percent of gross domestic product in the United Kingdom during the 2024/25 financial year, or 90 percent when the Bank of England is excluded. UK government debt is at its highest levels since the early 1960s, due to a significant increase in borrowing during the COVID-19 pandemic. After peaking at 251.7 percent shortly after the end of the Second World War, government debt in the UK gradually fell, before a sharp increase in the late 2000s at the time of the global financial crisis. Debt not expected to start falling until 2029/30 In 2024/25, the UK's government expenditure was approximately 1.28 trillion pounds, around 44.7 percent of GDP. This spending was financed by 1.13 trillion pounds of revenue raised, and 151 billion pounds of borrowing. Although the UK government can still borrow money in the future to finance its spending, the amount spent on debt interest has increased significantly recently. Recent forecasts suggest that while the debt is eventually expected to start declining, this is based on falling government deficits in the next five years. Government facing hard choices Hitting fiscal targets, such as reducing the national debt, will require a careful balancing of the books from the current government, and the possibility for either spending cuts or tax rises. Although Labour ruled out raising the main government tax sources, Income Tax, National Insurance, and VAT, at the 2024 election, they did raise National Insurance for employers (rather than employees) and also cut Winter Fuel allowances for large numbers of pensioners. Less than a year after implementing cuts to Winter Fuel, the government performed a U-Turn on the issue, and will make it widely available by the winter of 2025.

United Kingdom UK: GDP: USD: Gross Value Added at Factor Cost data was reported at 2,338.130 USD bn in 2017. This records a decrease from the previous number of 2,362.604 USD bn for 2016. United Kingdom UK: GDP: USD: Gross Value Added at Factor Cost data is updated yearly, averaging 1,124.578 USD bn from Dec 1970 (Median) to 2017, with 48 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 2,767.925 USD bn in 2007 and a record low of 130.482 USD bn in 1970. United Kingdom UK: GDP: USD: Gross Value Added at Factor Cost data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s UK – Table UK.World Bank: Gross Domestic Product: Nominal. Gross value added at factor cost (formerly GDP at factor cost) is derived as the sum of the value added in the agriculture, industry and services sectors. If the value added of these sectors is calculated at purchaser values, gross value added at factor cost is derived by subtracting net product taxes from GDP. Data are in current U.S. dollars.; ; World Bank national accounts data, and OECD National Accounts data files.; Gap-filled total;