The UK economy shrank by 0.1 percent in September 2025 after reporting zero growth in the previous month. Since a huge decline in GDP in April 2020, the UK economy has gradually recovered and is now slightly larger than it was before the COVID-19 pandemic. After the initial recovery from the pandemic, however, the UK economy has effectively flatlined, fluctuating between low growth and small contractions since 2022. Labour banking on growth to turn around fortunes in 2025 In February 2025, just over half a year after winning the last general election, the approval rating for the new Labour government fell to a low of -48 percent. Furthermore, the Prime Minister, Keir Starmer was not only less popular than the new Conservative leader, Kemi Badenoch, but also the leader of the Reform Party, Nigel Farage, whose party have surged in opinion polls recently. This remarkable decline in popularity for the new government is, in some part, due to a deliberate policy of making tough decisions early. Arguably, the most damaging of these policies was the withdrawal of the winter fuel allowance for some pensioners, although other factors such as a controversy about gifts and donations also hurt the government. While Labour aims to restore the UK's economic and political credibility in the long term, they will certainly hope for some good economic news sooner rather than later. Economy bounces back in 2024 after ending 2023 in recession Due to two consecutive quarters of negative economic growth, in late 2023 the UK economy ended the year in recession. After not growing at all in the second quarter of 2023, UK GDP fell by 0.1 percent in the third quarter, and then by 0.3 percent in the last quarter. For the whole of 2023, the economy grew by 0.4 percent compared to 2022, and for 2024 is forecast to have grown by 1.1 percent. During the first two quarters of 2024, UK GDP grew by 0.7 percent, and 0.4 percent, with this relatively strong growth followed by zero percent growth in the third quarter of the year. Although the economy had started to grow again by the time of the 2024 general election, this was not enough to save the Conservative government at the time. Despite usually seen as the best party for handling the economy, the Conservative's economic competency was behind that of Labour on the eve of the 2024 election.

The United Kingdom's economy grew by 1.1 percent in 2024, after a growth rate of 0.3 percent in 2023, 5.1 percent in 2022, 8.5 percent in 2021, and a record ten percent fall in 2020. During the provided time period, the biggest annual fall in gross domestic product before 2020 occurred in 2009, when the UK economy contracted by 4.6 percent at the height of the global financial crisis of the late 2000s. Before 2021, the year with the highest annual GDP growth rate was 1973, when the UK economy grew by 6.5 percent. UK economy growing but GDP per capita falling In 2022, the UK's GDP per capita amounted to approximately 37,371 pounds, with this falling to 37,028 pounds in 2023, and 36,977 pounds in 2024. While the UK economy as a whole grew during this time, the UK's population grew at a faster rate, resulting in the negative growth in GDP per capita. This suggests the UK economy's struggles with productivity are not only stagnating, but getting worse. The relatively poor economic performance of the UK in recent years has not gone unnoticed by the electorate, with the economy consistently seen as the most important issue for voters since 2022. Recent shocks to UK economy In the second quarter of 2020, the UK economy shrank by a record 20.3 percent at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic. Although there was a relatively swift economic recovery initially, the economy has struggled to grow much beyond its pre-pandemic size, and was only around 3.1 percent larger in December 2024, when compared with December 2019. Although the labor market has generally been quite resilient during this time, a long twenty-month period between 2021 and 2023 saw prices rise faster than wages, and inflation surge to a high of 11.1 percent in October 2022.

In 2024, the gross domestic product (GDP) of the United Kingdom grew by 0.9 percent and is expected to grow by just one percent in 2025 and by 1.9 percent in 2026. Growth is expected to slow down to 1.8 percent in 2027, and then grow by 1.7, and 1.8 percent in 2027 and 2028 respectively. The sudden emergence of COVID-19 in 2020 and subsequent closure of large parts of the economy were the cause of the huge 9.4 percent contraction in 2020, with the economy recovering somewhat in 2021, when the economy grew by 7.6 percent. UK growth downgraded in 2025 Although the economy is still expected to grow in 2025, the one percent growth anticipated in this forecast has been halved from two percent in October 2024. Increased geopolitical uncertainty as well as the impact of American tariffs on the global economy are some of the main reasons for this mark down. The UK's inflation rate for 2025 has also been revised, with an annual rate of 3.2 percent predicated, up from 2.6 percent in the last forecast. Unemployment is also anticipated to be higher than initially thought, with the annual unemployment rate likely to be 4.5 percent instead of 4.1 percent. Long-term growth problems In the last two quarters of 2023, the UK economy shrank by 0.1 percent in Q3 and by 0.3 percent in Q4, plunging the UK into recession for the first time since the COVID-19 pandemic. Even before that last recession, however, the UK economy has been struggling with weak growth. Although growth since the pandemic has been noticeably sluggish, there has been a clear long-term trend of declining growth rates. The economy has consistently been seen as one of the most important issues to people in Britain, ahead of health, immigration and the environment. Achieving strong levels of economic growth is one of the main aims of the Labour government elected in 2024, although after almost one year in power it has so far proven elusive.

In 2024, the gross domestic product (GDP) of the United Kingdom grew by *** percent and is expected to grow by *** percent in 2025 and by *** percent in 2026. Between 2027 and 2030, the economy is forecast to grow by ****percent every year. The sudden emergence of COVID-19 in 2020 and subsequent closure of large parts of the economy were the cause of the huge *** percent contraction in 2020, with the economy recovering somewhat in 2021, when the economy grew by *** percent. Long-term growth downgraded Although the UK economy will grow faster than expected in 2025, long-term economic growth is predicted to be slower. Increased geopolitical uncertainty as well as lower than expected productivity growth were some of the main reasons cited for this downgrade. In addition, the UK's inflation rate for 2025 was also revised, with an annual rate of *** percent predicated, up from *** percent in the last forecast. Unemployment has also been higher than initially thought, with the annual unemployment rate likely to be *** percent instead of *** percent. Long-term growth problems In the last two quarters of 2023, the UK economy shrank by *** percent in Q3 and by *** percent in Q4, plunging the UK into recession for the first time since the COVID-19 pandemic. Even before that last recession, however, the UK economy has been struggling with weak growth. Although growth since the pandemic has been noticeably sluggish, there has been a clear long-term trend of declining growth rates. The economy has consistently been seen as one of the most important issues to people in Britain, ahead of health, immigration and the environment. Achieving strong levels of economic growth is one of the main aims of the current government elected, although after one and a half years in power it has so far proven elusive.

The gross domestic product of the United Kingdom in 2024 was around 2.78 trillion British pounds, an increase when compared to the previous year, when UK GDP amounted to about 2.75 trillion pounds. The significant drop in GDP visible in 2020 was due to the COVID-19 pandemic, with the smaller declines in 2008 and 2009 because of the global financial crisis of the late 2000s. Low growth problem in the UK Despite growing by 0.9 percent in 2024, and 0.4 percent in 2023 the UK economy is not that much larger than it was before the COVID-19 pandemic. Since recovering from a huge fall in GDP in the second quarter of 2020, the UK economy has alternated between periods of contraction and low growth, with the UK even in a recession at the end of 2023. While economic growth picked up somewhat in 2024, GDP per capita is lower than it was in 2022, following two years of negative growth. UK's global share of GDP falling As of 2024, the UK had the sixth-largest economy in the world, behind the United States, China, Japan, Germany, and India. Among European nations, this meant that the UK currently has the second-largest economy in Europe, although the economy of France, Europe's third-largest economy, is of a similar size. The UK's global economic ranking will likely fall in the coming years, however, with the UK's share of global GDP expected to fall from 2.16 percent in 2025 to 2.02 percent by 2029.  

Calderdale COVID Impact Assessment has been produced as evidence for the development and delivery for the Calderdale Inclusive Economic Recovery Plan and sets out a focus on economic recovery, but also considers the wider impacts of COVID-19 on Calderdale and its communities. Also see Inclusive Recovery and COVID Impact Assessment for more information and a range of related reports and datasets.

The statistic shows the GDP of the United Kingdom between 1987 and 2024, with projections up until 2030, in US dollars.Private-sector-led economic recoveryGDP is counted among the primary indicators that are used to gauge the state of health of a national economy. GDP is the total value of all completed goods and services that have been produced within a country in a given period of time, usually a year. GDP figures allow us to gain a broader understanding of a country’s economy in a clear way. Real GDP, in a similar way, is also a rather useful indicator; this is a measurement that takes prices changes (inflation and deflation) into account, thereby acting as a key indicator for economic growth.The gross domestic product of the United Kingdom is beginning to show signs of recovery since seeing a sharp decline in the wake of the financial crisis. The decreasing unemployment rate in the United Kingdom is also indicating that the worst could be over for the country. However, some concerns have arisen about what forms of employment are being represented, how stable the jobs are, and whether or not they are simply being cited by officials in government as validation for reforms that are criticized by opponents as being ‘ideologically motivated’. Whatever the political motivation, the coalition government’s efforts to let the private sector lead the economic recovery through increasing employment in the UK in the private sector appear, for now at least, to be working.

The Scottish economy, such as the United Kingdom (UK) economy, has been exposed to several adverse shocks over the past 5 years. Examples of these are the effect of the United Kingdom exiting the European Union (Brexit), the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, and more recently Russia–Ukraine war, which can result in adverse direct and indirect economic losses across various sectors of the economy. These shocks disrupted the food and drink supply chains. The purpose of this article is 3-fold: (1) to explore the degree of resilience of the Scottish food and drink sector, (2) to estimate the effects on interconnected sectors of the economy, and (3) to estimate the economic losses, which is the financial value associated with the reduction in output. This article focuses on the impact that the sudden contraction that the “accommodation and food service activities”, resulting from the pandemic, had on the food and drink sectors. For this analysis, the study relied on the dynamic inoperability input–output model (DIIM), which takes into account the relationships across the different sectors of the Scottish economy over time. The results indicate that the accommodation and food service sector was the most affected by the COVID-19 pandemic lockdown contracting by approximately 60%. The DIIM shows that the disruption to this sector had a cascading effect on the remaining 17 sectors of the economy. The processed and preserved fish, fruits, and vegetable sector is the least resilient, while preserved meat and meat product sector is the most resilient to the final demand disruption in the accommodation and food service sector. The least economically affected sector was the other food product sector, while the other service sector had the highest economic loss. Although the soft drink sector had a slow recovery rate, economic losses were lower compared to the agricultural, fishery, and forestry sectors. From the policy perspective, stakeholders in the accommodation and food service sector should re-examine the sector and develop capacity against future pandemics. In addition, it is important for economic sectors to collaborate either vertically or horizontally by sharing information and risk to reduce the burden of future disruptions. Finally, the most vulnerable sectors of the economy, i.e., other service sectors should form a major part of government policy decision-making when planning against future pandemics.

In October 2025, the UK inflation rate was 3.8 percent, with prices rising fastest in the housing sector, which had an inflation rate of 7.3 percent. In this month, prices were rising in all sectors, with prices rising at the slowest pace in the furniture, household equipment and maintenance sector. UK inflation falls in 2024 After reaching a peak of 11.1 percent in October 2022, the CPI inflation rate in the UK gradually declined over several months, falling to a low of 1.7 percent by August 2024. An uptick in inflation has occurred since that month, however, and by the end of the year, inflation was at 2.5 percent above the Bank of England's target rate of two percent. Going into 2025, recent forecasts suggest that over the course of the year, inflation will average out at 2.6 percent, with the two percent target not met on an annual basis until at least 2029. Roots of the inflation crisis This long period of high inflation that the UK and much of the world experienced had its roots in the post-pandemic economic recovery of 2021. During that year, as consumer demand returned, global supply chains struggled to return to full capacity, resulting in prices rising. With inflation already elevated going into 2022, Russia's invasion of Ukraine added even more inflationary pressures to the global economy. European markets which were heavily reliant on Russian oil and gas gradually phased out hydrocarbons from their economies. Food prices were also heavily impacted due to Ukraine's difficulty in exporting its agricultural products.

The main aim of this work is to develop a set of high level macro economic scenarios for the medium-term (to the end of 2022) and for the long-term (to 2030) in order to inform the development of recovery strategies in London, reflecting unprecedented uncertainty on the economic outlook. The primary scenario dimensions include Effectiveness/nature of public health response and Effectiveness/impact of economic support measures. Other scenario dimensions include: Brexit and migration; International economic context; Technology and innovation; Financial climate; Political economy; Economic Geography and GHG emissions. This is an agile project - GLA Economics will continue to track actual data in order to review the assessment of the likelihood of alternative scenario outcomes. Successive updates will be released when they become available for the benefit of external stakeholders in tackling the COVID-19 crisis.

United States Supplemental Insurance: UK: Losses Recovered data was reported at 2.677 USD bn in 2016. This records an increase from the previous number of 2.138 USD bn for 2015. United States Supplemental Insurance: UK: Losses Recovered data is updated yearly, averaging 2.522 USD bn from Dec 1999 (Median) to 2016, with 18 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 6.004 USD bn in 2001 and a record low of 1.813 USD bn in 2009. United States Supplemental Insurance: UK: Losses Recovered data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by Bureau of Economic Analysis. The data is categorized under Global Database’s USA – Table US.JA027: Trade Statistics: Services: United Kingdom.

Economic uncertainty and inflationary pressures have spurred a degree of instability in the UK economy in recent years. This has made private investors reluctant to dedicate significant spending towards capital ventures, weighing on lead generation in commercial building construction markets. High construction costs and rising interest rates have created further apprehension among property developers to engage in new ventures, though long-term government capital procurement frameworks have provided some resilience to wavering private investment. Aided by the release of pent-up demand and a stronger-than-anticipated initial economic recovery from the pandemic, the industry recorded a strong rebound in new orders in 2021-22, particularly in private commercial and private industrial markets. However, capacity constraints and the impact of reduced new work volumes secured during the height of the pandemic limited output growth. Growth in new order volumes slowed in 2022-23, as economic uncertainty compounded and rising tender prices reduced the propensity of investors to commit to commercial real estate ventures. High borrowing costs continued to weigh on investor sentiment in 2023-24, with interest rates hitting 5.25% in August 2023, according to the Bank of England. However, a steady stream of work on projects procured through capital procurement frameworks, including Procure23 and the School Rebuilding Programme, has bolstered revenue growth for publicly funded buildings. Overall, revenue is expected to climb at a compound annual rate of 3.6% over the five years through 2025-26 to £21.6 billion, despite a forecast dip of 1.4% in 2025-26 as inflationary pressure hits demand. Revenue is slated to swell at a compound annual rate of 1.1% over the five years through 2030-31 to reach £22.9 billion. The effects of the UK's economic slowdown will continue to bite in the near term as weak order books limit remuneration. Still, commitments made by the government as part of capital procurement frameworks will continue to support demand for commercial building contractors in the coming years, while private-sector order books should improve as borrowing costs come down. Although input price inflation is set to continue to ease in the medium term, material costs are likely to remain elevated and a construction worker shortage will pressure profit. According to the Building Cost Information Service, material costs are anticipated to grow by 15% in the five years through Q3 2030.

IntroductionThe post-COVID-19 phenomenon of “quiet quitting” could be problematic for UK economic growth because unpaid overtime has been a key contributor to business productivity since the 2008 global financial crisis. Here, we explore the extent to which this phenomenon exists in the UK, and whether the tendency for quiet quitting differs across generations.MethodsWe analyzed data from the UK Quarterly Labor Force Survey (QLFS) between 2007 and 2022 to determine changes in hours worked. Quiet quitting was characterized by notable declines in hours worked between 2019 and 2022, benchmarked against 20072018 trajectories. Analyses were demarcated by four commonly defined generational cohorts (i.e., Generation Z [GenZs; 1997–2004], Generation Y [Millennials; 1981–1996], Generation X [GenXers; 1965–1980], and Baby Boomers [1952–1964]).ResultsOverall, we found that the UK workforce reduced hours by ~28 h per year in the pandemic and post-pandemic periods. Hours lost was most notable in 2022, with hours down by ~36 h. However, in assessing generational differences, quiet quitting was most pronounced in the two younger cohorts. GenZs showed the steepest decline in hours worked, while Millennials worked the least number of hours overall, with no indication of recovery by the end of the study period. Hours declined for GenXers and Baby Boomers, but changes were more moderate, and Baby Boomers showed evidence of a possible rebound to pre-pandemic levels.DiscussionGiven the ~24,568 million UK full-time workers in 2022, our findings equate to over 55 million discretionary hours lost to the labor market per year between 2019 and 2022, 48.1% of which is accounted for by Millennials. Thus, we evidence that quiet quitting has interrupted the recovery of working hours in the UK to pre-pandemic levels, and lost hours are especially attributable to younger cohorts.JELJ24 J01.

This is a summary report on the economic impact of COVID-19 on London’s small and medium enterprises (SMEs). It presents a uniquely granular and timely analysis of the impacts on London’s SMEs by sectoral, financial, employment, and risk indicators and includes deep dive case studies on the economic impact on the Night Time Economy, high streets and town centres, and the Culture and Creative industries. The analysis was undertaken on a pro bono basis by Bloomberg Associates, for and in close collaboration with the GLA providing guidance and direction. Partners supporting Bloomberg Associates included Slalom, Burning Glass Technologies, DueDil and CK Delta. It leverages a combination of public and private data from a range of financial, economic, behavioural, sociographic and demographic sources and complements the macro-economic scenarios for the London economy. The study was conducted between March 2020 and June 2020 and leverages the most updated data that was available at the time. It is important to note that new data and evidence constantly emerges and could be integrated in a potential future iteration of this work. The report has sought to: Illustrate the impact of the pandemic on London’s SMEs and local employment and improve understanding of the scale and scope of the economic challenges that London faces in recovery. Demonstrate the application of “bottom-up” and localised data to create a more complete, granular picture of overall economic impact Show the intersection of impact by sectors and geographies, exploring the relationship between these two factors to demonstrate the risk hot spots across Greater London. If you have any comments or questions related to the report, please email GLA Economics

The statistic shows GDP per capita in the United Kingdom from 1987 to 2020, with projections up until 2030. In 2020, GDP per capita in the United Kingdom was at around 40,230.55 US dollars. The same year, the total UK population amounted to about 67.26 million people. The United Kingdom is among the leading countries in a world GDP ranking.Falling unemployment in a time of recessionGDP is a useful indicator when it comes to measuring the state of a nation’s economy. GDP is the market value of all final goods and services produced within a country in a given period of time, usually a year. GDP per capita equals exactly the GDI (gross domestic income) per capita and is not a measure of an individual’s personal income.As can be seen clearly in the statistic, gross domestic product (GDP) per capita in the United Kingdom is beginning to increase, albeit not to pre-recession levels. The UK is beginning to see signs of an economic recovery, though as of yet it remains unclear what sort of recovery this is. Questions have been raised as to whether the growth being seen is the right sort of growth for a well balanced recovery across the necessary sectors. An interesting oddity occurred in the United Kingdom for nine months in 2012, which saw a decreasing unemployment occurring at the same time as dip in nationwide economic productivity. This seems like good - if not unusual - news, but could be indicative of people entering part-time employment. It could also suggest that labor productivity is falling, meaning that the UK would be less competitive as a nation. The figures continue to rise, however, with an increase in employment in the private sector. With the rate of inflation in the UK impacting everyone’s daily lives, it is becoming increasingly difficult for vulnerable groups to maintain a decent standard of living.

A Licence is a geographically defined area for prospecting, exploration or extraction of petroleum resources. The North Sea Transition Authority’s licensing system covers oil and gas within Great Britain, its territorial sea and on the UK Continental Shelf (UKCS).The Petroleum Act 1998 vests all rights to the nation’s petroleum resources in the Crown, but the NSTA can grant licences that confer exclusive rights to ‘search and bore for and get’ petroleum.Licences fall into several categories. The principal distinctions are between onshore and offshore licences, and between exploration licences (which cover exploration alone) and production licences (which cover both exploration and production). The NSTA has discretion in the granting of licences to help maximise the economic recovery of the UK’s oil and gas resources.Licence data is represented by 3 different datasets; Licences, Licence Blocks and Sub Areas. Licence polygons represent the whole licence and have one polygon per licence. Licenced Blocks and Sub areas represent finer divisions of these licences and may have many polygons per licence. Most Licenced Blocks are split with several sub areas, sometimes with differing operators and beneficiaries.

The increase in the extent of working-from-home determined by the COVID-19 health crisis has led to a substantial shift of economic activity across geographical areas; which we refer to as a Zoomshock. When a person works from home rather than at the office, their work-related consumption of goods and services provided by the locally consumed service industries will take place where they live, not where they work. Much of the clientèle of restaurants, coffee bars, pubs, hair stylists, health clubs, taxi providers and the like located near workplaces is transferred to establishment located near where people live. These data are our calculations of the Zoomshock at the MSOA level. They reflect estimats of the change in the number of people working in UK neighbourhoods due to home-working.

The COVID-19 shutdown is not affecting all parts of the UK equally. Economic activity in local consumer service industries (LCSI), such as retail outlets, restaurants, hairdressers, or gardeners has all but stopped; other industries are less affected. These differences among industries and their varying importance across local economies means recovery will be sensitive to local economic conditions and will not be geographically uniform: some neighbourhoods face a higher recovery risk of not being able to return to pre-shutdown levels of economic activity. This recovery risk is the product of two variables. The first is the shock, the effect of the shutdown on local household incomes. The second is the multiplier, the effect on LCSI economic activity following a negative shock to household incomes. In neighbourhoods where many households rely on the LCSI sector as a primary source of income the multiplier may be particularly large, and these neighbourhoods are vulnerable to a vicious circle of reduced spending and reduced incomes. This project will produce data measuring the shock, the multiplier, and the COVID-19 shutdown recovery risk for UK neighbourhoods. These variables will be estimated using individual and firm level information from national surveys and administrative data. The dataset, and corresponding policy report, will be made public and proactively disseminated to guide local and national policy design. Recovery inequality is likely to be substantial: absent intervention, existing regional inequalities may be exacerbated. This research will provide a timely and necessary input into designing appropriate recovery policy.

United Kingdom's main stock market index, the GB100, fell to 9690 points on December 2, 2025, losing 0.13% from the previous session. Over the past month, the index has declined 0.12%, though it remains 15.91% higher than a year ago, according to trading on a contract for difference (CFD) that tracks this benchmark index from United Kingdom. United Kingdom Stock Market Index (GB100) - values, historical data, forecasts and news - updated on December of 2025.

The Healthy Ageing in Scotland (HAGIS): COVID-19 Impact and Recovery Study, 2021-2022 is a multidisciplinary large-scale study of older adults (aged 50 and over) living in Scotland. The study was established to explore the spectrum of COVID-19 concerns in older adults and its impact on their willingness to (re)engage across health, social, and economic domains as Scotland's economy and society emerged from the pandemic. The survey data were collected between October 2021 and January 2022 using electronic, postal self-completion interviews and telephone-assisted personal interviews. From a target sample of 15,674 older adults, drawn from two existing Scottish longitudinal studies and a predefined panel, 3,373 individuals (59 percent women and 41 percent men) completed the survey.

The data provide a wealth of information on older adults' socio-demographics, COVID-19-induced fear, worries and concerns, health domains, social capital and participation, economic and consumption behaviours, return to workplace experiences and preferences.

Further information is available HAGIS COVID-19 Impact and Recovery Study webpage.

Revenue is forecast to swell at a compound annual rate of 3.1% over the five years through 2025 to €291.2 billion. Electrical contractors serve the construction sector, so procyclical commercial and residential construction trends influence revenue prospects. Hence, economic uncertainty associated with rampant inflationary pressures and reduced budgets has caused year-on-year revenue volatility for the Electricians industry. Weak economic conditions have restricted the number of new projects coming to fruition, hindering the number of big-ticket tender opportunities available for electricians to bid for and obtain. Businesses have remained cautious amid an uncertain economic outlook, opting to preserve cash and postpone or cancel significant construction projects. Over the two years through 2024, inflationary pressures have persisted and retaliatory increases to the base rate have ballooned the cost of borrowing. Despite public funding and support for new residential properties, a cooling housing market has limited demand from property developers. In 2024, as inflation began to ease, central banks responded by lowering interest rates to support economic growth. This move has encouraged property and commercial building investors to initiate construction and renovation projects, thereby boosting opportunities for electricians to bid for new contracts. Despite ongoing economic uncertainties that continue to challenge revenue prospects, the push for net-zero emissions has significantly bolstered demand for energy-efficient electrical systems. This shift is diversifying and enhancing the demand for new electrical installations. Revenue is expected to climb by 1.2% in 2025. As inflationary pressures subside and business and consumer sentiment rebound, revenue prospects will grow and more large tender opportunities will come to fruition. Businesses will increase spending budgets in line with recovering economic conditions and recovering house prices will spur new opportunities in the residential market, contributing to a recovery in income. Ongoing efforts to achieve carbon neutrality will continue to drive innovation in the industry and prompt electricians to upskill to ensure they can delivery energy-efficient electrical solutions to clients. Revenue is forecast to expand at a compound annual rate of 5.3% over the five years through 2030 to €377.6 billion.