For the year ending June 2024, approximately 1.2 million people migrated to the United Kingdom, while 479,000 people migrated from the UK, resulting in a net migration figure of 728,000. There have consistently been more people migrating to the United Kingdom than leaving it since 1993 when the net migration figure was negative 1,000. Although migration from the European Union has declined since the Brexit vote of 2016, migration from non-EU countries accelerated rapidly from 2021 onwards. In the year to June 2023, 968,000 people from non-EU countries migrated to the UK, compared with 129,000 from EU member states. Immigration and the next UK election Throughout 2023, immigration, along with the economy and healthcare, was consistently seen by UK voters as one of the top issues facing the country. Despite a pledge to deter irregular migration via small boats, and controversial plans to send asylum applicants to Rwanda while their claims are being processed, the current government is losing the trust of the public on this issue. As of February 2024, 20 percent of Britons thought the Labour Party would be the best party to handle immigration, compared with 16 percent who thought the Conservatives would handle it better. With the next UK election expected at some point in 2024, the Conservatives are battling to improve their public image on this and many other issues. Historical context of migration The first humans who arrived in the British Isles, were followed by acts of conquest and settlement from Romans, Anglo-Saxons, Danes, and Normans. In the early modern period, there were also significant waves of migration from people fleeing religious or political persecution, such as the French Huguenots. More recently, large numbers of people also left Britain. Between 1820 and 1957, for example, around 4.5 million people migrated from Britain to America. After World War Two, immigration from Britain's colonies and former colonies was encouraged to meet labor demands. A key group that migrated from the Caribbean between the late 1940s and early 1970s became known as the Windrush generation, named after one of the ships that brought the arrivals to Britain.

In the twelve months to June 2024, approximately 1.2 million people migrated to the United Kingdom, while 479,000 emigrated away from the country, resulting in a net migration figure of 728,000.

This chart shows results from an online survey conducted in Great Britain in 2016 on whether there will be more or less immigration into the UK after Britain leaves the EU. The majority of respondents at 46 percent think there will be less immigration after Brexit, while 39 percent don't think it will make a difference to the levels of immigration.

This statistic show whether those surveyed in Great Britain, from January 20 to 21, 2016, supported or opposed a policy that would force people who come to Britain in order to marry a British citizen to have to learn to speak English within two and a half years or face being deported. For all major parties, the majority of respondents would support this legislation.

This graph shows that a significant majority of respondents agree that refugees have put extra stress on public services. Only seven percent of respondents disagree with this statement.

United States Immigrants Admitted: United Kingdom data was reported at 10,948.000 Person in 2017. This records a decrease from the previous number of 12,673.000 Person for 2016. United States Immigrants Admitted: United Kingdom data is updated yearly, averaging 13,552.000 Person from Sep 1986 (Median) to 2017, with 32 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 19,973.000 Person in 1992 and a record low of 7,647.000 Person in 1999. United States Immigrants Admitted: United Kingdom data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by US Department of Homeland Security. The data is categorized under Global Database’s USA – Table US.G087: Immigration.

The data has been generated by ethnographic observations, interviews and interactions with migrant workers in two sites in Shanghai in 2017/2018: Songjiang District on the south-western outskirts, and the inner-city Huangpu District, in proximity to some of the city’s most famous tourist attractions, such as the Bund or Nanjing Road. Ethnography, with its focus on everyday experience, can yield significant insights into understanding migrant mental health in contexts where signs of severe mental distress remain largely imperceptible, and more generally, into how stresses and strains are lived through the spaces, times and affective atmospheres of the city. Migrant ethnography can help us reconsider the oft-made connection between everyday stress and mental ill health. In this research, drawing on field evidence in central and peripheral Shanghai, we highlight the importance of attending to the forms of spatial and temporal agency through which migrants actively manage the ways in which the city affects their subjectivity. These everyday subjective practices serve to problematize the very concept of ‘mental health’, enabling us to engage in a critical dialogue with sociological and epidemiological research that assesses migrant mental health states through the lens of the vulnerability or resilience of this social group, often reducing citiness to a series of environmental ‘stressors’.

We have known, since at least the early twentieth century, that there is an association between living in a city and being diagnosed with a mental illness. But questions around the specificity of relationship between urban life and have continued well into the twenty-first century. We still don't know, for example, exactly why mental illness clusters in cities; we don't know how it relates to experiences of urban poverty, deprivation, overcrowding, social exclusion, and racism; and we don't know the precise biological and sociological mechanisms that turn difficult urban lives into diagnosable mental health conditions. What we do know is that migrants into cities bear a disproportionately large share of the burden of urban mental illness; we know that dense living conditions seem to exacerbate the problem; and we know that the general stress, tumult and precarity of urban living can, sometimes, create the basis for the development of clinical problems. If there are unanswered questions around the relationship between mental health and the city, these questions are particularly acute in contemporary China: China has urbanised at an unprecedented rate in the last decade, and has now become a majority urban society. But whereas in nineteenth-century Europe urbanization came from a growth in population, in twenty-first century China the situation is different: most of the growth is from rural migrants coming into the cities. In China, then, the link between urban transformation and mental illness is a critical issue: (1) Development in China is related to migration from the countryside into the cities; (2) Unrecognized and untreated mental disorder is a key factor in casting individuals and families into poverty and social exclusion; (3) Effective development of urban mental health policu requires far greater understanding of the related problems of urban stress, precarious living conditions and mental disorder. This project is an attempt to understand the relationship between migration and mental health in one Chinese mega-city: Shanghai. Given what we know about the relationship between urban mental health and particular patterns of social life (poverty, migration, dense housing, and so on), it starts from the position that this question requires new input from the social sciences. At the heart of the project is an attempt to mix what we know about mental health in contemporary Shanghai with a new kind of close-up, street-level data on what the daily experience of being a migrant on Shanghai is actually life - especially with regard to stress, housing, and access to services. We will then connect these two forms of knowledge to produce a new kind of survey for getting a new sociological deep surveying instrument for mapping migrant mental health in Shanghai. The project, which is split between researchers in the UK and China, asks: (1) How is mental disorder actually patterned in Shanghai, and how is that pattern affected by recent migration? (2) How are immigrants absorbed in Shanghai, and what is daily life actually like in Shanghai's migrant communities? (3) What policies, services, or laws might alleviate mental health among migrants in Shanghai? (4) What can be learned in Shanghai for similar problems in other developing mega-cities (such as Sao Paolo or Lagos). This project should also us to also produce new data on two of the major research-areas that are prioritised under this join UK-China research-scheme: 'Migration and public services,' where we will look at the relationship between the welfare system and...

This is a collection of data on men and women in the IT sector in India and the UK. The data includes quantitative survey undertaken with 155 IT firms in India; 400 IT workers in India and the UK divided across the following cohorts: migrant and non-migrant, in India and the UK, men and women. The deposited data also includes 86 interviews with migrant and non-migrant IT workers in India and the UK. This data explores the nature of the IT industry, its gendered formations, experiences of migration and future plans. The use of a comparative methodology in understanding gender issues in the IT sector makes it unique.

The global Information Technology (IT) sector is characterised by low participation of women and the UK is no exception. In response, UK organizations (e.g. Women in Technology), committees (e.g. BCS Women) and campaigns (e.g. Computer Clubs for Girls) have been set up to address the problem and increase the small and falling number of women in IT education, training and employment. To complement and provide an evidence base for future interventions this project adopted a new approach by considering the problem from two unexplored angles simultaneously. First, India, in comparison with most OECD countries, has a much higher proportion of women working as IT specialists; the project compared the experiences of IT workers in India and the UK to see what the UK can learn from the Indian case. Secondly, the research explored the insights of migrant women and men who moved between UK and India and had experience of both work cultures in order to obtain new insights into gender norms in each country as well as best practice. The project answered the following questions: a) What are the gender differences in the labour market among migrant and non-migrant workers in the IT sector in India and the UK?; b) What processes have led to different gendered patterns of workplace experiences among migrant and non-migrant workers in the IT sector in India and the UK?; c) What is the role of firms, industry and national regulations and cultures in creating barriers and opportunities for migrant and non-migrant men and women's career entry and progression and labour markets?

United Kingdom International Migrations: UK: Inflow: East Midlands data was reported at 32.000 Person th in 2016. This records a decrease from the previous number of 37.000 Person th for 2015. United Kingdom International Migrations: UK: Inflow: East Midlands data is updated yearly, averaging 25.000 Person th from Dec 1991 (Median) to 2016, with 26 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 41.000 Person th in 2014 and a record low of 12.000 Person th in 1995. United Kingdom International Migrations: UK: Inflow: East Midlands data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by Office for National Statistics. The data is categorized under Global Database’s UK – Table UK.G064: International Migration: By Regions .

United Kingdom International Migrations: UK: Balance: Great Britain data was reported at 247.000 Person th in 2016. This records a decrease from the previous number of 331.000 Person th for 2015. United Kingdom International Migrations: UK: Balance: Great Britain data is updated yearly, averaging 167.000 Person th from Dec 1991 (Median) to 2016, with 26 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 331.000 Person th in 2015 and a record low of -10.000 Person th in 1992. United Kingdom International Migrations: UK: Balance: Great Britain data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by Office for National Statistics. The data is categorized under Global Database’s United Kingdom – Table UK.G064: International Migration: By Regions .

United Kingdom International Migrations: England & Wales (EW): Inflow: All Reason data was reported at 540.000 Person th in 2016. This records a decrease from the previous number of 581.000 Person th for 2015. United Kingdom International Migrations: England & Wales (EW): Inflow: All Reason data is updated yearly, averaging 482.000 Person th from Dec 1991 (Median) to 2016, with 26 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 583.000 Person th in 2014 and a record low of 249.000 Person th in 1993. United Kingdom International Migrations: England & Wales (EW): Inflow: All Reason data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by Office for National Statistics. The data is categorized under Global Database’s UK – Table UK.G063: International Migration: By Reason .

This statistic presents the share of EU migrant workers occupied in the hospitality and tourism workforce in the United Kingdom (UK) in 2011 and 2016, by industry. In total EU migrants made up 45 percent of the tourism and hospitality workforce in 2016, up from 22 percent in 2011. Holiday/short stay, campsites and similar accommodation had the highest reliance on migrants from other EU countries in 2016.

United Kingdom International Migrations: UK: Inflow: Non-British data was reported at 515.000 Person th in 2016. This records a decrease from the previous number of 548.000 Person th for 2015. United Kingdom International Migrations: UK: Inflow: Non-British data is updated yearly, averaging 418.000 Person th from Dec 1991 (Median) to 2016, with 26 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 551.000 Person th in 2014 and a record low of 175.000 Person th in 1992. United Kingdom International Migrations: UK: Inflow: Non-British data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by Office for National Statistics. The data is categorized under Global Database’s United Kingdom – Table UK.G062: International Migration.

United Kingdom International Migrations: UK: Outflow: North East data was reported at -9.000 Person th in 2016. This records a decrease from the previous number of -7.000 Person th for 2015. United Kingdom International Migrations: UK: Outflow: North East data is updated yearly, averaging -7.000 Person th from Dec 1991 (Median) to 2016, with 26 observations. The data reached an all-time high of -3.000 Person th in 1995 and a record low of -14.000 Person th in 2006. United Kingdom International Migrations: UK: Outflow: North East data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by Office for National Statistics. The data is categorized under Global Database’s United Kingdom – Table UK.G064: International Migration: By Regions .

This statistic presents the proportion of migrant workers a part of the tourism and hospitality workforce in the United Kingdom (UK) in 2011 and 2016, by occupation. According to the data, 43 percent of workers employed as chefs in 2016 were migrants.

A dataset comprising the following:1) key informant interviews with national stakeholders and 4 (Case study) local authority stakeholders; transcripts of interviews where respondents agreed to be recorded. 2) In-depth interviews with young people: all anonymised with pseudonyms (comprising 3 folders, one for each country). 3) A briefing including analysis of all freedom of information requests to Local authorities in England. 4) A folder containing Data tools including topic guide, FOI request, interview schedule and consent form.

Young people who migrate to the UK alone without a parent or legal guardian face a range of possible outcomes as they make the transition to 'adulthood' (as institutionally defined) at the age of 18. For many, this stage in their lives corresponds with a transition into illegality as they become no longer eligible for support services dedicated to 'children', and reach the end of their legal right to remain in the UK. Many disengage from institutions in order to decrease the risk of being forcibly removed to their countries of origin. Some may migrate on to other parts of Europe or, if returned to a country of origin, may subsequently come back to Europe. Even if they stay in the UK, being labelled an 'adult' usually means a drop in entitlements with respect to access to education, housing and other welfare services. Innovative and participatory in nature, this research addresses a significant gap in our understanding of what happens to young people subject to immigration control once they 'become adult'. It explores young people's own conceptions of their futures, how these are formed and the factors which affect their ability to realise these future plans over time. This is the first ever attempt to systematically investigate the longer term wellbeing outcomes for young people subject to immigration control in the UK once they turn 18. The research prioritises the intersection between wellbeing and futures and addresses the following questions: 1. How do young people 'becoming adult' while subject to immigration control in the UK conceptualise and seek to realise their future plans over time? 2. In what ways are young people subject to immigration control influenced in how they conceptualise and seek to realise their future plans by the cultural norms and social networks with which they interact over time and place? 3. Given the pre-established association between a well defined future and a sense of wellbeing, how do processes of immigration control impact on young people's wellbeing outcomes over time? 4. What policy implications emerge from an analysis of the synergy/ dissonance between policies governing the outcomes for young people subject to immigration control and their lived experiences of 'becoming adult'? Bringing together sociological, anthropological and social policy modes of inquiry, the study combines: in-depth longitudinal research with young people subject to immigration control from four countries (Afghanistan, Eritrea, Vietnam and Albania); a critical analysis of culturally embedded understandings of futures and wellbeing (and their associations with migration and 'adulthood') in four country contexts; an analysis of relevant immigration and asylum policies and their applications; a measure of wellbeing (using objective and subjective indicators) over time; and the building of a national profile of outcomes for young people subject to immigration control as they make the transition to adulthood. A key methodological innovation is the involvement of young people subject to immigration control as central members of the research team throughout the course of the project. By critically juxtaposing young people's lived experiences of migration and their associated cultural attachments with immigration control policies, this work examines the relevance of such policies, their likely efficacy and their impact on young people's well-being. A range of academic outputs will be supplemented by additional policy outputs including: a set of policy and practice guidelines for supporting young adults subject to immigration control of international relevance.