In the year ending June 2024, approximately 1.03 million people from outside the European Union migrated to the United Kingdom, compared with 116,000 people from European Union countries, and 58,000 British nationals.

For the year ending June 2024, approximately 1.2 million people migrated to the United Kingdom, while 479,000 people migrated from the UK, resulting in a net migration figure of 728,000. There have consistently been more people migrating to the United Kingdom than leaving it since 1993 when the net migration figure was negative 1,000. Although migration from the European Union has declined since the Brexit vote of 2016, migration from non-EU countries accelerated rapidly from 2021 onwards. In the year to June 2023, 968,000 people from non-EU countries migrated to the UK, compared with 129,000 from EU member states. Immigration and the next UK election Throughout 2023, immigration, along with the economy and healthcare, was consistently seen by UK voters as one of the top issues facing the country. Despite a pledge to deter irregular migration via small boats, and controversial plans to send asylum applicants to Rwanda while their claims are being processed, the current government is losing the trust of the public on this issue. As of February 2024, 20 percent of Britons thought the Labour Party would be the best party to handle immigration, compared with 16 percent who thought the Conservatives would handle it better. With the next UK election expected at some point in 2024, the Conservatives are battling to improve their public image on this and many other issues. Historical context of migration The first humans who arrived in the British Isles, were followed by acts of conquest and settlement from Romans, Anglo-Saxons, Danes, and Normans. In the early modern period, there were also significant waves of migration from people fleeing religious or political persecution, such as the French Huguenots. More recently, large numbers of people also left Britain. Between 1820 and 1957, for example, around 4.5 million people migrated from Britain to America. After World War Two, immigration from Britain's colonies and former colonies was encouraged to meet labor demands. A key group that migrated from the Caribbean between the late 1940s and early 1970s became known as the Windrush generation, named after one of the ships that brought the arrivals to Britain.

International migrant stock is the number of people born in a country other than that in which they live. It also includes refugees. The data used to estimate the international migrant stock at a particular time are obtained mainly from population censuses. The estimates are derived from the data on foreign-born population--people who have residence in one country but were born in another country. When data on the foreign-born population are not available, data on foreign population--that is, people who are citizens of a country other than the country in which they reside--are used as estimates. After the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991 people living in one of the newly independent countries who were born in another were classified as international migrants. Estimates of migrant stock in the newly independent states from 1990 on are based on the 1989 census of the Soviet Union. For countries with information on the international migrant stock for at least two points in time, interpolation or extrapolation was used to estimate the international migrant stock on July 1 of the reference years. For countries with only one observation, estimates for the reference years were derived using rates of change in the migrant stock in the years preceding or following the single observation available. A model was used to estimate migrants for countries that had no data.

UK residents by individual countries of birth and citizenship, broken down by UK country, local authority, unitary authority, metropolitan and London boroughs, and counties. Estimates from the Annual Population Survey.

In 2020/21 there were approximately 696,000 Polish nationals living in the United Kingdom, the highest non-British population at this time. Indian and Irish were the joint second-largest nationalities at approximately 370,000 people.

This dataset contains information from the Office for National Statistics internal migration data for Wales, showing the origin and destination of each migration flow by sex and broad age group between each of the local authorities in Wales and also the UK countries. Data for flows to and from Scotland and Northern Ireland (and hence the UK as whole) prior to 2011-2012 are not available on this origin-destination basis, although from 2011-2012, the whole of the UK is covered. Data are available split by sex for 2011-2012 onwards only, prior to that data are only available for persons. Note that data for Wales as a whole will not be the sum of individual local authority data as moves between local authorities within Wales will not contribute to the flows into or out of Wales.

In the twelve months to June 2024, approximately 1.2 million people migrated to the United Kingdom, while 479,000 emigrated away from the country, resulting in a net migration figure of 728,000.

For the year ending June 2024, the net migration figure for British citizens in the United Kingdom was negative 21,000, compared with negative 95,000 for citizens of European Union countries, and 845,000 for non-EU citizens.

This release replaces the previous annual and quarterly publications Control of Immigration Statistics and the annual British Citizenship, following a public consultation. Each topic now has its own entry, links to these related reports can be found under the "additional links" section. The figures relate to applications, grants and refusals of citizenship (number of people). Citizenship is granted under the British Nationality Act 1981 which came into force on 1 January 1983, subsequently amended by the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002.

This dataset replaces Volume 1 of the Immigration Statistics: before entry. Before travelling to the UK, a person may be required to apply for and be granted an entry clearance visa, depending on their nationality, purpose of visit and intended length of stay. On arrival at UK ports, or UK border controls in France and Belgium (often termed ‘juxtaposed’ controls), all individuals have to satisfy a Border Force officer that they have the right to enter the country before being admitted to the UK. The data in this section include dependants and exclude those visiting the UK or in transit, unless stated otherwise.

This release replaces volumes 2, 3 and 4 of Immigration Statistics: Before entry. Volume 1 of this section is now titled Immigration Statistics: Sponsorship data. The statistics in this topic cover: applications, issues and refusals of entry clearance visas; and non-asylum passengers initially refused entry at ports. Prior to travel to the United Kingdom, a person may be required to apply for and be issued with an entry clearance visa, depending on their nationality, purpose of visit and intended length of stay. On arrival at UK ports or a juxtaposed control in France or Belgium, before being admitted to the country, all individuals have to satisfy a Border Force Officer that they have the right to enter the country.

This table shows resident population of London broken down by nationality, showing data for London's largest communities in 2004, and 2008 to 2012.

Also shows the percentage of the UK community that live in London.
The Annual Population Survey (APS) sampled around 325,000 people in the UK (around 28,000 in London). As such all figures must be treated with some caution. 95% confidence interval levels are provided.

All numbers based on fewer than 50 surveys have been suppressed.
Numbers have been rounded to the nearest thousand.

The APS is the only inter-censal data source that can provide estimates of the population stock by nationality. The data have a range of limitations, particularly in relation to their poor coverage of short-term migrants or recent arrivals. They also struggle to provide estimates for small migrant populations due to small sample sizes.
Information about Londoners by Country of Birth using APS data, can be found in DMAG Briefing 2008-05 http://legacy.london.gov.uk/gla/publications/factsandfigures/dmag-briefing-2008-05.pdf

ONS website

This release replaces the previous annual and quarterly publications Control of Immigration Statistics and the annual British Citizenship, following a public consultation. Each topic now has its own entry, links to these related reports can be found under the "additional links" section. The statistics in this topic briefing cover: applications, issues and refusals of entry clearance visas; and non-asylum passengers initially refused entry at ports. Prior to travel to the United Kingdom, a person may be required to apply for and be issued with an entry clearance visa, depending on their nationality, purpose of visit and intended length of stay. On arrival at UK ports or a juxtaposed control in France or Belgium, before being admitted to the country, all individuals have to satisfy a Border Force Officer that they have the right to enter the country. From Q2 2014 this dataset has been split into two sections: Vol 1 is now the Immigration Statistics: Sponsorship data tables, and Vol 2, 3 and 4 are now the Immigration Statistics: Entry clearance visas granted outside the UK

The majority of immigrants in Poland in 2023 were from Ukraine (40,000), a decrease of 14 percent compared to the previous year. Immigration to Poland for different reasons In 2022, nearly 14,000 people immigrated to Poland for permanent residence, of which most came from Ukraine, the UK, and Germany, respectively. Furthermore, the majority of immigrants for temporary stay in Poland in 2022 were from Ukraine (46,000 immigrants), a decrease of 1.5 percent compared to the previous year. In 2023, most Ukrainian citizens chose Poland as a place for economic emigration. The main reason for that choice was geographical and cultural proximity. Nearly every second respondent valued the low language barrier, and for every third person, the motivation was earnings. Poles attitudes toward Russia’s war with Ukraine In 2022, most Poles had a negative attitude toward Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Poles’ biggest concerns about the Russia-Ukraine war were the military threats from Russia and the impact of the war on the condition of the Polish economy. After the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Poles proved their support for Ukrainians. One of the most common forms of support for refugees fleeing the Russia-Ukraine war to Poland was to provide blankets, food, and hygiene items. Four out of 10 Poles donated money to a charity fundraiser and volunteered in organizations.

Time-series dataset of the demographic characteristics of the UK ethnic minority populations and religious groups up to 2006, to study ethnic and religious demographic diversity and its impact upon future population size, age-structure and the ethnic and religious composition of the UK population. This dataset is compiled from various existing data sources: 2001 Census, Labour Force Survey (LFS) and International Passenger Survey (IPS) data. In the absence of vital statistics by ethnic groups, indirect methods were used to estimate vital rates, including the ‘Own Child’ method applied to LFS household data to derive fertility estimates of ethnic and religious groups. Building on previous work, fertility rates of ethnic groups were produced up to 2006, distinguishing between UK-born and foreign-born populations. Migration rates were based on ONS International Migration Statistics (using IPS data), LFS and census data and projected on various assumptions. The results served population projections to mid-century and beyond of the main ethnic minority populations, including mixed populations, and using cohort-component methods. Furthermore, estimates of fertility rates for the major religious (and non-religious) groups were produced.

Datasets include: (1) Calculated fertility estimates for all women aged 15 to 49 in the UK, by 5 years age group, by ethnic group, religion and place of birth (UK/non-UK), based on LFS data; (2) Data on mixed children by ethnic group of the mother; (3) Data on country of birth by ethnic group (all populations); (4) Data on immigration flow by country of origin.

This project aims to analyse ethnic and religious demographic diversity, to investigate the potential for convergence of trends over time and its impact upon future population size, age-structure and the ethnic and religious composition of the UK population.

Existing statistical sources (especially the 2001 Census, the Labour Force Survey (LFS) and the Office for National Statistics (ONS) Longitudinal Survey) will be used to produce time-series of the demographic characteristics of the ethnic minority populations and religious groups up to 2006. In the absence of vital statistics by ethnic groups, the Own Child method applied to LFS and census data will be used to derive fertility estimates of ethnic and religious groups.

The results will serve population projections to mid-century and beyond of the main ethnic minority populations, including mixed populations, and using cohort-component methods. Migration rates will be based on ONS International Migration Statistics, LFS and census data and projected on various assumptions.

Furthermore, estimates of fertility rates and other demographic information for the major religious (and non-religious) groups will be produced with a view to making preliminary projections of their future size. The potential convergence of the demographic characteristics of ethnic and religious groups will be analysed, including mixed unions as an indicator for integration.

This table contains 32 series, with data for years 1956 - 1976 (not all combinations necessarily have data for all years), and was last released on 2012-02-16. This table contains data described by the following dimensions (Not all combinations are available): Unit of measure (1 items: Persons ...) Geography (32 items: Outside Canada; Great Britain; France; Europe ...).

Pay As You Earn (PAYE) Real Time Information (RTI) estimates of employees from UK, EU and rest of the world, by UK region, seasonally adjusted. Ad hoc monthly data, nationality determined using the Migrant Worker Scan. Experimental Statistics.

This data collection consists of semi-structured interviews designed to cover processes in five domains of integration (social, cultural, structural, civic and political, identity) with sections on life before and after marriage. The data deposited consists of the transcripts of the recorded semi-structured interviews with British Pakistani Muslim and British Indian Sikh spouses, and migrant Pakistani Muslim and migrant Indian Sikh spouses. This research explored the relationships between marriage migration and integration, focusing on the two largest UK ethnic groups involved in transnational marriages with partners from their parents’ or grandparents’ countries of origin: British Pakistani Muslims and British Indian Sikhs.

Spouses constitute the largest category of migrant settlement in the UK. In Britain, as elsewhere in Europe, concern is increasingly expressed over the implications of marriage-related migration for integration. In some ethnic minority groups, significant numbers of children and grandchildren of former immigrants continue to marry partners from their ancestral homelands. Such marriages are presented as particularly problematic: a 'first generation' of spouses in every generation may inhibit processes of individual and group integration, impeding socio-economic participation and cultural change. New immigration restrictions likely to impact particularly on such groups have thus been justified on the grounds of promoting integration. The evidence base to underpin this concern is, however, surprisingly limited, and characterised by differing and often partial understandings of the contested and politicised concept of integration. This project combined analysis of relevant quantitative data sets, with qualitative research with the two largest ethnic groups involved (Indian Sikhs and Pakistani Muslims), to compare transnational ‘homeland’ marriages with intra-ethnic marriages within the UK. These findings will enhance understanding of the relationships between marriage-related migration and the complex processes glossed as integration, providing much needed new grounding for both policy and academic debates.