In 2011, 87.2 percent of the total population of the United Kingdom were white British. A positive net migration in recent years combined with the resultant international relationships following the wide-reaching former British Empire has contributed to an increasingly diverse population.

Varied ethnic backgrounds

Black British citizens, with African and/or African-Caribbean ancestry, are the largest ethnic minority population, at three percent of the total population. Indian Britons are one of the largest overseas communities of the Indian diaspora and make up 2.3 percent of the total UK population. Pakistani British citizens, who make up almost two percent of the UK population, have one of the highest levels of home ownership in Britain.

Racism in the United Kingdom

Though it has decreased in comparison to the previous century, the UK has seen an increase in racial prejudice during the first decade and a half of this century. Racism and discrimination continues to be part of daily life for Britain’s ethnic minorities, especially in terms of work, housing, and health issues. Moreover, the number of hate crimes motivated by race reported since 2012 has increased, and in 2017/18, there were 3,368 recorded offenses of racially or religiously aggravated assault with injury, almost a thousand more than in 2013/14.

In 2019, people from most ethnic minority groups were more likely than White British people to live in the most deprived neighbourhoods.

In the UK, for the first time, the number of doctors of ethnic minorities surpassed the number of white doctors in 2023. The largest increase was seen among Asian or Asian British ethnicity group. This was due, in part, to the large influx of international medical graduates since 2018, when the cap limit of ****** doctors per year from outside the UK or EU/EEA was removed.

This project is the first census of all local councillors in all four constitutive nations of the UK, conducted in 2018 and 2019. The local level, so important to our democracy, is too often ignored, and political representation is predominantly studied at the national level. The particular importance of local level to ethnic representation cannot be overstated as it is often the first step in politics and political careers for many minority politicians, and a first line of contact for minority individuals and communities in need of help. This project seeks to fill this research gap and to put local representation at the heart of studying how ethnic minorities are politically represented in Britain. Our research design was developed to study the experiences of ethnic minority local councillors from visibly racialised backgrounds of both genders, to further our understandings of the mechanisms that underpin representational inequalities. We collected the ethnicity, gender and political party of every local councillor in the UK by referring to council websites. We sought to sample our interviewees to reflect a range of non-white backgrounds and political experience as well as gender balance. Interviewees were asked about how they became involved in local politics, their views on the extent of demand for greater diversity in local government and their experiences of running for selection and election for local government as well as serving as a local councillor. The collection consists of interview transcripts with 95 ethnic minority local councillors, candidates and activists, or white British councillors in local government leadership positions.

This dataset represents ethnic group (19 tick-box level) by highest level qualification, for England and Wales combined. The data are also broken down by age and by sex.

The ethnic group that the person completing the census feels they belong to. This could be based on their culture, family background, identity, or physical appearance. Respondents could choose one out of 19 tick-box response categories, including write-in response options.

Total counts for some population groups may not match between published tables. This is to protect the confidentiality of individuals' data. Population counts have been rounded to the nearest 5 and any counts below 10 are suppressed, this is signified by a 'c' in the data tables.

"Asian Welsh" and "Black Welsh" ethnic groups were included on the census questionnaire in Wales only, these categories were new for 2021.

This dataset provides Census 2021 estimates that classify usual residents in England and Wales by ethnic group. The estimates are as at Census Day, 21 March 2021. This dataset shows population counts for usual residents aged 16+ Some people aged 16 years old will not have completed key stage 4 yet on census day, and so did not have the opportunity to record any qualifications on the census.

These estimates are not comparable to Department of Education figures on highest level of attainment because they include qualifications obtained outside England and Wales.

For quality information in general, please read more from here.

Ethnic Group (19 tick-box level)

These are the 19 ethnic group used in this dataset:

• Asian, Asian British or Asian Welsh
  • Bangladeshi
  • Chinese
  • Indian
  • Pakistani
  • Other Asian
• Black, Black British, Black Welsh, Caribbean or African
  • African
  • Caribbean
  • Other Black
• Mixed or Multiple ethnic groups
  • White and Asian
  • White and Black African
  • White and Black Caribbean
  • Other Mixed or Multiple ethnic groups
• White
  • English, Welsh, Scottish, Northern Irish or British
  • Gypsy or Irish Traveller
  • Irish
  • Roma
  • Other White
• Other ethnic group
  • Arab
  • Any other ethnic group

No qualifications

No qualifications

Level 1

Level 1 and entry level qualifications: 1 to 4 GCSEs grade A* to C , Any GCSEs at other grades, O levels or CSEs (any grades), 1 AS level, NVQ level 1, Foundation GNVQ, Basic or Essential Skills

Level 2

5 or more GCSEs (A* to C or 9 to 4), O levels (passes), CSEs (grade 1), School Certification, 1 A level, 2 to 3 AS levels, VCEs, Intermediate or Higher Diploma, Welsh Baccalaureate Intermediate Diploma, NVQ level 2, Intermediate GNVQ, City and Guilds Craft, BTEC First or General Diploma, RSA Diploma

Apprenticeship

Apprenticeship

Level 3

2 or more A levels or VCEs, 4 or more AS levels, Higher School Certificate, Progression or Advanced Diploma, Welsh Baccalaureate Advance Diploma, NVQ level 3; Advanced GNVQ, City and Guilds Advanced Craft, ONC, OND, BTEC National, RSA Advanced Diploma

Level 4 +

Degree (BA, BSc), higher degree (MA, PhD, PGCE), NVQ level 4 to 5, HNC, HND, RSA Higher Diploma, BTEC Higher level, professional qualifications (for example, teaching, nursing, accountancy)

Other

Vocational or work-related qualifications, other qualifications achieved in England or Wales, qualifications achieved outside England or Wales (equivalent not stated or unknown)

This dataset contains two distinct sets of data. One shows School Pupils Black and Minority Ethnicity (BME), and the other one shows School Pupils with English as an Additional Language (EAL). Both show the Number and Percentage of current and main pupils on the roll of Schools in Lincolnshire at a given point in the year, and include Gender breakouts. Pupils are allocated to geographical areas (such as Wards and NHS Clinical Commissioning Groups) based on home address. BME includes pupils not either White British, White English, White Welsh, White Scottish or White Cornish. EAL refers to pupils for whom first language has been specified and is other than English. (Pupils where language information has not been provided are not counted as EAL, eg. where parents have exercised their right to refuse to provide the information). Figures shown in the data as ‘Out of County’ represent pupils not resident within the Lincolnshire administrative boundary. Those are included in the Lincolnshire total. Data is suppressed where appropriate 5 persons and below (which may be shown as zero or by missing data). That and any unmatched postcodes may mean numbers for small areas might not add up exactly to figures shown for larger areas. Data is from the Schools Census and shows a snapshot in January. It is updated annually. Data source: Lincolnshire County Council Childrens Services. For any enquiries about this publication contact SchoolCensus@lincolnshire.gov.uk .

In 2020/21 there were approximately 696,000 Polish nationals living in the United Kingdom, the highest non-British population at this time. Indian and Irish were the joint second-largest nationalities at approximately 370,000 people.

In the 3 years to March 2021, white British families were the most likely to receive a type of state support.

The 705 respondents to the Ethnic Minority Survey are a subset of the BRITISH GENERAL ELECTION CROSS-SECTION SURVEY, 1997 (ICPSR 2615) with an ethnic boost generated by a random screening survey. Eligible ethnic minority respondents for this survey were those who considered themselves to be Black, Indian, Pakistani, or Bangladeshi. The aims of this survey were (1) to measure the extent to which ethnic minority voters are integrated into the electoral process, (2) to evaluate, after taking into account social background, whether members of the main ethnic minorities vote differently from each other and from their white counterparts, (3) to examine whether the political attitudes of ethnic minority voters differ significantly from those of white voters, and (4) to explore whether members of ethnic minorities are influenced by different considerations than their white counterparts in deciding how to vote, and to evaluate in particular the importance of issues of race and immigration in voting behavior of ethnic minority and white voters. Fieldwork was conducted between May 1, 1997, the day of the 1997 British general election, and August 1997. Respondents were asked for their opinions on the existence of prejudice against them, recent improvements in Britain for minorities, the role of the government in improving conditions for minorities, the effectiveness of laws against racial discrimination and racial violence, school programs tailored for minority students, Britain's blasphemy law, state funding of religious schools, the stances of British political parties toward minorities, and the presence of minority figures in British politics. Additionally, topics covered in the Cross-Section Survey include the 1997 election campaign, participation in 1997 local elections, political knowledge, trust in government, images of British leadership, and views on British political parties, the European Union, Northern Ireland, nuclear weapons, unemployment, inflation, nationalization and privatization of companies, redistribution of income, women's rights, the role of government in social policy, abortion, ethnic minorities, the British economy, and the future of governmental institutions such as the House of Lords. Background information on respondents includes age, sex, race, ethnicity, political party, political orientation, marital status, number of members in household, social class, employment history, health insurance status, citizenship, country of birth, voter registration and participation history, household income, education, religion, parents' employment history, parents' voting behavior, spouse's employment history, and union membership.

This project is the first census of all local councillors in all four constitutive nations of the UK, conducted in 2018 and 2019. The local level, so important to our democracy, is too often ignored, and political representation is predominantly studied at the national level. The particular importance of local level to ethnic representation cannot be overstated as it is often the first step in politics and political careers for many minority politicians, and a first line of contact for minority individuals and communities in need of help. This project seeks to fill this research gap and to put local representation at the heart of studying how ethnic minorities are politically represented in Britain. Our research design was developed to study the experiences of ethnic minority local councillors from visibly racialised backgrounds of both genders, to further our understandings of the mechanisms that underpin representational inequalities. We collected the ethnicity, gender and political party of every local councillor in the UK by referring to council websites. We sought to sample our interviewees to reflect a range of non-white backgrounds and political experience as well as gender balance. Interviewees were asked about how they became involved in local politics, their views on the extent of demand for greater diversity in local government and their experiences of running for selection and election for local government as well as serving as a local councillor. The collection consists of interview transcripts with 95 ethnic minority local councillors, candidates and activists, or white British councillors in local government leadership positions.Understandings of ethnic inequalities in the UK have developed substantially as a result of the work of The Centre on Dynamics of Ethnicity (CoDE). CoDE has successfully carried out an innovative programme of research, pursued challenging scientific objectives, and worked closely with a range of non-academic partners to impact on policy debates and development. In a rapidly evolving political and policy context, we propose a further, ambitious programme of work that takes us in new directions with a distinct focus. We will move beyond nuanced description to understanding processes and causes of ethnic inequalities, and build directly on our established experience in interdisciplinary and mixed methods working. In addition, we will use a co-production approach, working with a range of partners, including key public institutions such as the BBC, universities, political parties, ethnic minority NGOs, activists, and individuals, in order to frame and carry out our research in ways that will maximise our societal impact and lead to meaningful change. Our overarching objectives are to: -Understand how ethnic inequalities develop in a range of interconnected domains -Examine how these processes relate to and are shaped by other social categories, such as gender, class, religion and generation -Understand how ethnic inequalities take shape, and are embedded, in institutional spaces and practices -Work closely with policy and practice partners to meaningfully address enduring ethnic inequalities -Pursue methodological developments with interdisciplinary mixed methods and co-production at their core -Achieve ongoing high quality international academic impact Through a research plan divided into four work packages, we will examine ethnic inequalities in (1) higher education, (2) cultural production and consumption, (3) politics, representation and political parties and (4) pursue policy and institutional impact with our work in these areas. Alongside this, we are also conducting a programme of work on severe mental illness. These work packages will be organised around our ambition to understand, explain and impact on ethnic inequalities through a focus on institutional production of and responses to ethnic inequalities. At the core of our methodological approach is interdisciplinary and mixed methods working. Our quantitative work will be predominantly secondary data analysis, making the best use of the wide range of resources in the UK (e.g. Understanding Society, Destination of Leavers of Higher Education Survey, British Election Study, ONS Longitudinal Studies). Our qualitative work will be based around ethnographic approaches that are attentive to the ways in which social processes play out differently in different sites and institutions. We are informed especially by the approach of institutional ethnography which prioritises an attention to the lived, everyday experience of inequality, but aims to clarify the wider social relations in which such experiences are embedded and by which they are shaped. Thus institutional ethnographies will be developed which begin with exploring the experience of those directly involved in institutional settings as a route to understanding how structures and practices of institutions shape individuals' experiences and practices. Throughout our work we will integrate and mobilise research evidence to engage with a full range of partners in order to influence policy and practice development, public understanding and institutional practice. As well as having academic impact (journal articles, conferences, seminars, newsletters), our findings will be communicated directly to policy and advocacy organisations through a combination of well developed (blogs, Twitter, policy briefings) and emerging (podcasts and live streaming, museum and art exhibitions, online portal for individual narratives) forms of dissemination, and we will work directly with these organisations to achieve change. We hand coded all councillors’ ethnicity based on pictures included on the relevant council website, in cases where we lacked pictures or pictures were not definitive, we performed an online search of local media and councillors’ own professional websites. Finally, we used OriginsInfo software to auto-code the names of all councillors who we hand coded as ethnic minority, or unknown. OriginsInfo operates a proprietary algorithm to compare personal and family names with the ethnic, religious and cultural origin of 5,000,000 names from around the world. OriginsInfo matches forenames and surnames against a stored database of names and classifies them according to their most likely cultural origins by linguistic and religious affiliations. We used semi-structured interviews in order to gain insight into the ways in which ethnic minority councillors make sense of their social locations in their political environments, routes to office including selection and election processes, their experiences of serving on local councils and engaging with the constituents they represent. We sought to sample our interviewees to reflect a range of ethnic non-white backgrounds and political experience as well as gender balance. We conducted 94 semi-structured interviews, the majority of which were with British ethnic minority local councillors in England. Five of our female interviewees were of ethnic minority background who had been candidates for local council or parliament, rather than councillors. We also interviewed two local women activists of minority background working on political representation of women of colour.

A socio-demographic study exploring the UK publishing industry revealed that *** percent of the publishing workforce in 2020 were Asian or Asian British, and ***** percent were Black or Black British. Whilst representation of ethnic minorities in publishing has very marginally increased since 2018, white people still make up the vast majority of employees in the industry.

This statistic shows the distribution of ethnic groups of Inner London, United Kingdom (UK) at the time of the 2011 National Census. 'White' is the largest group, at 57.2 percent of the population, followed by 'Black / African / Caribbean / Black British,' and Asian / Asian British.'

Students from the Chinese ethnic group had the highest entry rate into higher education in every year from 2006 to 2024.

Ethnicity pay gap estimates for 2018 across different ethnicity breakdowns using the Annual Population Survey.

Middlesbrough’s current population was estimated to be 140,398 in 2016 by the Office of National Statistics (Mid-year population estimates 2016). With a total area of 5,387 hectares, Middlesbrough is the smallest and second most densely-populated local authority area in the north east. Significant changes in the population demographics of Middlesbrough since the 2001 Census highlight an increasingly diverse and ageing population in the town.Age[1]Middlesbrough has a younger population than both the national and regional averages, however there has been significant growth in the ageing population since Census 2001.20.58% of Middlesbrough’s resident population are Children and Young People aged 0 to 15 years. This is higher than the England rate of 19.05% and the north east rate of 17.74%.63.56% are ‘working age’ between 16 and 64 years. This is higher than both the England rate of 63.07% and the north east rate of 63.01%.15.90% are ‘older people’ aged over 65 years. This is lower than both the England rate of 17.88% and the north east rate of 19.25%.Gender [2]50.85% of Middlesbrough’s population were estimated to be female. This is in line with both the England rate of 50.60% and the north east rate of 50.92%49.15% of Middlesbrough’s population were estimated to be male. This is in line with the England rate of 49.40% and the north east rate of 49.08%.Women in Middlesbrough live longer than men, with 17.62% of women are aged over 65 years. This is lower than both the England rate of 19.75% and the north east rate of 21.43%The gender breakdown of Council employment figures is 70.57% women and 29.42% men. This is not reflective of the wider labour market figures of 47% and 53% respectively[3] though it is broadly comparable with the employment levels in other local authorities.[4]Sexual Orientation[5]Office for National Statistics has estimated that 94.6% of Middlesbrough’s population identify as heterosexual or straight, with 1.2% identifying as gay or lesbian, 0.4% identify as bisexual, as a result of the Annual Population Survey 2016. This is higher than the north east region and England.Ethnic Diversity[6]Middlesbrough is the most ethnically diverse local authority area in the Tees Valley, with a British Minority Ethnic population of 11.7% identified at Census 2011, an increase of 86% since 2001 and which is projected to grow further.88.18% of Middlesbrough’s resident population were classed as White (with various sub-groups) this was lower than the north east rate of 93.63% but higher than the England rate of 79.75%. Middlesbrough is the second most ethnically diverse local authority in the north east, behind Newcastle upon Tyne with 81.92% classed as White.7.78% were classed as Asian/Asian British (with sub-groups), this is higher than the north east rate of 2.87% but slightly lower albeit in lien with the England rate of 7.82%. Again, Middlesbrough is only behind Newcastle upon Tyne on this measure (9.67%), however has the highest percentage in the Tees Valley.1.71% of the population were identified as Mixed/Multiple ethnic groups (with sub-groups), this was higher than the north east rate of 0.86% but slower than the national rate of 2.25%. Middlesbrough had the highest percentage of this group in the north east.1.25% of the population were identified as Black/Africa/Caribbean/Black British, this was higher than the north east rate of 0.51% but lower than the England rate of 3.48%. Middlesbrough is only behind Newcastle upon Tyne on this measure (1.84%), however has the highest percentage in the Tees Valley.1.08% of the population were identified as Other Ethnic Group, this was higher than both the England rate of 1.03% and the north east rate of 0.43%. Middlesbrough is only behind Newcastle upon Tyne with 1.46%, however has the highest percentage in the Tees Valley.8.2% of Middlesbrough’s total population were born outside of the UK as at census 2011, this was lower than the England rate of 8.21% but almost double the north east rate of 4.95%. Middlesbrough has the highest percentage of residents born outside of the UK in the Tees Valley, however it is second behind Newcastle upon Tyne in the north east.15.74% of Asylum seekers in the north east were reported to be resident in Middlesbrough in the period October to December 2017 (Q4). Newcastle upon Tyne has the highest rate with 23.66%, followed by Stockton-on-Tees with 19.73%, this places Middlesbrough third in the north east and second in the Tees Valley.ONS reports a rise in the number of Non-British nationals per 1,000 of the resident population, with 51.1 in 2011 and 72.5 in 2015. This is higher than the north east with 27.7 rising to 34.3 and lower than England at 83.5 rising to 93.2Gender Identity[7]The Gender Identity Research & Education Society (GIRES) estimates that about 1% of the British population are gender nonconforming to some degree. The numbers of Trans boys and Trans girls are about equal. The number of people seeking treatment is growing every year.Based on GIRES estimate, around 1,400 members of Middlesbrough’s population could be gender nonconforming, however this is an estimate.Whilst there is a requirement for data on gender identity, there are currently no means for recording it. The Office for National Statistics is currently considering the addition of a question on Gender Identity for the 2021 Census, however at this time it is under consultation as to how it will be added and worded to best suit this group of the population.Religion and Belief71.59% of Middlesbrough’s resident population were identified as having religion in the 2011 census. This is higher than both England with 68.09% and the north east with 70.52%22.25% of the population were identified as having no religion, this was lower than both England with 24.74% and the north east with 23.40%.6.16% of the population did not state their religion, this was lower than England with 7.18%, but higher than the north east with 6.08%.63.23% of the population were identified as Christian, this was higher than England with 59.38% but lower than the north east with 67.52%.7.05% of the population were identified as Muslim, this was higher than both England with 5.02% and the north east with 1.80%. Middlesbrough has the highest Muslim population in the north east and the Tees Valley.The remaining proportion of the population were identified as Buddhist, Hindu, Jewish, Sikh and ‘Other religion’ each accounting for less than 1% of the population. This trend is seen in the England and north east averages.

Approximately one quarter of the UK population have a migration background (first- or second-generation immigrants). Some ethnic minority groups are more likely to be in atypical or flexible employment than the White British majority. In particular during a time of health and economic crisis, such as the COVID–19 pandemic, those ethnic groups were expected to be economically more vulnerable than other groups. This study shows the increased vulnerability of some ethnic minority groups during COVID–19 by looking at their labour market outcomes compared to White British. Specifically, we ask whether it was their disproportionate presence in flexible employment or in shut-down occupations that made some ethnic minority groups vulnerable to adverse labour market outcomes during the COVID–19 recession? Using the COVID–19 recession in the UK as a case study, we employ weighted linear probability models with 2021 data from the Evidence for Equality National Survey (EVENS) to look at changes in economic indicators across ethnic groups and gender. We report heterogeneity in flexible employment rates within the non-White group and between the non-White and the White British group. By using a conditional decomposition method, we aim to show that those ethnic minority groups who were disproportionately on flexible contracts experienced worse economic effects than the White British group. The collection consists of the Stata Do-File which can be used to reproduce the study.Was it their disproportionate presence in flexible employment or in shut-down occupations that made some ethnic minority groups vulnerable to adverse labour market outcomes during the COVID–19 recession? Using the COVID–19 recession in the UK as a case study, we employ weighted linear probability models with 2021 data from the Evidence for Equality National Survey (EVENS) to look at changes in economic indicators across ethnic groups and gender. We report heterogeneity in flexible employment rates within the non-White group and between the non-White and the White British group. By using a conditional decomposition method, we conclude that those ethnic minority groups who were disproportionately on flexible contracts experienced worse economic effects than the White British group. EVENS used web-based interviews and computer-assisted (CATI) telephone interviews. EVENS aimed to better represent ethnic minorities compared to existing data sets regarding the range of represented minority population groups. To cite from the online Abstract of EVENS: "....EVENS survey used an 'open' survey approach, which requires participants to opt-in to the survey instead of probability-based approaches that invite individuals to participate following their identification within a pre-defined sampling frame. This 'open' approach sought to overcome some of the limitations of probability-based methods in order to reach a large number and diverse mix of people from religious and ethnic minorities." (UK Data Service: SN-9116)

The statistic shows the total population in the United Kingdom from 2015 to 2019, with projections up until 2025. The population grew steadily over this period.

Population of the United Kingdom

Despite a fertility rate just below the replacement rate, the United Kingdom’s population has been slowly but steadily growing, increasing by an average of 0.6 percent every year since 2002. The age distribution has remained roughly the same for the past ten years or so, with the share of the population over 65 years old seeing a slight increase as the baby boomer generation enters into that age bracket. That share is likely to continue growing slightly, as the United Kingdom has one of the highest life expectancies in the world.

The population of the island nation is predominantly white Christians, but a steady net influx of immigrants, part of a legacy of the wide-reaching former British Empire, has helped diversify the population. One of the largest ethnic minorities in the United Kingdom is that of residents of an Indian background, born either in the UK, India, or in other parts of the world. India itself is experiencing problems with rapid population growth, causing some of its population to leave the country in order to find employment. The United Kingdom’s relatively lower levels of unemployment and the historical connection between the two countries (which has also resulted in family connections between individuals) are likely reasons that make it a popular destination for Indian emigrants.

With an increasingly diverse, ageing population in Britain, this research seeks to investigate the complexities of retirement behaviour and pensions in relation to ethnicity. The main aims will include: examining the extent and nature of private pension saving among ethnic minorities; identifying differences in post-retirement incomes of various ethnic minority groups; analysing the disparity in terms of the labour market and demographic variables. It will also explore the attitudes and the key strategies used by ethnic minority groups in relation to retirement, and their attitudes to saving. Methodologically, the research project will incorporate a mixed methods approach - major existing datasets such as the Family Resources Survey, English Longitudinal Study of Ageing and Quarterly Labour Force Survey will identify differences in post-retirement incomes between ethnic minority groups. In addition focus groups and interviews will be conducted with individuals from ethnic minority groupings including Indians, Pakistanis, Bangladeshis, Black Africans, Black Caribbeans and a white British control group. By investigating the current attitudes to, and patterns of saving among the ethnic minority working groups and pensioners the research will comment on the adequacy of current pension policy in addressing the needs of this particular sector of society. The research comprised of data from both large datasets such as the FRS and qualitative data derived from 15 focus groups of both male and female participants from ethnic minority backgrounds, aged between 25-75.

In 2024, 90 of the United Kingdom's 650 Members of Parliament were non-white, 66 of which were members of the Labour Party, while 15 were in the Conservative party, and five non-white MPs were members of the Liberal Democrats.