Ukraine UA: Population: Ages 65 and Above: % of Total Population data was reported at 18.560 % in 2023. This records an increase from the previous number of 17.860 % for 2022. Ukraine UA: Population: Ages 65 and Above: % of Total Population data is updated yearly, averaging 14.695 % from Dec 1990 (Median) to 2023, with 34 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 18.560 % in 2023 and a record low of 12.040 % in 1990. Ukraine UA: Population: Ages 65 and Above: % of Total Population data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. The data is categorized under Global Database’s Ukraine – Table UA.OECD.GGI: Social: Demography: Non OECD Member: Annual.

Percentage of individuals in multi-ethnic households, Ukrainian mono-ethnic households and Russian mono-ethnic households by region. Data from the 2001 Census.

See link to related inforgraphic below.

2001 census results are only available in Ukrainian: У збірнику "Домогосподарства України. Домогосподарства за розміром та характеристикою членів домогосподарств " наведено дані щодо розміру індивідуальних домогосподарств та характеристики членів домогосподарств в Україні, Автономній Республіці Крим, областях, м. Києві та Севастопольській міськраді.

"Opinions and Views of the Population of Ukraine" is a regular omnibus survey, conducted by Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) among Ukraine's adult population and covering a wide range of topics. The data presented here is a subset of the survey conducted in September-October 2024 and include KIIS's own research questions. Topics covered by the survey include: readiness for concessions for peace, and acceptability of hypothetical territorial concessions to Russia; views on Western support for Ukraine in the context of the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war; perception of Russia's resilience and how long Ukrainians are ready to bear the burden of war; attitudes toward Russia and Russian citizens; trust in President Volodymyr Zelenskyy; perceptions of recent anti-corruption efforts in Ukraine; evaluation of national identity based on ethnic origin, language, and geographic location; social acceptance of various groups in different societal roles (refugees, internally displaced persons, residents of occupied territories, Russian-speaking Ukrainians, and citizens of Ukraine who identify as ethnically Russian). Data collection took place from September 20 to October 03, 2024. Some of the survey questions were asked to all respondents (n=2,004), while others were directed to a sub-sample of 989 respondents. The data is available in an SAV format (Ukrainian, English) and a converted CSV format (with a codebook). The Data Documentation (pdf file) also includes a short overview and discussion of survey results as well as the relevant parts of the original questionnaire.

When their country is at war, individuals express support for their government and hostility toward the foreign adversary, leading to the “rally ′round the flag” effect. What is less understood is how, during a rally, ethnic identity and proximity to conflict relate to attitudes toward the home state and the adversary. Moreover, individuals may feel pressure to answer patriotically when asked about the conflict, particularly individuals who share an ethnic identity with the majority population of the foreign adversary, leading to biased measures of opinion. We study these dynamics in the context of Ukraine's ongoing war with Russia, comparing responses from self-identified ethnic Ukrainians and Russians in four cities in Ukraine. Using a lab-based implicit association test (IAT) and survey with 600 respondents, we examine whether respondents’ implicit biases, reflexive preferences that are hard to manipulate, match their explicitly stated preferences for either Ukraine or Russia. We find that, on average, ethnic Ukrainians and Russians in Ukraine are explicitly and implicitly pro-Ukraine, although we observe slightly lower levels of pro-Ukraine bias among ethnic Russians. We also find that 70 percent of those who are implicitly pro-Russia are explicitly neutral or pro-Ukraine, highlighting the need to study implicit associations in sensitive settings.

This dataset provides information on demographic variables related to population and employment as well as land use/land cover share on the basis of local administrative units (LAU). Within the BIOPLAT-EU project, this information is integrated into the webGIS sustainability assessment tool. Main source of the administrative unit geometries is the spatial data set of local administrative units (LAU) (2016) provided by the European Commission (https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/web/gisco/geodata/reference-data/administrative-units-statistical-units/lau#lau19). The data set was extended by Level 2 administrative boundaries of Albania (https://data.humdata.org/dataset/albania-administrative-level-0-3-boundaries) and Level 3 administrative boundaries of Ukraine as of 2017 (https://data.humdata.org/m/dataset/ukraine-administrative-boundaries-as-of-q2-2017?force_layout=light) Data on demography (2016) for LAU + Albania was acquired using the Eurostat statistical database (https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/web/main/data/database). To calculate land use share for LAU and Albania, Corine Land cover (CLC) data from 2018 was used (https://land.copernicus.eu/pan-european/corine-land-cover). CLC classes were summarized into the following classes: urban areas (UrAr), forest (Fo), permanent crops (PeCr), annual crops (AnCr), permanent meadows and pastures (PeMaPa), industrial sites (InSi), water and wetlands (We), others (Ot). For Ukraine data on demography provided by the State Statistics Survey of Ukraine (http://www.ukrstat.gov.ua/) . To calculate land use share per administrative unit, the land use map produced by Myroniuk et al. 2020 (https://doi.org/10.3390/rs12010187) was used. Based to this map shares of the following land use classes are calculated: urban areas (UrAr), forest (Fo), annual and permanent cropland (AnPeCr), grassland (Gra), water and wetlands (We), others (Ot). Terms of use: These data are provided "as is". The authors make no warranty, representation, or guaranty of any type as to the completeness, accuracy, content or fitness for any particular purpose or use of any open data set made available here, nor shall any warranties be implied with respect to the data provided.

The number of births by mothers with Ukrainian citizenship permanently living in Poland increased almost twentyfold in the observed period, amounting to nearly ****** live births in 2024.

This graph shows the total population of the Russian Partition, sometimes known as Russian Poland, between the years 1815 and 1897. In the late eighteenth century the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth entered a period of political, military and economic decline and was its territories were then split between Austria, Prussia and Russia, and there was no official Polish state until 1918. The Russian Partition covered some of modern-day Poland, as well as much of Ukraine, Belarus, Lithuania and Latvia, and the number of ethnic Poles in these regions was much higher than it is today.

From the graph we can see that the population of this area was 2.6 million people in 1815, and it grew to be just under 9.5 million before the turn of the next century. This proved to be a tumultuous period in the region's history, including some rebellions and uprisings, and harsh Russification policies that made life difficult for the natives. Despite this turmoil, it is difficult to assess its impact on the local populations. We can see that growth in the 1850s and 1860s was stagnant and the population even dropped during this time, although there is no clear explanation for this today. Poland eventually became an independent state again in 1918 after the First World War, although the period after this would prove to be the most devastating in Poland's history.

The largest number of immigrants in Germany were from Ukraine, as of 2024. The top three origin countries were rounded up by Romania and Turkey. Immigrants are defined as having left a country, which may be their home country, to permanently reside in another. Upon arriving, immigrants do not hold the citizenship of the country they move to. Immigration in the EU All three aforementioned countries are members of the European Union, which means their citizens have freedom of movement between EU member states. In practice, this means that citizens of any EU member country may relocate between them to live and work there. Unrestricted by visas or residence permits, the search for university courses, jobs, retirement options, and places to live seems to be defined by an enormous amount of choice. However, even in this freedom of movement scheme, immigration may be hampered by bureaucratic hurdles or financial challenges. Prosperity with a question mark While Germany continues to be an attractive destination for foreigners both in and outside the European Union, as well as asylum applicants, it remains to be seen how current events might influence these patterns, whether the number of immigrants arriving from certain countries will shift. Europe’s largest economy is suffering. Climbing inflation levels in the last few months, as well as remaining difficulties from the ongoing coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic are affecting global economic development. Ultimately, future immigrants may face the fact of moving from one struggling economy to another.