A survey of women who obtained an abortion in the United States between June 2021 and July 2022 found that ** percent were Hispanic, while ** percent were white. This statistic shows the distribution of women in the U.S. who obtained an abortion from June 2021 to July 2022, by race/ethnicity.
In 2023, 80 percent of White American adults surveyed believed that abortion should be legal if the patient's life is endangered. The majority of Americans among all racial groups, supported the legalization of abortion under selected circumstances. On the other hand, no more than one in ten respondents among all racial groups believed that abortion should not be legal in the U.S., regardless of the circumstance.
In a 2024 survey, around 21 percent of Black women in the United States reported having had an abortion. In comparison, only 11 percent of surveyed Asian/Pacific Islander and white women had gotten an abortion after becoming pregnant.
In 2022, around 39 percent of legal abortions reported in the state of Texas were among Hispanics, while Black women accounted for 30 percent and white women 26 percent. Abortion has long been a controversial topic in the United States, with the issue once again becoming a major topic in 2022 when the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, allowing individual states to completely ban abortion if they so choose. Abortion in Texas In 2022, there were around 17,500 legal abortions reported in Texas, the eleventh highest number among all U.S. states. This was a large drop from the year prior, when Texas had the third-highest number of abortions in the United States. Concerning the rate of abortion per 100,000 population, Texas was ranked 42nd, with just 2.8 abortions per 100,000 population. In comparison, in Florida that year there were 20.5 abortions per 100,000 population, the fourth-highest rate among the states. Texas was one of a number of states with a so-called “trigger law”, which, in response to the Supreme Court decision in 2022, automatically banned abortions in all cases except to save the life of the mother. Under the new law, performing an abortion is a felony, punishable by up to life in prison. Public opinion Opinions in the United States on abortion are often divided between those who are “pro-choice” and those who are “pro-life”. Polls have shown that the share of those who identify with each side has fluctuated over the years, but a survey from 2023 found that around 52 percent of adults considered themselves pro-choice, while 44 percent were pro-life. Younger people more often believe abortion should be legal under any circumstance than older people, but only a minority across the age groups believe abortion should be illegal in all circumstances. In fact, despite several states, such as Texas, completely banning abortion, a survey from 2023 found that 55 percent of U.S. adults believed abortion should be permitted either whenever a woman decides to or under given circumstances.
In a 2024 survey, around ** percent of women aged 18 to 49 in the United States reported having heard of medication abortion. Almost three in four white women were familiar with medication abortions, higher than women from any other racial/ethnic background.
https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/38852/termshttps://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/38852/terms
The IPUMS Contextual Determinants of Health (CDOH) data series includes measures of disparities, policies, and counts, by state or county, for historically marginalized populations in the United States including Black, Asian, Hispanic/Latina/o/e/x, and LGBTQ+ persons, and women. The IPUMS CDOH data are made available through ICPSR/DSDR for merging with the National Couples' Health and Time Study (NCHAT), United States, 2020-2021 (ICPSR 38417) by approved restricted data researchers. All other researchers can access the IPUMS CDOH data via the IPUMS CDOH website. Unlike other IPUMS products, the CDOH data are organized into multiple categories related to Race and Ethnicity, Sexual and Gender Minority, Gender, and Politics. The CDOH measures were created from a wide variety of data sources (e.g., IPUMS NHGIS, the Census Bureau, the Bureau of Labor Statistics, the Movement Advancement Project, and Myers Abortion Facility Database). Measures are currently available for states or counties from approximately 2015 to 2020. The Gender measures in this release include state-level abortion access, which reports the proportion of a state's females aged 15-44 who reside in counties with an abortion provider by year and month from 2009-2022. To work with the IPUMS CDOH data, researchers will need to first merge the NCHAT data to DS1 (MATCH ID and State FIPS Data). This merged file can then be linked to the IPUMS CDOH datafile (DS2) using the STATEFIPS variable.
https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/24593/termshttps://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/24593/terms
This poll, fielded December 6-9, 2007, is a part of a continuing series of monthly polls that solicit public opinion on various political and social issues. A national sample of 1,136 adults was surveyed, including an oversample of African Americans, for a total of 205 African Americans respondents. Respondents were asked whether they approved of George W. Bush and the way he was handling the presidency and other issues such as the economy and terrorism, whether they approved of the way Congress was handling its job, and which political party they trusted to handle issues such as the war in Iraq. Opinions were also solicited on the 2008 presidential candidates. Respondents were asked who they would vote for if the 2008 Democratic and Republican primaries were being held that day, what was the single most important issue in their choice for president in the 2008 presidential election, and whether they were more likely to vote for a candidate based on qualities such as religion, race, gender, or political interests. A series of questions asked how closely respondents were following the 2008 presidential race and how likely they were to vote in the 2008 presidential primary in their state, which candidate they thought was most likely to be elected president, and how much candidates' religious beliefs, endorsements, spouses, and professional abilities weighed in deciding who to support for president. Respondents were also asked whether Oprah Winfrey's endorsement of Barack Obama made them more likely to support him. Several questions asked about the war in Iraq, including whether the Iraq War was worth fighting, whether United States military forces should remain in Iraq until civil order is restored there, and whether the war in Iraq has contributed to the long-term security of the United States. Additional topics included abortion, whether the respondents considered themselves feminists, whether respondents had a good, basic understanding of the Mormon religion, respondents' own financial situation, and the state of the national economy. Demographic information includes sex, age, race, education level, household income, religious preference, frequency of religious attendance, marital status, whether respondents own or rent their home, type of residential area (e.g., urban or rural), voter registration status, political party affiliation, political philosophy, and the presence of children under 18 in the household.
As of May 2023, some ** percent of White evangelical Protestant adults were of the opinion that mifepristone in the U.S. should be taken off the market. However, across all races and religious groups, the majority of respondents maintained that access to mifepristone should remain in the U.S. in 2023. More than half of all U.S. abortions are medical abortions performed by combining mifepristone with misoprostol.
https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/38848/termshttps://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/38848/terms
The IPUMS Contextual Determinants of Health (CDOH) data series includes measures of disparities, policies, and counts, by state or county, for historically marginalized populations in the United States including Black, Asian, Hispanic/Latina/o/e/x, and LGBTQ+ persons, and women. The IPUMS CDOH data are made available through ICPSR/DSDR for merging with the National Couples' Health and Time Study (NCHAT), United States, 2020-2021 (ICPSR 38417) by approved restricted data researchers. All other researchers can access the IPUMS CDOH data via the IPUMS CDOH website. Unlike other IPUMS products, the CDOH data are organized into multiple categories related to Race and Ethnicity, Sexual and Gender Minority, Gender, and Politics. The CDOH measures were created from a wide variety of data sources (e.g., IPUMS NHGIS, the Census Bureau, the Bureau of Labor Statistics, the Movement Advancement Project, and Myers Abortion Facility Database). Measures are currently available for states or counties from approximately 2015 to 2020. The Gender measures in this release include the state-level poverty ratio, which compares the proportion of females living in poverty to the proportion of males living in poverty in a given state in a given year. To work with the IPUMS CDOH data, researchers will need to first merge the NCHAT data to DS1 (MATCH ID and State FIPS Data). This merged file can then be linked to the IPUMS CDOH datafile (DS2) using the STATEFIPS variable.
This statistic shows the reported number of abortions among adolescent women aged 15 to 19 years in the U.S. in 2016, by ethnicity. In that year there were 11,033 reported abortions among non-Hispanic white adolescent women.
https://dataverse-staging.rdmc.unc.edu/api/datasets/:persistentId/versions/1.0/customlicense?persistentId=hdl:1902.29/D-17301https://dataverse-staging.rdmc.unc.edu/api/datasets/:persistentId/versions/1.0/customlicense?persistentId=hdl:1902.29/D-17301
This survey focuses on ratings of national and state office holders, the most important problem facing the country and state today, abortion, candidate preference in U.S. Senate race, vote for women candidates, blacks qualified as whites, church attendance, AIDS, and party preference.
In a 2024 survey, around eight percent of women aged 18 to 49 in the United States reported knowing someone, including themselves, who had difficulty getting an abortion since the overturning of Roe v. Wade by the U.S. Supreme Court. Around eleven percent of surveyed Hispanic women said they knew someone who had difficulty getting an abortion, the highest among all racial/ethnic groups.
https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/24589/termshttps://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/24589/terms
This poll, fielded July 18-21, 2007, is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the current presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. This poll included an oversample of African American respondents. Respondents were asked whether they approved of the way George W. Bush was handling the presidency and issues such as ethics in government and whether they approved of the way the Vice President Dick Cheney and the United States Congress were handling their jobs. Views were sought on the Iraq war, including whether it was worth fighting, the current number of United States military forces in Iraq, whether a deadline should be set for the withdrawal of troops, and the current strength of the Al Qaeda terrorist network compared to before September 11, 2001. Respondents were also asked how closely they were following the 2008 presidential race, for whom they would vote if the presidential primary or caucus were being held in their state that day, how satisfied they were with the choice of candidates, their opinions of the candidates, and how comfortable they would be with a president who was African American, Hispanic, Jewish, Mormon, or a woman. Additional topics addressed abortion, the use of surveillance cameras in public places, the use of the internet to obtain information on political candidates, whether the federal government was doing enough to ensure the safety of imported products and food, whether the Federal Food and Drug Administration (FDA) should be allowed to regulate cigarettes, and recent United States Supreme court decisions restricting partial birth abortion and how local school boards use race to assign children to schools. Demographic variables includes sex, age, race, marital status, household income, education level, voter registration status, political party affiliation, political philosophy, type of residential area (e.g., urban or rural), religious preference, and whether respondents and their close personal friends or family members served in the United States military in Iraq since March 2003.
In a 2024 survey, around 41 percent of Asian or Pacific Islander women aged 18 to 49 in the United States reported being very concerned that they or someone close to them would not be able to get an abortion if it was needed to preserve their life or health. In total, more than six in ten women from all racial/ethnic groups were at least somewhat concerned about not being able to get an abortion if it was needed to preserve their life or health.
https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/6143/termshttps://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/6143/terms
This data collection provides information on party activist involvement in the presidential nomination process. Surveys of caucus attendees and convention delegates were initially conducted in 1980 at the state conventions in Arizona, Colorado, Iowa, Maine, Missouri, North Dakota, Oklahoma, South Carolina, Texas, Utah, and Virginia. Delegates from both parties were polled on a variety of issues, including their opinions on candidate qualities, such as record of achievement, moral character, performance on television, knowledge of foreign policy, and most important quality for a candidate. In addition, information was gathered on the party position held by the respondent, degree and type of party participation, opinions on state and national leaders, reasons for being involved in the presidential nomination process, choice for presidential candidate, and membership in other organizations. In 1984, surveys were distributed at the Democratic state conventions in Iowa and Virginia. In 1988, delegates to both the Democratic and Republican state conventions in Iowa and Virginia were polled. Caucus attendees of both parties also completed surveys in 1984 and 1988 in Iowa, Michigan, and Virginia. Other areas of inquiry included attitudes toward the Equal Rights Amendment, abortion, affirmative action, and military spending. Demographic characteristics of respondents, such as religion, ethnicity, education, employment, and income, are provided. In 1992, surveys were distributed to both Democratic and Republican state conventions in Iowa and Virginia. Areas of inquiry included attitudes toward abortion, affirmative action, the federal budget, a national health plan, foreign imports, the environment, United States involvement around the world, congressional term limits, the gasoline tax, homosexuals in the military, taxes, and the death penalty. Respondents were also asked to evaluate each of the candidates on some of these issues. In addition, data were collected regarding party position held by the respondent, degree and type of party participation, opinions on national leaders, nomination choice for presidential candidate, and membership in other organizations. Demographic characteristics of respondents, such as age, sex, religion, income, children, education, race, and military experience, are provided. In 1996, surveys were distributed before the election to both Democratic and Republican state conventions in Iowa and Virginia. Areas of inquiry included involvement in the presidential campaign, voting record, activities performed in 1994 campaigns, party affiliation, and opinions on such issues as abortion, United States involvement around the world, the federal budget, the environment, foreign imports, affirmative action, term limits, a national health plan, control of domestic programs, firearms, and income tax. Respondents were also asked to evaluate candidates on some of these issues. In addition, respondents were asked to rate the job performance of Bill Clinton, the economy, the political philosophy of the candidates, the candidates' performances on TV, and third party candidates. Demographic characteristics of respondents, such as education, age, sex, race, income, and religion, are provided. In 1996, surveys were distributed after the election to both Democratic and Republican state conventions in Iowa and Virginia. Areas of inquiry included voting record in the 1996 election, activities performed in the nomination campaigns for president, money contributed to political organizations, involvement in the 1996 presidential campaign and reasons for involvement, party affiliation, and opinions on such issues as abortion, United States involvement around the world, the federal budget, foreign imports, affirmative action, term limits, a national health plan, control of domestic programs, firearms, and immigration. Respondents were also asked to evaluate candidates on some of these issues. In addition, respondents were asked to give their opinions on the economy, the Reform Party, party positions held, and membership in other organizations. Demographic characteristics of respondents, such as education, age, sex, race, income, and religion, are provided.
https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/4481/termshttps://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/4481/terms
This poll, fielded October 23-27, 1996, is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. Respondents were asked to give their opinions of President Bill Clinton and his handling of the presidency and issues such as foreign policy. Several questions asked how much respondents had been paying attention to the presidential campaign, whether they were likely to vote in the election for president, which candidate they would vote for if the presidential and United States House of Representatives elections were being held that day, whether they had favorable opinions of the candidates and trusted them, and who they expected to win. Respondents were asked to rate the condition of the national economy, whether they thought trade with other countries, such as Mexico and Canada, was good for the United States economy, whether they approved of the way Bill Clinton was handling relations with Cuba, Mexico, and Canada, and the importance of these countries to the United States' interests. Several questions asked for respondents' opinions on welfare, including whether most people on welfare were immigrants or belonged to a specific ethnic group, whether respondents approved of a recent law that changed the welfare system, and whether eligibility for welfare should be limited. A series of questions asked respondents whether trade restrictions were necessary, whether they favored the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), whether it should be expanded to other Latin American countries, and how many foreign products respondents had purchased in the past few years. Respondents were asked for their opinions on immigration to the United States, including the effects of immigration on society, whether immigrants should be eligible for entitlements programs and other benefits, and the country of origin of current legal and illegal immigrants. Information was also collected on whether respondents considered themselves part of the conservative Christian movement, and Hispanic respondents were asked about their country of birth and that of their ancestors. Additional topics included abortion, affirmative action, race and gender discrimination in job hiring practices, the trade embargo against Cuba, and whether the government should be more involved in people's lives and do more to solve national problems. Demographic variables include sex, race, age, household income, education level, political party affiliation, political philosophy, voter participation history and registration status, employment status, military service, whether respondents had any children under the age of 18, household union membership, length of time living at current residence, and type of residential area (e.g., urban or rural).
Exit polls from the 2022 midterm election for the open U.S. Senate seat in Pennsylvania show that voters who think abortion should be legal were more likely to vote for Democratic candidate John Fetterman. ** percent of voters who believe abortion should be legal in all cases voted for John Fetterman in the midterm election.
Fetterman was the winner of the Pennsylvania Senate race - a race that was key in helping Democrats secure a majority in the U.S. Senate.
Maternal mortality rates can vary significantly around the world. For example, in 2022, Estonia had a maternal mortality rate of zero per 100,000 live births, while Mexico reported a rate of 38 deaths per 100,000 live births. However, the regions with the highest number of maternal deaths are Sub-Saharan Africa and Southern Asia, with differences between countries and regions often reflecting inequalities in health care services and access. Most causes of maternal mortality are preventable and treatable with the most common causes including severe bleeding, infections, complications during delivery, high blood pressure during pregnancy, and unsafe abortion. Maternal mortality in the United States In 2022, there were a total of 817 maternal deaths in the United States. Women aged 25 to 39 years accounted for 578 of these deaths, however, rates of maternal mortality are much higher among women aged 40 years and older. In 2022, the rate of maternal mortality among women aged 40 years and older in the U.S. was 87 per 100,000 live births, compared to a rate of 21 among women aged 25 to 39 years. The rate of maternal mortality in the U.S. has risen in recent years among all age groups. Differences in maternal mortality in the U.S. by race/ethnicity Sadly, there are great disparities in maternal mortality in the United States among different races and ethnicities. In 2022, the rate of maternal mortality among non-Hispanic white women was about 19 per 100,000 live births, while non-Hispanic Black women died from maternal causes at a rate of almost 50 per 100,000 live births. Rates of maternal mortality have risen for white and Hispanic women in recent years, but Black women have by far seen the largest increase in maternal mortality. In 2022, around 253 Black women died from maternal causes in the United States.
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A survey of women who obtained an abortion in the United States between June 2021 and July 2022 found that ** percent were Hispanic, while ** percent were white. This statistic shows the distribution of women in the U.S. who obtained an abortion from June 2021 to July 2022, by race/ethnicity.