The number of soldiers killed in Afghanistan in 2021 amounted to 13 from the Western coalition, as of October 2021. Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) is a large military operation, being carried out within the framework of the War on Terror.

Afghanistan War

As mentioned above, Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan, which began in October 7, 2001, caused the deaths of many soldiers during the period from 2001 to 2020. Operation Enduring Freedom is an American term for the Afghanistan War, used by the U.S. government.

Operation Enduring Freedom was a response to the terror attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon on September 11, 2001 and the beginning of the Global War on Terrorism.

Although it has been nearly 20 years since the Americans started the Global War on Terror, there are still many terrorist attacks in Afghanistan. About 1,750 terrorist attacks were counted in the country 2019.

Due to terrorism in Afghanistan, the number of deaths has increased from 1,952 killed people in 2007 up to 5,312 killed people in 2015 by terrorists. In 2019, the number stood at 8,681.

This statistic shows the fatalities of the United States' military in Iraq and Afghanistan as of **************, by state. As of ***************, the United States had lost a total of ***** soldiers in Iraq and Afghanistan, with *** coming from California.

The American Civil War is the conflict with the largest number of American military fatalities in history. In fact, the Civil War's death toll is comparable to all other major wars combined, the deadliest of which were the World Wars, which have a combined death toll of more than 520,000 American fatalities. The ongoing series of conflicts and interventions in the Middle East and North Africa, collectively referred to as the War on Terror in the west, has a combined death toll of more than 7,000 for the U.S. military since 2001. Other records In terms of the number of deaths per day, the American Civil War is still at the top, with an average of 425 deaths per day, while the First and Second World Wars have averages of roughly 100 and 200 fatalities per day respectively. Technically, the costliest battle in U.S. military history was the Battle of Elsenborn Ridge, which was a part of the Battle of the Bulge in the Second World War, and saw upwards of 5,000 deaths over 10 days. However, the Battle of Gettysburg had more military fatalities of American soldiers, with almost 3,200 Union deaths and over 3,900 Confederate deaths, giving a combined total of more than 7,000. The Battle of Antietam is viewed as the bloodiest day in American military history, with over 3,600 combined fatalities and almost 23,000 total casualties on September 17, 1862. Revised Civil War figures For more than a century, the total death toll of the American Civil War was generally accepted to be around 620,000, a number which was first proposed by Union historians William F. Fox and Thomas L. Livermore in 1888. This number was calculated by using enlistment figures, battle reports, and census data, however many prominent historians since then have thought the number should be higher. In 2011, historian J. David Hacker conducted further investigations and claimed that the number was closer to 750,000 (and possibly as high as 850,000). While many Civil War historians agree that this is possible, and even likely, obtaining consistently accurate figures has proven to be impossible until now; both sides were poor at keeping detailed records throughout the war, and much of the Confederacy's records were lost by the war's end. Many Confederate widows also did not register their husbands death with the authorities, as they would have then been ineligible for benefits.

Civilian casualties spiked in 2021 compared to the previous few years. As of June 30, an estimated 5,183 civilians had been killed in Afghanistan in 2021.

Between 2003 and 2024, the annual number of civilian deaths due to the Iraq war has fluctuated significantly. As of July, there were 210 deaths in 2024. Civilian Deaths in the Iraq WarCivilian casualties are the deaths of non-military individuals as a result of military operations. The number of documented civilian deaths in the Iraq war peaked in 2006 at 29,526 casualties. Since then, the number had fallen to 4,162 casualties documented in the year 2011, and the number of casualties has been decreasing again since 2014. Due to the nature of the Iraq war and of war reporting, data cannot be considered exact. Many civilian deaths that occurred during the war in Iraq may remain unaccounted for. The Iraq war was launched in March 2003 upon the invasion of Iraq by U.S. forces. Eight years later, in December 2011, the U.S. formally declared an end to the Iraq war. From the start of the war in 2003 until September 30, 2015, it is estimated that the United States spent a total of over 819 billion US dollars on war costs in Iraq. This number includes funding requested by the President and appropriated by Congress, and accounts for both military and non-military spending. Spending was highest in 2008, that year over 142 billion US dollars were spent in Iraq by the United States government. As of 2022, around 6,561 U.S. active-duty military personnel were deployed in North Africa, the Near East, and South Asia. The number of US American soldiers killed in Iraq peaked in 2007 with just over nine hundred causalities. In the same year, there were over 25,000 civilian deaths in Iraq.

This poll is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. Respondents were asked to give their opinions of President George W. Bush and his handling of the presidency, foreign policy, the economy, and the campaign against terrorism. Respondents were also asked for their views on whether the economy and jobs or terrorism and national security should be a higher priority, how the national economy was doing, and whether Congress was handling its job well. Opinions were elicited on how the United Nations was handling its job, whether the United States had too much, too little, or just the right amount of influence on the U.N., whether the United States should take the leading role in solving international conflicts or crises, whether it was okay to criticize the president's decisions on military issues and proposals on economic or other domestic issues, whether the United States should attack another country before it was attacked, if the United States had the right to attack if it was believed that another country might attack first, and if the United States should attack Iraq before waiting to be attacked or if an attack might occur. Respondents were asked how much they had heard about the possibility of military action against Iraq, whether the Bush administration clearly explained the United States position regarding this possibility, whether the respondent approved of military action against Iraq, whether military action should take place soon or if the United States should wait for the U.N., whether the United States should wait for support of its allies, and whether the United States should follow U.N. recommendations. Respondents were asked if they believed that the U.N. would be able to prevent Saddam Hussein from building or keeping weapons of mass destruction, and if the situation in Iraq would be resolved without fighting. In regard to Congress, respondents were asked whether President Bush should receive Congressional approval before taking military action, when Congress should vote on authorizing military action, and whether Congress had asked too many questions about President Bush's policy toward Iraq. Respondents were asked if the removal of Saddam Hussein from power was worth the potential loss of American lives, whether military action should take place if it meant substantial military casualties, whether respondents would favor military action if the war would last for several months or years, and whether military action in Iraq would increase or decrease the threat of terrorism. Other questions focused on whether respondents believed Iraq currently possessed weapons of mass destruction, whether they believed Iraq would use these weapons against the United States, whether they believed Saddam Hussein and al Qaeda members were responsible for the September 11 attacks, how successful military action in Iraq would be, what the likelihood of another terrorist attack in the next few months was, how confident they were in the ability of the United States to capture or kill Osama bin Laden, and whether the United States could claim victory over terrorism if bin Laden were not captured or killed. Respondents were asked for their opinions on how well the war in Afghanistan was going, whether the United States should concentrate on bin Laden and al Qaeda or on Iraq, whether bin Laden or Saddam Hussein was a greater threat, and what they thought about fighting wars both in Afghanistan and Iraq. Finally, respondents were asked about their political party preference, whether they had investments, whether they had voted and for whom in the presidential election of 2000, and what their political views were. Background information on respondents includes marital status, religious preference, education, age, Hispanic descent,ethnicity, income, and whether or not other phone lines were in the home.

Project Tycho datasets contain case counts for reported disease conditions for countries around the world. The Project Tycho data curation team extracts these case counts from various reputable sources, typically from national or international health authorities, such as the US Centers for Disease Control or the World Health Organization. These original data sources include both open- and restricted-access sources. For restricted-access sources, the Project Tycho team has obtained permission for redistribution from data contributors. All datasets contain case count data that are identical to counts published in the original source and no counts have been modified in any way by the Project Tycho team, except for aggregation of individual case count data into daily counts when that was the best data available for a disease and location. The Project Tycho team has pre-processed datasets by adding new variables, such as standard disease and location identifiers, that improve data interpretability. We also formatted the data into a standard data format. All geographic locations at the country and admin1 level have been represented at the same geographic level as in the data source, provided an ISO code or codes could be identified, unless the data source specifies that the location is listed at an inaccurate geographical level. For more information about decisions made by the curation team, recommended data processing steps, and the data sources used, please see the README that is included in the dataset download ZIP file.

The statistic shows the cost of the war in Iraq and in Afghanistan from 2003 to 2015. In 2013, the costs of the war in Afghanistan amounted to 91.5 billion U.S. dollars. The costs include all of the funding that has been requested by the President and appropriated by Congress for the wars through the end of the current fiscal year on Sept. 30, 2013. These figures include both military and non-military spending, such as reconstruction. Spending includes only incremental costs – those additional funds that are expended due to the war. For example, soldiers' regular pay is not included but combat pay is included. Potential future costs, such as future medical care for soldiers and veterans wounded in the war, are not included. These figures also do not include interest payments on the national debt that will result from higher deficits due to war spending. The war in Afghanistan and Iraq The war in Afghanistan is an ongoing conflict that was initiated when the United States launched Operation Enduring Freedom in October 7, 2001, in order to remove the Taliban regime from power and to dismantle the Islamic terrorist organization Al-Qaeda. The war was a direct consequence of the terrorist attacks that occurred in the United States on September 11, 2001. The United States and its allies quickly captured major cities and towns in the country and drove the Taliban from power. In December 2001, the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) was established by the United Nations Security Council, to oversee security in Afghanistan. In 2003 the NATO assumed leadership of ISAF troops. ISAF forces include troops from 43 different countries. After the killing of Osama bin Laden by U.S. forces, NATO-member countries endorsed an exit strategy for the withdrawal of soldiers from Afghanistan. Up to today, the Afghan war has resulted in more than 10,000 casualties. The Iraq War was an armed conflict between forces from several countries, led by the United States (named “coalition of the willing”), and the Iraqi government. The conflict was initiated on March 20, 2003, when international forces invaded Iraq and officially ended when in December 18, 2011 the U.S. completed its withdrawal of military personnel. The intention of the invasion was to overthrow the existing regime of the Ba’ath party under President Saddam Hussein, establishing democratic elections and forming a new government. The invading forces succeeded, destroying Saddam Hussein’s regime on April 9, 2003. The subsequent emergence of insurgent militancy and display of opposition to invading forces and the newly formed government still continues and causes many fatalities.

This special topic poll was undertaken to assess public opinion on United States military and political action regarding terrorism and terrorist threats six months after September 11, 2001. Respondents were asked to give their opinions of President George W. Bush and his handling of the presidency and the campaign against terrorism. Views were also elicited on the military action in Afghanistan, the likelihood and necessity of capturing Al Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden, foreign diplomacy, the possibility of broader anti-terrorist military action, and the effects of September 11th. A series of questions asked whether those queried supported military action in Afghanistan, whether they thought the military action was going well, whether the campaign would become more or less difficult, whether United States involvement would at some point become comparable to its involvement in the Vietnam War, and whether the United States was doing enough to avoid United States military casualties. In regards to bin Laden and the Al Qaeda network, respondents were asked how confident they were that bin Laden would be captured or killed, whether the success of the war on terrorism depended on bin Laden's being captured or killed, how effectively the United States had limited bin Laden's ability to maintain the Al Qaeda network, whether large numbers of United States military casualties should be risked to capture or kill bin Laden, and whether the United States should focus specifically on capturing/killing bin Laden, neutralizing the Al Qaeda network, neither of the two, or both actions. Another series of questions focused on United States diplomatic relationships and the possibility of expanding the current military campaign to other countries. Respondents were asked if the United States was effectively winning support from its allies in the war on terrorism, if the United States was effectively winning support from Muslims in general in the war against terrorism, if American troops should be sent to countries such as the Philippines and Yemen, and if American military action should be taken against Iraq in order to depose Saddam Hussein. If respondents supported action against Iraq to remove Saddam Hussein, they were asked whether allied opposition to such action would affect their support. With respect to future terrorist attacks, respondents were queried as to how much confidence they had in the United States government to prevent such attacks, how concerned they were about more terrorist attacks, and whether the United States was doing all it could to prevent terrorism. The final section focused on changes brought about by the events of September 11th and included questions on whether respondents felt those events had changed the United States in a lasting way, and if so whether this change was for the better or worse, whether respondents' personal lives had been changed, and if so whether their day-to-day lives or their feelings about things were more prominently affected. The last question asked about the respondent's pride in being an American. Background information on respondents includes age, gender, political party, education, Hispanic origin, whether they were currently displaying an American flag in their homes or on their cars, and if so, whether they began doing so after September 11, 2002, or had already been displaying the flag beforehand.

This poll is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. Respondents were asked to give their opinions of President George W. Bush and his handling of the presidency, foreign policy, the economy, and the campaign against terrorism. Views were elicited on the trustworthiness of the government and why respondents felt that way, whether the Bush administration had a clear plan for handling terrorism, whether the United States should attack another country (including Iraq) before it was attacked, whether the United States should attack another country (including Iraq) if the United States believed that it posed a nuclear threat, level of confidence in the United States government to protect its citizens from terrorist attacks, the likelihood of another terrorist attack in the next few months, and personal concern about local acts of terrorism. Respondents were also asked about their level of confidence in the ability of the United States to capture or kill Osama bin Laden, whether the United States could claim victory over terrorism if bin Laden was not captured or killed, and whether they believed bin Laden was still alive. Additional questions sought respondents' views on how well the war on terrorism was going, and how much progress the Bush administration had made in closing terrorist training camps in Afghanistan, in eliminating threats from terrorists from other countries, placing a stable government in Afghanistan, improving the image of the United States in the Arab world, developing a comprehensive plan for protecting the United States from terrorism, and improving air travel safety. Respondents were asked how concerned they were with losing civil liberties and if they agreed or disagreed that Americans would always have to live with terrorism. Regarding the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, respondents were asked how much they blamed the CIA, the FBI, United States policies in the Middle East, and security at United States airports. Respondents were asked how safe Americans felt from terrorist attacks, how safe they felt personally, how often they thought about and talked about September 11, whether the United States has done all it could to make the country safe, and whether the United States was prepared for biological and chemical attacks. With regard to Iraq, respond ents were asked whether the Bush administration had clearly explained the possible attack on Iraq, whether they approved or disapproved of the United States taking military action, whether the United States should attack soon or give the United Nations more time, whether President Bush should receive Congressional approval before taking military action, whether they thought military action would take place, whether the removal of Saddam Hussein from power was worth the potential loss of American lives, whether military action should take place if it meant substantial military casualties or Iraqi civilian casualties, and whether respondents would favor military action if the war lasted for several months or years. Respondents were queried as to whether they believed that Iraq possessed weapons of mass destruction, and that Iraq was planning to use these weapons against the United States. In regard to the September 11 terrorist attacks, respondents were asked how afraid they were of flying, whether they had flown on a commercial airline since the attacks, how likely it was that Arab Americans, Muslims, and Middle Eastern immigrants would be singled out unfairly, whether Arab Americans were more sympathetic to terrorists than other Americans, whether respondents had a good or bad image of New York City, whether they had ever visited the World Trade Center, whether they attended religious services after the attacks and whetherthey continued to do so, how likely they were to watch the news since the attacks, how much time they spent with family, and how their lives and the country had changed as a result of the terrorist attacks. In addition, respondents were asked whether they had trouble sleeping, whether they felt nervous or edgy after the attacks, whether their children expressed concern over their safety and their family's safety, how often the respondents talked to their children about September 11, whether they knew someone who was hurt in the September 11 attacks, whether they knew an Arab American, and whether an immediate family member was currently serving in United States armed forces. Finally, respondents were asked about their political party preference, whether they had financial investments, whether they had voted in the 2000 presidential election and for whom, their political views, marital status, religious preference, education, age, Hispanic descent, ethnicity, income, and whether there were additional phone lines in the home.

The statistic shows the al-Qaeda terrorist attacks by death toll in 1993 and 2010. 3,000 people were killed in the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center in New York and on the Pentagon in Washington on September 11, 2001.

Additional information on Al-Qaeda

Al-Qaeda, founded in Afghanistan in 1988, is a militant Sunni Islamist terrorist organization. The group obtained worldwide attention when it conducted and subsequently claimed responsibility for the attack on the World Trade Centre in New York on September 11, 2001. In response the United States of America under the leadership of George W. Bush launched counter-terrorism efforts as part of the so-called war on terror, including direct efforts against Al-Qaeda in Afghanistan following the country’s invasion by United States and allied forces. In the years between 2000 and 2013 Al-Qaeda was responsible for 1,089 attacks, behind only the Taliban in number of terrorist attacks worldwide, by organization, for that period.

A look at the number of terrorist attacks of major terrorist organizations worldwide from 2000 to 2013, by target group, shows 520 of the 1,089 attacks conducted by Al-Qaeda were targeted at government, police and military targets. The rational for these attacks not only being operational but also the highly symbolic threat to overall safety such attacks demonstrate. While Al-Qaeda did not match the frequency of attacks made by the Taliban in this period they proved to be more harmful in such attacks. The number of deaths and injuries from terrorist attacks worldwide between 2000 and 2013 shows at Al-Qaeda were responsible for 12,185 injuries, over 3000 more than the Taliban.

This statistic shows the total number of wounded U.S. soldiers in Iraq and Afghanistan as of January 28, 2014, by state of residence. The total number of wounded U.S. soldiers stood at ******. Out of those, ***** were from California. The number of fatalities among Western coalition soldiers that were involved in the Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan can be found here. The total number of military personnel in the U.S. Army can be accessed here.

After the Second World War, the deadliest conflict for the British Armed Forces was the Malayan Emergency, which lasted from 1948 to 1960 and resulted in the deaths of 1,442 British soldiers. Over a much longer time period, between 1968 and 2007, there were 1,441 operational deaths for the British Armed Forces in Northern Ireland. The Korean War was a noticeably deadly conflict despite its relatively short duration, and had the third-highest number of fatalities for British troops at 1,129. The wars of decolonization The rapid disintegration of the British Empire after 1945 is the cause of many of the conflicts displayed here. In the aftermath of World War Two, there were 70 modern-day countries in the British Empire, but by 1997, Britain’s colonial Empire had vanished. The Palestinian Emergency, which after 1945 caused 754,000 British casualties, as well as the aforementioned Malayan Emergency are just some examples of Britain’s disorderly withdrawal from regions it once controlled. Although the UK won the Falklands War in 1982, the UK's armed forces suffered 237 operational deaths in the ten-day conflict. Recent conflicts The UK armed forces have been involved in several more recent military conflicts, and the deadliest of these was by far the War in Afghanistan, which was responsible for 457 British fatalities. The UK’s involvement in the fight against ISIS in Iraq and Syria is also ongoing, although unlike the Iraq War that took place between 2003 and 2011, where the UK suffered 178 operational deaths, the conflict is fought primarily by the air force. Although no UK soldiers are fighting the War in Ukraine, the UK government has provided extensive equipment and training to the Ukrainian armed forces since 2022, along with several other western nations.  

Since 1970, the 9/11 attack on the World Trade Center in New York and the Pentagon in Washington D.C. is the deadliest terrorist attack worldwide, claiming almost 3,000 lives. Moreover, except for the Musha Church massacre during the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, all of the 10 most lethal terrorist attacks between 1970 and January 2024 happened after 2001. ISIL stood behind four of these.

Afghanistan was the country most ridden by terrorism

In 2022, Afghanistan topped the Global Terrorism Index, which ranks terrorist activity across the world. While the rise and fall of the Islamic State and its caliphate in Syria and Iraq received much attention during the 2010s, there has been increased terrorist activity in other parts of the world in recent years, particularly in some African countries such as Burkina Faso, Somalia, and Mali.

Taliban was the most active terrorist organization

In 2021, Taliban, which mainly operates in Afghanistan, was the most active terrorist organization that year, being responsible for nearly 800 attacks. The attacks resulted in nearly 4,500 fatalities. Taliban regained control of Afghanistan in 2021 after the NATO-mission in the country ended that year.

This statistic shows the 20 countries* with the highest infant mortality rate in 2024. An estimated 101.3 infants per 1,000 live births died in the first year of life in Afghanistan in 2024. Infant and child mortality Infant mortality usually refers to the death of children younger than one year. Child mortality, which is often used synonymously with infant mortality, is the death of children younger than five. Among the main causes are pneumonia, diarrhea – which causes dehydration – and infections in newborns, with malnutrition also posing a severe problem. As can be seen above, most countries with a high infant mortality rate are developing countries or emerging countries, most of which are located in Africa. Good health care and hygiene are crucial in reducing child mortality; among the countries with the lowest infant mortality rate are exclusively developed countries, whose inhabitants usually have access to clean water and comprehensive health care. Access to vaccinations, antibiotics and a balanced nutrition also help reducing child mortality in these regions. In some countries, infants are killed if they turn out to be of a certain gender. India, for example, is known as a country where a lot of girls are aborted or killed right after birth, as they are considered to be too expensive for poorer families, who traditionally have to pay a costly dowry on the girl’s wedding day. Interestingly, the global mortality rate among boys is higher than that for girls, which could be due to the fact that more male infants are actually born than female ones. Other theories include a stronger immune system in girls, or more premature births among boys.

This graph displays female veterans by period of military service in 2009. 6,6 percent of the female veterans served the U.S. army during World War 2. The number of fatalities among Western coalition soldiers that were involved in the Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan can be found here.

Turks and Caicos Islands saw a murder rate of ***** per 100,000 inhabitants, making it the most dangerous country for this kind of crime worldwide as of 2024. Interestingly, El Salvador, which long had the highest global homicide rates, has dropped out of the top 29 after a high number of gang members have been incarcerated. Meanwhile, Colima in Mexico was the most dangerous city for murders. Violent conflicts worldwide Notably, these figures do not include deaths that resulted from war or a violent conflict. While there is a persistent number of conflicts worldwide, resulting casualties are not considered murders. Partially due to this reason, homicide rates in Latin America are higher than those in Afghanistan or Syria. A different definition of murder in these circumstances could change the rate significantly in some countries. Causes of death Also, noteworthy is that murders are usually not random events. In the United States, the circumstances of murders are most commonly arguments, followed by narcotics incidents and robberies. Additionally, murders are not a leading cause of death. Heart diseases, strokes and cancer pose a greater threat to life than violent crime.

This statistic shows the 20 countries * with the lowest infant mortality rate in 2024. An estimated 1.5 out of 1,000 live births died in the first year of life in Slovenia and Singapore in 2024. Infant mortality Infant mortality rates are often used as an indicator of the health and well-being of a nation. Monaco, Iceland, and Japan are among the top three countries with the lowest infant mortality rates with around 2 infant deaths per 1,000 infants within their first year of life. Generally, the countries with the lowest infant mortality also have some of the highest average life expectancy figures. Additionally, the countries with the highest density of physicians and doctors also generally report low infant mortality. Yet, many different factors contribute to differing rates, including the overall income of a country, health spending per capita, a mother’s level of education, environmental conditions, and medical infrastructure, to name a few. This creates a lot of variation concerning the level of childbirth and infant care around the world. The countries with the highest rates of infant mortality include Afghanistan, Mali, and Somalia. These countries experience around 100 infant deaths per 1,000 infants in their first year of life. While the reasons for high rates of infant mortality are numerous, the leading causes of death for children under the year five around the world are Pneumonia, Diarrhea, and Prematurity.