The Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) is a US-registered non-profit whose mission is to provide the highest quality real-time data on political violence and demonstrations globally. The information collected includes the type of event, its date, the location, the actors involved, a brief narrative summary, and any reported fatalities. ACLED users rely on our robust global dataset to support decision-making around policy and programming, accurately analyze political and country risk, support operational security planning, and improve supply chain management.ACLED’s transparent methodology, expert team composed of 250 individuals speaking more than 70 languages, real-time coding system, and weekly update schedule are unrivaled in the field of data collection on conflict and disorder. Global Coverage: We track political violence, demonstrations, and strategic developments around the world, covering more than 240 countries and territories.Published Weekly: Our data are collected in real time and published weekly. It is the only dataset of its kind to provide such a high update frequency, with peer datasets most often updating monthly or yearly.Historical Data: Our dataset contains at least two full years of data for all countries and territories, with more extensive coverage available for multiple regions.Experienced Researchers: Our data are coded by experienced researchers with local, country, and regional expertise and language skills.Thorough Data Collection and Sourcing: Pulling from traditional media, reports, local partner data, and verified new media, ACLED uses a tailor-made sourcing methodology for individual regions/countries.Extensive Review Process: Our data go through an exhaustive multi-stage quality assurance process to ensure their accuracy and reliability. This process includes both manual and automated error checking and contextual review.Clean, Standardized, and Validated: Our data can be easily connected with internal dashboards through our API or downloaded through the Data Export Tool on our website.Resources Available on ESRI’s Living AtlasACLED data are available through the Living Atlas for the most recent 12 month period. The data are mapped to the centroid of first administrative divisions (“admin1”) within countries (e.g., states, districts, provinces) and aggregated by month. Variables in the data include:The number of events per admin1-month, disaggregated by event type (protests, riots, battles, violence against civilians, explosions/remote violence, and strategic developments)A conservative estimate of reported fatalities per admin1-monthThe total number of distinct violent actors active in the corresponding admin1 for each monthThis Living Atlas item is a Web Map, which provides a pre-configured view of ACLED event data in a few layers:ACLED Event Counts layer: events per admin1-month, styled by predominant event type for each location.ACLED Violent Actors layer: the number of distinct violent actors per admin1-month.ACLED Fatality Estimates layer: the estimated number of fatalities from political violence per admin1-month.These layers are based on the ACLED Conflict and Demonstrations Event Data Feature Layer, which has the same data but only a basic default styling that is similar to the Event Counts layer. The Web Map layers are configured with a time-slider component to account for the multiple months of data per admin1 unit. These indicators are also available in the ACLED Conflict and Demonstrations Data Key Indicators Group Layer, which includes the same preconfigured layers but without the time-slider component or background layers.Resources Available on the ACLED WebsiteThe fully disaggregated dataset is available for download on ACLED's website including:Date (day, month, year)Actors, associated actors, and actor typesLocation information (ADMIN1, ADMIN2, ADMIN3, location and geo coordinates)A conservative fatality estimateDisorder type, event types, and sub-event typesTags further categorizing the data A notes column providing a narrative of the event For more information, please see the ACLED Codebook.To explore ACLED’s full dataset, please register on the ACLED Access Portal, following the instructions available in this Access Guide. Upon registration, you’ll receive access to ACLED data on a limited basis. Commercial users have access to 3 free data downloads company-wide with access to up to one year of historical data. Public sector users have access to 6 downloads of up to three years of historical data organization-wide. To explore options for extended access, please reach out to our Access Team (access@acleddata.com).With an ACLED license, users can also leverage ACLED’s interactive Global Dashboard and check in for weekly data updates and analysis tracking key political violence and protest trends around the world. ACLED also has several analytical tools available such as our Early Warning Dashboard, Conflict Alert System (CAST), and Conflict Index Dashboard.

United States US: Political Stability and Absence of Violence/Terrorism: Estimate data was reported at 0.305 NA in 2017. This records a decrease from the previous number of 0.402 NA for 2016. United States US: Political Stability and Absence of Violence/Terrorism: Estimate data is updated yearly, averaging 0.494 NA from Dec 1996 (Median) to 2017, with 19 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 1.085 NA in 2000 and a record low of -0.231 NA in 2004. United States US: Political Stability and Absence of Violence/Terrorism: Estimate data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s United States – Table US.World Bank.WGI: Country Governance Indicators. Political Stability and Absence of Violence/Terrorism measures perceptions of the likelihood of political instability and/or politically-motivated violence, including terrorism. Estimate gives the country's score on the aggregate indicator, in units of a standard normal distribution, i.e. ranging from approximately -2.5 to 2.5.

Political Stability and Absence of Violence/Terrorism: Estimate in United States was reported at 0.02942 in 2023, according to the World Bank collection of development indicators, compiled from officially recognized sources. United States - Political Stability and Absence of Violence/Terrorism: Estimate - actual values, historical data, forecasts and projections were sourced from the World Bank on September of 2025.

While many previous studies on U.S. right-wing violence center on factors such as racial threat and economic anxiety, we draw from comparative politics research linking electoral dynamics to anti-minority violence. Furthermore, we argue that the causes of right-wing terrorism do not solely rest on political, economic, or social changes individually, but on their interaction. Using a geocoded, U.S. county-level analysis of right-wing terrorist incidents from 1970 to 2016, we find no evidence that poorer or more diverse counties are targets of right-wing terrorism. Rather, right-wing violence is more common in areas where “playing the ethnic card” makes strategic sense for elites looking to shift electoral outcomes: counties that are in electorally competitive areas and that are predominantly white.

This study provides an evidence-based understanding on etiological issues related to school shootings and rampage shootings. It created a national, open-source database that includes all publicly known shootings that resulted in at least one injury that occurred on K-12 school grounds between 1990 and 2016. The investigators sought to better understand the nature of the problem and clarify the types of shooting incidents occurring in schools, provide information on the characteristics of school shooters, and compare fatal shooting incidents to events where only injuries resulted to identify intervention points that could be exploited to reduce the harm caused by shootings. To accomplish these objectives, the investigators used quantitative multivariate and qualitative case studies research methods to document where and when school violence occurs, and highlight key incident and perpetrator level characteristics to help law enforcement and school administrators differentiate between the kinds of school shootings that exist, to further policy responses that are appropriate for individuals and communities.

Political Stability and Absence of Violence/Terrorism: Percentile Rank, Lower Bound of 90% Confidence Interval in United States was reported at 35.07 % in 2023, according to the World Bank collection of development indicators, compiled from officially recognized sources. United States - Political Stability and Absence of Violence/Terrorism: Percentile Rank, Lower Bound of 90% Confidence Interval - actual values, historical data, forecasts and projections were sourced from the World Bank on September of 2025.

The data, code, and codebooks are used to replicate the findings presented in the article "Reassessing Support for Political Aggression and Violence in the United States"

These data are part of NACJD's Fast Track Release and are distributed as they were received from the data depositor. The files have been zipped by NACJD for release, but not checked or processed except for the removal of direct identifiers. Users should refer to the accompanying readme file for a brief description of the files available with this collection and consult the investigator(s) if further information is needed. The Empirical Assessment of Domestic Radicalization (EADR) project seeks to provide practitioners, researchers, and the public with an empirical foundation for understanding the radicalization processes of United States-based extremists. Project researchers utilized a mixed-method, nested approach to explore a number of key research questions related to radicalization, including: what are the demographic, background, and radicalization differences between and within the different ideological milieus? are there important contextual, personal, ideological, or experiential differences between radicals who commit violent acts and those who do not? is it possible to identify sufficient pathways to violent extremism? are the causal mechanisms highlighted by extant theories of radicalization supported by empirical evidence? To address these questions, EADR researchers built the largest known database on individual radicalization in the United States: Profiles of Individual Radicalization in the United States (PIRUS). The database includes 147 variables covering demographic, background, group affiliation, and ideological information for a sample of 1,473 violent and non-violent extremists who radicalized in the United States from 1948-2014. The database is not limited to a particular ideological milieu, but instead contains information on individuals who adhere(d) to far right, far left, Islamist, and single-issue ideologies The collection includes 5 SPSS datasets and 2 SPSS syntax files: PIRUS_full_dataset_ICPSR_archive.sav (n=1,473; 113 variables) PIRUS_expected_maximization_version.sav (n=16,203; 27 variables) PIRUS_fixed_value_imputation_version.sav (n=1,473; 27 variables) PIRUS_regression_based_imputation_version.sav (n=16,203; 28 variables) PIRUS_subgroup_mean_substitution_version.sav (n=1,473; 27 variables) quantitative_analysis_syntax.sps variable_prep_syntax.sps

Every time a major violent act takes place in the US, a public debate erupts as to whether it should be considered terrorism. Political scientists have offered a variety of conceptual frameworks, but have neglected to explore how ordinary citizens understand terrorism, despite the central role the public plays in our understanding of the relationship between terrorism and government action in the wake of violence. We synthesize components of both scholarly definitions and public debates to formulate predictions for how various attributes of incidents affect the likelihood they are perceived as terrorism. Using a conjoint experimental design, we show the importance of the extremity and severity of violence, but also the attributed motivation for the incident, and social categorization of the actor. The findings demonstrate how the language used to describe violent incidents, for which the media has considerable latitude, affects the likelihood the public classifies incidents as terrorism.

Replication data for analyses in the main text "Contentious Federalism: Sheriffs, state legislatures, and political violence in the American West."

In response to a growing concern about hate crimes, the United States Congress enacted the Hate Crime Statistics Act of 1990. The Act requires the attorney general to establish guidelines and collect, as part of the Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Program, data "about crimes that manifest evidence of prejudice based on race, religion, sexual orientation, or ethnicity, including where appropriate the crimes of murder and non-negligent manslaughter, forcible rape, aggravated assault, simple assault, intimidation, arson, and destruction, damage or vandalism of property." Hate crime data collection was required by the Act to begin in calendar year 1990 and to continue for four successive years. In September 1994, the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act amended the Hate Crime Statistics Act to add disabilities, both physical and mental, as factors that could be considered a basis for hate crimes. Although the Act originally mandated data collection for five years, the Church Arson Prevention Act of 1996 amended the collection duration "for each calendar year," making hate crime statistics a permanent addition to the UCR program. As with the other UCR data, law enforcement agencies contribute reports either directly or through their state reporting programs. Information contained in the data includes number of victims and offenders involved in each hate crime incident, type of victims, bias motivation, offense type, and location type.

Authoritarian regimes repress to prevent mass resistance to their rule. In doing so, regimes' security forces require information about the dissidents who mobilize such resistance. Political competition, which fuels partisan rivalries, offers one solution to this problem by motivating civilians to provide needed information to security forces. Yet civilians share information about any political opponents, not just dissidents, creating a challenge for regimes that wish to target dissidents. Drawing on novel archival data from the immediate aftermath of the 1973 military coup in Chile, a period with civilian collaboration with repression, this paper presents evidence that close pre-coup political competition is associated with more frequent repression and more targeting of non-dissidents. Using pre-coup democratic elections to measure political competition addresses the challenge of estimating political preferences unaffected by repression. Qualitative evidence and further quantitative tests probe implications of the partisan rivalry mechanism and account for alternative explanations.

Political Stability and Absence of Violence/Terrorism: Percentile Rank in United States was reported at 47.39 % in 2023, according to the World Bank collection of development indicators, compiled from officially recognized sources. United States - Political Stability and Absence of Violence/Terrorism: Percentile Rank - actual values, historical data, forecasts and projections were sourced from the World Bank on September of 2025.

The Politbarometer has been conducted since 1977 on an almost monthly basis by the Research Group for Elections (Forschungsgruppe Wahlen) for the Second German Television (ZDF). Since 1990, this database has also been available for the new German states. The survey focuses on the opinions and attitudes of the voting population in the Federal Republic on current political topics, parties, politicians, and voting behavior. From 1990 to 1995 and from 1999 onward, the Politbarometer surveys were conducted separately in the eastern and western federal states (Politbarometer East and Politbarometer West). The separate monthly surveys of a year are integrated into a cumulative data set that includes all surveys of a year and all variables of the respective year. The Politbarometer short surveys, collected with varying frequency throughout the year, are integrated into the annual cumulation starting from 2003.

In the last decade, political protest events have been rising in Western democracies. At the same time, there has been a steady increase in the diffusion of conspiracy theories in political communication, a phenomenon that has captured the interest of scholars for its growing political relevance. However, while most research focuses on the reasons why citizens believe in conspiracies, studies looking at the political-behavioral implications of such beliefs, in particular their connection to political radicalism, have been more limited. In this paper we investigate the association between people's belief in conspiracies and their propensity to endorse political violence or to legitimate radical political action. Building on pathway theories of radicalization, we argue that conspiracy theories provide narratives that might help people channel their feelings of resentment towards political targets, fueling radical attitudes. We provide some correlational evidence using survey data of US respondents collected on MTurk. We observe attitudes towards political violence using two multi-item batteries, one developed by us. Our results show that people who score higher on a scale of generic conspiracy belief are also more likely to endorse violent political actions.

Using the ACLED database, it's possible to search for various types of events by time and location, including at the country, department, and municipal levels. The types of events recorded include Early Warning alerts, Riots, Armed Clashes between politically organized groups, Explosions/Remote Violence, Protests that are public, and Violence Against Civilians. These categories help track and analyze the dynamics of conflict and political activity across different regions.

For more information contact GIS4Tech: info@gis4tech.com. You can also visit the PREDISAN platform https://predisan.gis4tech.com/ca4 for detailed, accurate information.

This dataset merges data on state fragility, developmental grievances and political violence into an annual country-specific format from 1995 to 2018. It is based on the following existing data sources:

1. Fatalities of political violence: UCDP Georeferenced data. URL: https://ucdp.uu.se/downloads/index.html#ged_global
2. State fragility: State Fragility Index of Systemic Peace 2018. URL: https://www.systemicpeace.org/inscrdata.html
3. Population data: World Bank’s World Development Indicators. URL: https://databank.worldbank.org/reports.aspx?source=2&series=SP.POP.TOTL&country=#
4. Human development: UNDP Human Development Reports (various years). URL: http://hdr.undp.org/en/content/download-data
5. Transparency International: Corruption Perceptions Index. URL: https://www.transparency.org/en/cpi
6. US and other great power interventions: Kivimäki, Timo. Coding of US Presidential Discourse on Protection. University of Bath Research Data Archive, 2019. doi:10.15125/BATH-00535.

The data is produced for an exploration of the associations between several indicators related to developmental grievances, state fragility and conflict. The definitions and operationalisations of the variables of each of the source variable can be found in the above sources, while the methodology of the development of the applied variables can be seen in the do-file of this data. Arguments for each of the applied variables can be found in the associated paper, “The Fragility-Grievances-Conflict Triangle in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA): An Exploration of the Correlative Associations”.

Although restricting formal voting rights—voter suppression—is not uncommon in democracies, its incidence and form vary widely. Intuitively, when competing elites believe that the benefits of reducing voting by opponents outweigh the costs of voter suppression, it is more likely to occur. Internal political and state capacity and external actors, however, influence the form voter suppression takes. When elites competing for office lack the ability to enact laws restricting voting due to limited internal capacity, or external actors are able to limit the ability of governments to use laws to suppress voting, suppression is likely to be ad hoc, decentralized, and potentially violent. As political and state capacity increase and external constraints decrease, voter suppression will shift from decentralized and potentially violent to centralized and mostly non-violent. We illustrate our arguments by analyzing the transition from decentralized, violent voter suppression through the use of lynchings (and associated violence) to the centralized, less violent suppression of black voting in the post-Reconstruction South. We also place the most recent wave of U.S. state voter suppression laws into broader context using our theoretical framework.

Contemporary political ills at the mass behavior level (e.g., out-group aggression, conspiracy theories) are often attributed to increasing polarization and partisan tribalism. We theorize that many such problems are less the product of left-right orientations than an orthogonal “anti-establishment” dimension of opinion dominated by conspiracy, populist, and Manichean orientations. Using two national surveys from 2019 and 2020, we find that this dimension of opinion is correlated with several anti-social psychological traits, the acceptance of political violence, and time spent on extremist social media platforms. It is also related to support for populist candidates, such as Trump and Sanders, and beliefs in misinformation and conspiracy theories. While many inherently view politics as a conflict between left and right, others see it as battle between “the people” and a corrupt establishment. Our findings demonstrate an urgent need to expand the traditional conceptualization of mass opinion beyond familiar left-right identities and affective orientations.

美国 US: Political Stability and Absence of Violence/Terrorism: Estimate在2017达0.305 NA，相较于2016的0.402 NA有所下降。美国 US: Political Stability and Absence of Violence/Terrorism: Estimate数据按每年更新，1996至2017期间平均值为0.494 NA，共19份观测结果。该数据的历史最高值出现于2000，达1.085 NA，而历史最低值则出现于2004，为-0.231 NA。CEIC提供的美国 US: Political Stability and Absence of Violence/Terrorism: Estimate数据处于定期更新的状态，数据来源于World Bank，数据归类于Global Database的美国 – Table US.World Bank.WGI: Country Governance Indicators。