Germany's political landscape has gone through significant changes in the 2020s. Recent polls indicate a tight race between the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and the Alternative for Germany (AfD), with both parties winning approximately 27 percent of votes in a potential election. The Social Democratic Party (SPD) trails in third place at around 14 percent support, marking a substantial shift from previous elections. CDU win the 2025 election The CDU secured 208 seats in the 2025 Federal Election, making it the largest party but falling short of a majority. The AfD finished in second, at 152 seats, creating a complex political landscape. Despite the AfD's significant gains, the CDU ruled out a coalition with the party, turning to the SPD, who won 120 seats, to form a government. The election's outcome reflected growing concerns among voters, in particular regarding the economy and immigration/integration, which have recently emerged as the top issues for voters in Germany. AfD dominant in Eastern Germany The AfD won the highest share of the vote in the five federal states that were formally part of East Germany, with their highest share of the vote being in Saxony. The CDU had the highest vote share in eight states, with the SPD winning in Hamburg and Bremen, and Die Linke in Berlin. In addition, younger voters generally turned their backs on Germany's traditional parties, with only a quarter of 18 to 24-year-olds voting either SPD or CDU. Die Linke were the most popular party among this age group, while AfD won the higher support among the 35 to 44 age group.

Election Data Attribute Field Definitions | Wisconsin Cities, Towns, & Villages Data Attributes Ward Data Overview: January 2025 municipal wards were collected in January 2025 by LTSB through LTSB's GeoData Collector. Current statutes require each county clerk, or board of election commissioners, no later than January 15 and July 15 of each year, to transmit to the LTSB, in an electronic format (approved by LTSB), a report confirming the boundaries of each municipality, ward and supervisory district within the county as of the preceding “snapshot” date of January 1 or July 1 respectively. Population totals for 2025 wards were estimated by aggregating 2020 US Census PL94-171 population data. LTSB has NOT topologically integrated the data. Election Data Overview: The 2024 Wisconsin election data that is included in this file was collected by LTSB from the *Wisconsin Elections Commission (WEC) after the general election. A disaggregation process was performed on this election data based on the municipal ward layer that was available at the time of the election. Disaggregation of Election Data: Election data is first disaggregated from reporting units to wards, and then to census blocks. Next, the election data is aggregated back up to wards, municipalities, and counties. The disaggregation of election data to census blocks is done based on total population. Detailed Methodology:Data is disaggregated first from reporting unit (i.e. multiple wards) to the ward level proportionate to the population of that ward.The data then is distributed down to the block level, again based on total population.When data is disaggregated to block or ward, we restrain vote totals not to exceed population 18 numbers, unless absolutely required.This methodology results in the following: Election data totals reported to the WEC at the state, county, municipal and reporting unit level should match the disaggregated election data total at the same levels. Election data totals reported to the WEC at ward level may not match the ward totals in the disaggregated election data file.Some wards may have more election data allocated than voter age population. This will occur if a change to the geography results in more voters than the 2020 historical population limits.Other things of note… We use a static, official ward layer (in this case created in 2025) to disaggregate election data to blocks. Using this ward layer creates some challenges. New wards are created every year due to annexations and incorporations. When these new wards are reported with election data, an issue arises wherein election data is being reported for wards that do not exist in our official ward layer. For example, if "Cityville" has four wards in the official ward layer, the election data may be reported for five wards, including a new ward from an annexation. There are two different scenarios and courses of action to these issues: When a single new ward is present in the election data but there is no ward geometry present in the official ward layer, the votes attributed to this new ward are distributed to all the other wards in the municipality based on population percentage. Distributing based on population percentage means that the proportion of the population of the municipality will receive that same proportion of votes from the new ward. In the example of Cityville explained above, the fifth ward may have five votes reported, but since there is no corresponding fifth ward in the official layer, these five votes will be assigned to each of the other wards in Cityville according the percentage of population.Another case is when a new ward is reported, but its votes are part of reporting unit. In this case, the votes for the new ward are assigned to the other wards in the reporting unit by population percentage; and not to wards in the municipality as a whole. For example, Cityville’s ward five was given as a reporting unit together with wards 1, 4, and 5. In this case, the votes in ward five are assigned to wards one and four according to population percentage. Outline Ward-by-Ward Election ResultsThe process of collecting election data and disaggregating to municipal wards occurs after a general election, so disaggregation has occurred with different ward layers and different population totals. We have outlined (to the best of our knowledge) what layer and population totals were used to produce these ward-by-ward election results.Election data disaggregates from WEC Reporting Unit -> Ward [Variant year outlined below]Elections 1990 – 2000: Wards 1991 (Census 1990 totals used for disaggregation)Elections 2002 – 2010: Wards 2001 (Census 2000 totals used for disaggregation)Elections 2012: Wards 2011 (Census 2010 totals used for disaggregation)Elections 2014 – 2016: Wards 2018 (Census 2010 totals used for disaggregation)Elections 2018: Wards 2018 (Census 2010 totals used for disaggregation)Elections 2020: Wards 2020 (Census 2020 totals used for disaggregation)Elections 2022: Wards 2022 (Census 2020 totals used for disaggregation)Elections 2024: Wards 2025 (Census 2020 totals used for disaggregation)Blocks -> Centroid geometry and spatially joined with Wards [All Versions]Each Block has an assignment to each of the ward versions outlined above.In the event that a ward exists now in which no block exists due to annexations, a block centroid was created with a population 0, and encoded with the proper Census IDs.Wards [All Versions] disaggregate -> Blocks This yields a block centroid layer that contains all elections from 1990 to 2024.Blocks [with all election data] -> Wards 2025 (then MCD 2025, and County 2025) All election data (including later elections) is aggregated to the Wards 2025 assignment of the blocks.Notes:Population of municipal wards 1991, 2001, 2011, 2020, 2022, and 2025 used for disaggregation were determined by their respective Census.Population and Election data will be contained within a county boundary. This means that even though MCD and ward boundaries vary greatly between versions of the wards, county boundaries have stayed the same, so data should total within a county the same between wards 2011 and wards 2025.Election data may be different for the same legislative district, for the same election, due to changes in the wards from 2011 and 2025. This is due to boundary corrections in the data from 2011 to 2025, and annexations, where a block may have been reassigned.*WEC replaced the previous Government Accountability Board (GAB) in 2016, which replaced the previous State Elections Board in 2008.

As of October 2025, the political party that 18 to 24 year-old's in Great Britain would be most likely to vote for was the Labour Party, at 30 percent, with Labour also the joint-most popular party among those aged 25 to 49 along with Reform UK. Reform was the most popular party for the 50 to 64 age group, with 32 percent of voters saying they would vote for them. For the oldest age group, Reform was also the most popular, with 31 percent of over 65s intending to vote for them. Reform surge in the polls Since winning the last UK general election in July 2024, the ruling Labour Party have steadily become more unpopular among voters. After winning 33.7 percent of the vote in that election, the party was polling at 24 percent in April 2025, only slightly ahead of Reform UK on 23 percent. A right-wing populist party, Reform benefited from the collapse in support for the center-right Conservative Party in the last election, winning several seats at their expense. While the next UK general election is not due to be held until 2029, the government will be keen to address their collapsing approval ratings, in the face of Reform's rising support. Economic headaches for Labour in 2025 Although Labour inherited a growing economy, with falling inflation, and low unemployment from the Conservatives, the overall economic outlook for the UK is still quite gloomy. The country's government debt is around 100 percent of GDP, and without large tax rises and spending cuts, the government hopes to create a stronger, more resilient economy to reduce the deficit. While this is still a possibility, the UK's economic prospects for 2025 were recently slashed, with growth of one percent forecast, down from an earlier prediction of two percent. Although mainly due to external factors such as the threat of increasing tariffs, and general geopolitical instability, the UK's faltering economy will add further problems to the embattled government.

In November 2025, approximately 19 percent of people in the UK would vote for the governing Labour Party in a potential general election, behind Reform UK on 27 percent, with the Conservatives, and the Green Party in joint-third on 16 percent. Since returning to power, support for the Labour Party has fallen considerably, with the government's sinking approval rating approaching the unpopularity of the previous government. Labour's return to power in 2024 On May 22, 2024, Rishi Sunak announced his decision to hold the 2024 general election on July 4. Sunak's surprise announcement came shortly after some positive economic figures were released in the UK, and he may have hoped this would boost his poor job ratings and perhaps also his government's low approval ratings. This was a long-shot, however, and as predicted in the polls, Labour won the 2024 general election by a landslide, winning 412 out of 650 seats. The sting in the tale for the Labour Party was that despite this large majority, they won a relatively low share of the votes and almost immediately saw their popularity fall in the second half of 2024. Sunak's five pledges in 2023 After a tough 2022, in which Britain suffered through its worst cost of living crisis in a generation, the economy was consistently identified as the main issue facing the country, just ahead of healthcare. To respond to these concerns, Rishi Sunak started 2023 with five pledges; halve inflation, grow the economy, reduce national debt, cut NHS waiting times, and stop small boats. By the end of that year, just one pledge can be said to have been fully realized, with CPI inflation falling from 10.1 percent at the start of 2023 to 4 percent by the end of it. There is some ambiguity regarding the success of some of the other pledges. The economy shrank in the last two quarters of 2023 but started to grow again in early 2024. National debt increased slightly, while small boat arrivals declined compared to 2022, but were still higher than in most other years. The pledge to cut NHS waiting times was not fulfilled either, with the number of people awaiting treatment rising in 2023.

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Updates

01-Jun-2025- I will now stop getting tweets, it seems that the number of Election-related tweets have significantly decreased, and what Im currently getting more and more are Pinoy Big Brother related tweets (which is out of the scope of this dataset).

Results

Philippine Midterm Elections 2025 results by ABS-CBN

Context

The 2025 Philippine general election will be held on May 12, 2025. During this midterm election, where the winners take office mid-way the term of President Bongbong Marcos, all 317 seats in the House of Representatives and 12 of the 24 seats in the Senate will be contested to form the 20th Congress of the Philippines. Local elections will also be held for the executive and legislative branches in every province, city, and municipality in the country. The first regular election to the Bangsamoro Parliament will be held within the general election after it was postponed in 2022.

2025 Philippine general election

Twitter Keywords

• Bobotante
• Botante
• Botohan
• Bumoto
• Comelec
• Commission on Elections
• Eleksyon
• Eleksyon2025
• Halalan
• Halalan2025
• Iboto
• Kandidato
• Philippine Elections
• Philippine Politics
• Senado
• Senador

Languages

• English
• Tagalog

Methodology

The pipeline runs every 12am Manila night and only gets new tweets within the past 24 hours, it then repeats this process daily. It is important to note that the values of the fields such as quoteCount, replyCount, and viewCount are only at that point in time and doesnt reflect the whole lifetime of the tweet.

Those tweets that have been fetched very close to 12am midnight will have fewer likes and replies as they have only been "alive" for less time compared to those that have been created much earlier as less people have the opportunity to interact or react.

Important Note

• All tagged usernames (ex: @username) and forms of Ids are obfuscated and replaced with a unique hashid value based on original value retaining data integrity
• Tagged usernames that have been banned, suspended, or deleted from the platform are still obfuscated
• I updated the hashing algorithm as there is an issue that it may generate a value that is more than int64. Now, im just generating IDs up to 15 digits long (from 19)

PBB related tweets that are also using similar hashtags

Apparently, PinoyBigBrother is also using hashtags and terms like "vote" and "botohan" that I also pull whenever my pipeline runs. I wont filter them out as I may inadvertently remove PH Elections-related tweets.

Ill leave it to you to clean these tweets out.

"Well-known authors"

I added a new file to denote users of https://x.com/ that have either characteristic(s) - Blue-certified accounts with at least 10K followers - Non-Blue-certified accounts with at least 50K followers

This is to help map back and include additional context on who these users that are being tagged or are creating the tweets

Source

I signed up for a trial with https://twitterapi.io/ , check it out!

Related Dataset

🇵🇭 Philippine Elections 2025 Voter Turnout

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2025 New York City Mayor | RealClearPolling

2025 New Jersey Governor - Ciattarelli vs. Sherrill | RealClearPolling

2026 Generic Congressional Vote | RealClearPolling

A survey conducted in July 2025 found that the most important issue for ***percent of Americans was inflation and prices. A further ***percent of respondents were most concerned about jobs and the economy.

2025 Virginia Governor - Earle-Sears vs. Spanberger | RealClearPolling

Election Graphics Platforms Market Outlook

According to our latest research, the global Election Graphics Platforms market size reached USD 1.42 billion in 2024, reflecting the growing importance of real-time, visually engaging data presentation in modern electoral processes. The market is projected to expand at a robust CAGR of 11.8% from 2025 to 2033, reaching an estimated USD 3.65 billion by 2033. This growth is primarily driven by the increasing demand for dynamic and interactive visualizations in election coverage, coupled with the rapid adoption of advanced technologies by media organizations and political entities worldwide.

One of the primary growth factors propelling the Election Graphics Platforms market is the rising emphasis on data-driven storytelling during elections. As the complexity of electoral data increases and the need for instant, accurate information dissemination becomes paramount, broadcasters and digital platforms are investing heavily in sophisticated graphics solutions. These platforms enable real-time visualization of polling results, demographic trends, and predictive analytics, enhancing audience engagement and trust. The integration of artificial intelligence and machine learning into election graphics platforms further amplifies their capability to process and display large volumes of data with high accuracy and speed, making them indispensable tools for modern election coverage.

Another significant driver for market expansion is the proliferation of digital media channels and the shift in audience preferences toward interactive content. With the advent of social media and online news platforms, consumers now expect election updates to be delivered not just accurately but also in visually compelling formats. Election graphics platforms are evolving to meet these expectations, offering seamless integration with digital media workflows and enabling the creation of shareable, interactive content. This trend is particularly pronounced among younger demographics, who are more likely to consume election-related information on mobile devices and social platforms, further accelerating the adoption of these technologies across the globe.

Additionally, the global political landscape is witnessing an increase in the frequency and scale of elections, referendums, and political campaigns. This surge in electoral activities, combined with heightened public scrutiny and demand for transparency, has prompted political parties, government agencies, and educational institutions to invest in advanced graphics platforms for both internal analysis and public communication. The ability of these platforms to customize visuals for different audiences, languages, and regional contexts significantly broadens their appeal and applicability, contributing to sustained market growth over the forecast period.

From a regional perspective, North America continues to dominate the Election Graphics Platforms market, accounting for the largest share in 2024 due to its mature media ecosystem and high adoption rate of advanced broadcast technologies. However, Asia Pacific is emerging as the fastest-growing region, fueled by the increasing digitization of media, expanding democratic processes, and rising investments in election technology infrastructure. Europe also remains a key market, characterized by strong regulatory frameworks and a focus on innovation in political communication tools. Latin America and the Middle East & Africa are gradually catching up, driven by political modernization initiatives and the growing influence of digital media in electoral processes.

Component Analysis

The Election Graphics Platforms market is segmented by component into software and services, each playing a vital role in the overall value proposition. The software segment forms the backbone of the market, encompassing a wide array of solutions designed to generate, manage, and display election-related graphics. These software offerings range from standalone applications tailored for specific broadcast environments to comprehensive suites that integrate seamlessly with newsroom management systems, live data feeds, and social media platforms. The increasing demand for real-time data visualization and the ability to customize graphics for different electoral events are driving continuous innovation in this segment. Vendors are focusing on enhancing user interfaces, expanding template libraries, and incorporating advanced analytics to deliver more insightful and visually appealing graphics

According to exit polling in ten key states of the 2024 presidential election in the United States, ** percent of surveyed white voters reported voting for Donald Trump. In contrast, ** percent of Black voters reported voting for Kamala Harris.

According to recent polls regarding voting intention in the UK, 29 percent of men and 24 percent of women intended to vote for Reform UK, compared with 21 percent of men and 19 percent of women who would vote for the Labour Party.

Euroskepticism - the political position which opposes the European Union - has been on the rise across Europe since the turn of the millennium. Nowhere has this been more true than on the populist right of the political spectrum, where a number of parties and movements have capitalized on dissatisfaction with the EU to win votes and, in some cases, to enter into government. Fidesz, the party of current Hungarian prime minister Viktor Orbán, has been the most successful right-wing Euroskeptic party over the past 20 years. In fact, the party has regularly won the legislative elections and has continuously governed the country for the past 15 years. Law and Justice (known as PiS in Polish) of Poland has seen similar success over this period, with the governments led by the party from 2015 to 2023 working in close alliance with Orbán's Hungary to block EU legislation, particularly regarding migration policy. PiS were defeated in the 2023 Polish parliamentary election, with a government being formed instead by former European Council President Donald Tusk. Tusk's coalition confirmed its leadership by winning the 2024 European election; however, the PiS-backed candidate Karol Nawrocki prevailed in the 2025 presidential election, potentially allowing Law and Justice to limit the government's action. The rise of the right in Italy, Sweden, the Netherlands, and France, while Vox declines in Spain Lega and Brothers of Italy have seen their support rise sharply in Italy in the latter half of the 2010s. Lega has intermittently been part of the governing coalition since 2018, and it has been a coalition ally of Brothers of Italy since the 2022 Italian general election. At that election, Brothers of Italy came out as the largest party, with their leader Giorgia Meloni subsequently becoming Prime Minister of Italy. Of the other successful right-wing Euroskeptic parties, the Sweden Democrats, while not an official part of the current government in Sweden, have a confidence and supply agreement with the governing parties. This means that they hold significant influence on the Swedish government. Geert Wilders' PVV (Party for Freedom) in the Netherlands emerged as the largest party in the 2023 Dutch General Election, with ***** percent of the vote, and was able to form a government together with the center-right People's Party. However, PVV withdrew its support for the coalition in June 2025 due to clashes over stricter asylum policies. Therefore, new legislative elections will be held on October 29, 2025. The National Rally party in France has captured increasing shares of the vote in European and French parliamentary elections since 2000, while their candidates for the French presidency have even bettered this, with Marine Le Pen winning **** percent of the vote in the second round in 2022. The Rally confirmed their raising trend in the 2024 European election, when it collected more than ** percent of the votes, forcing president Emmanuel Macron to call a snap legislative election to assess the stability of the presidential majority. Although FN was the most voted party both in the first and second round, it obtained only *** out of the 577 seats of the National Assembly. This was due to a successful electoral alliance between Macron's Ensamble and the left-wing New Popular Front, as many of their candidates stepped down from key three-way races in the second round, allowing electors to vote against FN's candidates. After the formation of a new Macron-backed government, the Rally abstained in the confidence vote. Vox, the largest Euroskeptic party in Spain, has also seen its fortunes rise in the latter half of the 2010s, as the party achieved its best result in the Spanish parliamentary election of November 2019. Since then, Vox slightly lost ground and only achieved **** percent of the vote in the 2023 Spanish election. Germany: the rise of AfD The Alternative for Germany, a party which was founded in 2013 to oppose the Euro currency and the bailouts by EU institutions following the Eurozone debt crisis, has grown into a considerable force in German politics. The party underwent a shift away from its focus on European economic policy and towards a hardline anti-immigration stance following the 2015 Syrian refugee crisis. While the party achieved only ** percent of the vote in the 2021 German parliament election, down from its high of almost ** percent in 2017, the party rose dramatically in opinion polls during 2022 and 2023. As predicted, AfD resulted the ******-largest party in the 2025 German federal election, four points ahead of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) and now constitutes the main opposition party to Friedrich Merz's coalition government between CDU and SPD.

As of June 2025, 56 percent of people in Great Britain thought that it was wrong to leave the European Union, compared with 31 percent who thought it was the right decision. During this time period, the share of people who regret Brexit has been slightly higher than those who support it, except for some polls in Spring 2021, which showed higher levels of support for Brexit. Is Bregret setting in? Since late July 2022, the share of people who regret Brexit in these surveys has consistently been above 50 percent. Additionally, a survey from January 2025 highlighted that most people in the UK thought that Brexit had had a mainly negative impact, especially on the cost of living and the economy. Despite there being a clear majority of voters who now regret Brexit, there is as yet no particular future relationship with the EU that has overwhelming support. As of late 2023, 31 percent of Britons wanted to rejoin the EU, while 30 percent merely wanted to improve trade relations and not rejoin either the EU or the single market. Leave victory in 2016 defied the polls In the actual referendum, which took place on June 23, 2016, Leave won 51.9 percent of the votes and Remain 48.1 percent, after several polls in the run-up to the referendum put Remain slightly ahead. Remain were anticipated to win until early results from North East England suggested that Leave had performed far better than expected, with this pattern replicated throughout the country. This event was repeated somewhat in the U.S. election of that year, which saw Donald Trump win several key swing states such as Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, despite predictions that these states would vote for Hillary Clinton.

According to exit polling in ten key states of the 2024 presidential election in the United States, 46 percent of voters with a 2023 household income of 30,000 U.S. dollars or less reported voting for Donald Trump. In comparison, 51 percent of voters with a total family income of 100,000 to 199,999 U.S. dollars reported voting for Kamala Harris.

According to a July 2025 survey, Donald Trump's favorability among Republicans was strong, with 60 percent viewing him very favorably and 29 percent somewhat favorably. This overwhelming support from his party base contrasts sharply with Democrats, of whom 90 percent viewed Trump very unfavorably. Independents were more divided, with 28 percent expressing some degree of favorability towards the former president. Electoral college victory Trump's popularity among Republicans translated into electoral success in the 2024 presidential election. He secured 312 electoral votes, surpassing the 270 needed to win the presidency. This victory came as Trump won all seven swing states, some by significant margins, despite pre-election polls showing only a slight lead in most battleground states. Increased republican support The 2024 election saw Republicans gain ground across the country. Every state reported an increase in Republican votes compared to 2020, with New York showing the largest gain of 6.43 percent. New Jersey and Florida also saw significant increases of nearly five percent. This surge in Republican support led to Trump flipping six states that he had lost in the previous election, contributing to his decisive victory.

Approximately 21 percent of Irish adults intended to vote for Fianna Fáil according to a survey conducted between November 20 and 23, 2024. This survey was conducted a week before the Irish general election, which saw Fianna Fáil win 48 of the 174 contested seats, just ahead of Sinn Féin on 39, and Fine Gael on 38. With 88 seats needed for a majority, no single party won enough seats to form a government, and coalition talks between Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael were ongoing of January 2025. Election tightens in the final stretch Following the 2020 general election, Ireland has been governed by a coalition government consisting of Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, and the Irish Green Party. Although they won the highest share of the vote, Sinn Féin came behind Fianna Fáil in terms of seats won, and became the main opposition party. After leading the polls between 2021 and 2023, support for Sinn Féin fell throughout most of 2024. Since the election campaign began, however, Sinn Féin has managed to recuperate, while support for Fianna Fáil has remained relatively stable. By contrast, there has been a noticeable dip in support for Fine Gael following a bad election campaign for the party. Top issues heading into the election For several years, Ireland has struggled with an enduring housing crisis, with the issue identified by 64 percent of people as one of the top two issues facing the country. Although inflation and the cost of living was selected by 40 percent of people as a top-two issue, this was down from a high of 65 percent of people in July 2022. More recently, the issues that were getting the attention of voters in the run-up to the election concerned government spending. With the country running a budget surplus, in part due to a windfall of tax revenue from Apple, Ireland has recently been able to avoid tax rises and spending cuts.

The most recent polling data from February 2025 puts the approval rating of the United States Congress at 29 percent, reflecting a significant increase from January. The approval rating remained low throughout the 118th Congress cycle, which began in January 2025. Congressional approval Congressional approval, particularly over the past few years, has not been high. Americans tend to see Congress as a group of ineffectual politicians who are out of touch with their constituents. The 118th Congress began in 2023 with a rocky start. The Democratic Party maintains control of the Senate, but Republicans took back control of the House of Representatives after the 2022 midterm elections. The House caught media attention from its first days with a contentious fight for the position of Speaker of the House. Representative Kevin McCarthy was eventually sworn in as Speaker after a historic fifteen rounds of voting. Despite the current Congress having a historic share of women and being the most diverse Congress in American history, very little has been done to improve the opinion of Americans regarding its central lawmaking body. Ye of little faith However, Americans tend not to have much confidence in many of the institutions in the United States. Additionally, public confidence in the ability of the Republican and Democratic parties to work together has decreased drastically between 2008 and 2022, with nearly 60 percent of Americans having no confidence the parties can govern in a bipartisan way.

In 2024, there were 173.85 million people registered to vote in the United States. This is an increase from the previous election, when 161.42 million people were registered to vote. Voting requirements While voting laws differ from state to state, the basic requirements are the same across the entire country. People are allowed to vote in elections in the United States if they are a U.S. citizen, meet their state’s residency requirements, are at least 18 years old before Election Day, and are registered to vote before the registration deadline. Vote early and often Generally, younger people are not registered to vote at the same rate as older individuals. Additionally, young people tend not to vote as much as older people, particularly in midterm elections. However, in the 2016 presidential election, a significant number of people across all age groups voted in the election, resulting in a high voter turnout.