Since 1964, voter turnout rates in U.S. presidential elections have generally fluctuated across all age groups, falling to a national low in 1996, before rising again in the past two decades. Since 1988, there has been a direct correlation with voter participation and age, as people become more likely to vote as they get older. Participation among eligible voters under the age of 25 is the lowest of all age groups, and in the 1996 and 2000 elections, fewer than one third of eligible voters under the age of 25 participated, compared with more than two thirds of voters over 65 years.

Between 1964 and 2020, turnout among black voters in U.S. presidential elections fluctuated between 48 and 62 percent, with the highest turnouts coming in 2008 and 2012, when Barack Obama (the first African American candidate from a major party) was the Democratic candidate. Voter turnout has always been lowest among those under 25 years of age, although younger black voters did participate in high numbers in the 1960s, during the civil rights movement, and again in 2008, during Obama's first election campaign; young black voters also participated in higher numbers than white voters of the same age between 2000 and 2012.

In 1964, black voters over the age of 65 voted at a similar rate to those in the 18 to 24 bracket, however they have consistently had the highest turnout rates among black voters in recent years, overtaking voters in the 45 to 64 years bracket (whose voting rate has consistently been between 60 and 70 percent) in the 1996 election.

United States presidential elections are quadrennial elections that decide who will be the President and Vice President of the United States for the next four years. Voter turnout has ranged between 54 and 70 percent since 1964, with white voters having the highest voter turnout rate (particularly when those of Hispanic descent are excluded). In recent decades, turnout among black voters has got much closer to the national average, and in 2008 and 2012, the turnout among black voters was higher than the national average, exceeded only by non-Hispanic white voters; this has been attributed to Barack Obama's nomination as the Democratic nominee in these years, where he was the first African American candidate to run as a major party's nominee. Turnout among Asian and Hispanic voters is much lower than the national average, and turnout has even been below half of the national average in some elections. This has been attributed to a variety of factors, such as the absence of voting tradition in some communities or families, the concentration of Asian and Hispanic communities in urban (non-swing) areas, and a disproportionate number of young people (who are less likely to vote).

In U.S. presidential elections since 1964, voters in the 18 to 24 age bracket have traditionally had the lowest turnout rates among all ethnicities. From 1964 until 1996, white voters in this age bracket had the highest turnout rates of the four major ethnic groups in the U.S., particularly those of non-Hispanic origin. However participation was highest among young Black voters in 2008 and 2012, during the elections where Barack Obama, the U.S.' first African-American major party candidate, was nominated. Young Asian American and Hispanic voters generally have the lowest turnout rates, and were frequently below half of the overall 18 to 24 turnout before the 2000s.

The study covers parliamentary elections to the second chamber from 1887, the first modern election in Swedish history with clearly defined political groups within the electorate, to 1968, the last election with a bicameral system. The aim is to study the change in Swedish voter turnout during this time period, and to see how social structures affect political behavior. The data material contains both political and social data.

Throughout United States history, voter turnout among the voting eligible population has varied, ranging from below twelve percent in uncontested elections, to 83 percent in the 1876 election. In early years, turnout in presidential elections was relatively low, as the popular vote was not used in every state to decide who electors would vote for. When this was changed in the 1824 election, turnout increased dramatically, and generally fluctuated between seventy and eighty percent during the second half of the nineteenth century. Until the 1840 and 1842 elections, midterm elections also had a higher turnout rate than their corresponding presidential elections, although this trend has been reversed since these years.

Declining turnout in the twentieth century An increase in voting rights, particularly for black males in 1870 and for women in 1920, has meant that the share of the total population who are legally eligible to vote has increased significantly; yet, as the number of people eligible to vote increased, the turnout rate generally decreased. Following enfranchisement, it would take over fifty years before the female voter turnout would reach the same level as males, and over 150 years before black voters would have a similar turnout rate to whites. A large part of this was simply the lack of a voting tradition among these voter bases; however, the Supreme Court and lawmakers across several states (especially in the south) created obstacles for black voters and actively enforced policies and practices that disenfranchised black voter participation. These practices were in place from the end of the Reconstruction era (1876) until the the Voting Rights Act of 1965 legally removed and prohibited many of these obstacles; nonetheless, people of color continue to be disproportionally affected by voting restrictions to this day.

Recent decades In 1971, the Twenty-sixth Amendment lowered the minimum voting age in most states from 21 to 18 years old, which greatly contributed to the six and eight percent reductions in voter turnout in the 1972 and 1974 elections respectively, highlighting a distinct correlation between age and voter participation. Overall turnout remained below sixty percent from the 1970s until the 2004 election, and around forty percent in the corresponding midterms. In recent elections, increased political involvement among younger voters and those from ethnic minority backgrounds has seen these numbers rise, with turnout in the 2018 midterms reaching fifty percent. This was the highest midterm turnout in over one hundred years, leading many at the time to predict that the 2020 election would see one of the largest and most diverse voter turnouts in the past century, although these predictions then reversed with the arival of the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic. However, 2020 did prove to have the highest turnout in any presidential election since 1900; largely as a result of mail-in voting, improved access to early voting, and increased activism among grassroots organizations promoting voter registration.

In U.S. presidential elections since 1964, voter turnout among male and female voters has changed gradually but significantly, with women consistently voting at a higher rate than men since the 1980 election. 67 percent of eligible female voters took part in the 1964 election, compared to 72 percent of male voters. This difference has been reversed in recent elections, where the share of women who voted has been larger than the share of men by around four percent since 2004.

US Presidential Campaign Logos

Color Diversity and Demographics

By Amber Thomas [source]

About this dataset

We conducted extensive research on popular election campaigns from 1968-2020 as compiled on Wikipedia's entry for each year. From this initial list, we excluded 32 candidates whose images could not be found--leaving us with a total of 271 primary and general party candidates across 14 electoral cycles during that period. In our search for campaign logo images, we prioritized official signs used at rallies, podiums, yards, posters, and bumper stickers with required Federal Election Commission disclaimers--resorting to using buttons only when absolutely necessary . We acknowledge that due to advances in technology, the printing process has significantly impacted the design aesthetics for modern logos compared to those made decades ago.

Using Chrome DevTools or Adobe Photoshop software programs; hexadecimal color values were retreived for each logo clipped from sources such as candidate websites or obtained through additional research efforts. To recognize RWB logos--those using only three colors of red white blue (RWB) --we also surveyed designs including accent tones paired with RWB palettes , two-color schemes (Red/Blue; Red/White; Blue/White), and multiple shades derived from a combination of any 3 primary or secondary RBW hues respectively.

In addition to visual elements associated with picture datasets , candidate demographics such as race , gender are indicated here as binary categories indicating whether a particular demographic is identifiable under one particular label ie either male / female or White / non White individuals . Candidates who fit into both these dual criteria are classfied under majority categories identified under binary labels ie ' whiteMale '. For greater census accuracy candidates classified simply as minority categorizations are merged sounding various Other labels including males belonging outidese racial definitions regardless if identifyingthemselves belonging within -- inclusion of them details belongs hereinunder :

name: The name of the candidate    (String);
party: The political party of thhe candiatate (String);              
white : Binary value indicating if thee candidiate is White     (Boolean);        male: Binary value indocating ffffthueee ccandidate is maille      (Boolean );           whitaeMaile :: Binary alula indicatig

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How to use the dataset

This dataset can be useful for understanding trends in campaign symbolism and visual rhetoric surrounding US presidential elections over time. This data could be used to evaluate how diversity amongst candidates is reflected in their campaign visuals by looking at changes in color usage or exploring differences between Democratic and Republican campaigns.

The data can also be visualized to create charts or maps that display possible trends or themes across different elections. This can help users more easily identify patterns between campaign logs for research purposes or simply make for an interesting comparison tool to explore different aspects of certain elections through visuals rather than text alone.

Using this data is easy! Start by familiarizing yourself with all the columns included; you will find information regarding RWB & non-RWB percentages, hexadecimal value breakdowns of each logo's colors & general candidate demographic information such as gender & race. Select desired columns to focus on and decide which analysis method works best; graphical representational options including line graphs, scatter graphs & pie charts are great ways to visually explore how various factors affect color usage both within an election cycle & across multiple cycles over time! Finally you can use these insights gleaned from your analysis to generate interesting questions regarding campaign symbolism design's relationship/influence on voting population demographics/politics!

Research Ideas

• Create an interactive map to show the color trends of presidential logos over the years.
• Use a machine learning algorithm to analyze how the logo colors correlate with primary and general elections.
• Analyze how diversity and inclusion in presidential campaigns has changed by comparing RWB versus non-RWB percentages for each year or election cycle

Acknowledgements

If you use this dataset in your research, please credit the original authors. Data Source

License

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The 2007 commune council elections took place as scheduled. The pre-election atmosphere in terms of the participation of political parties was better than 2002. Other improvements COMFREL did notice included a modest increase in participation of women in commune/Sangkat councils, up to 14.64% from 8% in 2002, an overall reduction of the violence and intimidation cases, and a relative improvement in media access. However, a lower voter turn out was a worrisome; the number of voter turn out decreased to 68%, from 87% in 2002.

Only nine electoral districts registered a voter turnout rate superior to 60 percent in the second round of the Colombian presidential elections of 2022. Casanare registered the largest turnout, with 68 percent. On the opposite end, the Archipielago of San Andrés and Vichada were the regions with the lowest turnout rate, with 32.5 and 37 percent of citizens with the right to vote having cast a vote, respectively.

As of 2020, Georgia has taken part in every presidential election contested in the United States, apart from the 1864 election, when Georgia was a member of the Confederacy. In these 58 elections, Georgia has voted for the winning candidate 34 times, giving a success rate of 59 percent. As with most southern states, Georgia has traditionally voted for the more conservative candidate of the major parties; primarily voting Democrat in the nineteenth century and early twentieth century, before switching to the Republican Party in the 1960s (although it was considered a swing state in the 1970s and 1980s). Major party candidates have won the popular vote in Georgia in every elections, except in 1968 when George Wallace of the American Independent Party carried the state. Georgia has voted for the Democratic nominee 34 times, including every possible election from 1852 until 1960, and the Republican nominee on ten occasions, including all elections from 1996 to 2016. In the 2020 election, however, Georgia proved to have one of the closest counts nationwide, with Democratic nominee Joe Biden eventually flipping the state by a 0.2 percent margin after several recounts.

Exceptions As previously mentioned, Georgia has predominantly voted Republican since the 1960s, however it did vote for the Democratic nominee in both the 1976 and 1980 elections. In these elections, Georgia native Jimmy Carter carried his home state with over two thirds of the vote in 1976, and defeated Republican favorite Ronald Reagan by 15 percent in 1980. As of 2020, Jimmy Carter is the only Georgia native to have ascended to the presidency, while John C. Frémont, who was the Republican nominee in 1856, is the only other major party nominee to have been born in Georgia. The only other times where Georgia voted Democrat since the 1960s were in 1992, where Bill Clinton defeated the incumbent President George H. W. Bush by just 0.6 percent of the popular vote (this was the closest result of any state in this election) and, as previously mentioned, in 2020 (which, again, was the closest result of any state in this election, along with Arizona). The swing in 2020 has been attributed to increased voter registration and turnout among urban and suburban voters, as a result of Democratic grassroots organizations; as well as the unpopularity of restrictive healthcare policies implemented by the Republican administration within the state.

Electoral votes

Georgia's allocation of electoral votes has generally increased over the past 230 years, with some fluctuation. It has grown from just four votes in the 1800 election, to sixteen votes in 2012; along with Michigan, this is the eighth-highest allocation in the country, contributing to Georgia's position as one of the most influential states in the 2020 election.

The 1860 election cemented the Republican Party's position as one of the two major parties in U.S. politics, along with the already-established Democratic Party. Since this time, all U.S. presidents have been affiliated with these two parties, and their candidates have generally performed the best in each presidential election. In spite of this two-party dominance, there have always been third-party or independent candidates running on the ballot, either on a nationwide, regional or state level. No third-party candidate has ever won a U.S. election, although there have been several occasions where they have carried states or split the vote with major party candidates. Today, the largest third-party in U.S. politics is the Libertarian Party, who are considered to be socially liberal, but economically conservative; in the 2016 election, their nominee, Gary Johnson, secured just over three percent of the popular vote, while their latest candidate, Jo Jorgenson, received just over one percent of the vote in the 2020 election.

Theodore Roosevelt The most successful third-party nominee was Theodore Roosevelt in the 1912 election, who was the only third-party candidate to come second in a U.S. election. The former president had become disillusioned with his successor's growing conservatism, and challenged the incumbent President Taft for the Republican nomination in 1912. Roosevelt proved to be the most popular candidate in the primaries, however Taft had already secured enough Republican delegates in the south to seal the nomination. Roosevelt then used this split in the Republican Party to form his own, Progressive Party, and challenged both major party candidates for the presidency (even taking a bullet in the process). In the end, Roosevelt carried six states, and won over 27 percent of the popular vote, while Taft carried just two states with 23 percent of the vote; this split in the Republican Party allowed the Democratic nominee, Woodrow Wilson, to win 82 percent of the electoral votes despite only winning 42 percent of the popular vote.

Other notable performances The last third-party candidate to win electoral votes was George Wallace* in the 1968 election. The Democratic Party had been the most popular party in the south since before the Civil War, however their increasingly progressive policies in the civil rights era alienated many of their southern voters. Wallace ran on a white supremacist and pro-segregationist platform and won the popular vote in five states. This was a similar story to that of Storm Thurmond, twenty years earlier.

In the 1992 election, Independent candidate Ross Perot received almost one fifth of the popular vote. Although he did not win any electoral votes, Perot split the vote so much that he prevented either Clinton or Bush Sr. from winning a majority in any state except Arkansas (Clinton's home state). Perot ran again in 1996, but with less than half the share of votes he received four years previously; subsequent studies and polls have shown that Perot took an equal number of votes from both of the major party candidates in each election.