The American Civil War is the conflict with the largest number of American military fatalities in history. In fact, the Civil War's death toll is comparable to all other major wars combined, the deadliest of which were the World Wars, which have a combined death toll of more than 520,000 American fatalities. The ongoing series of conflicts and interventions in the Middle East and North Africa, collectively referred to as the War on Terror in the west, has a combined death toll of more than 7,000 for the U.S. military since 2001. Other records In terms of the number of deaths per day, the American Civil War is still at the top, with an average of 425 deaths per day, while the First and Second World Wars have averages of roughly 100 and 200 fatalities per day respectively. Technically, the costliest battle in U.S. military history was the Battle of Elsenborn Ridge, which was a part of the Battle of the Bulge in the Second World War, and saw upwards of 5,000 deaths over 10 days. However, the Battle of Gettysburg had more military fatalities of American soldiers, with almost 3,200 Union deaths and over 3,900 Confederate deaths, giving a combined total of more than 7,000. The Battle of Antietam is viewed as the bloodiest day in American military history, with over 3,600 combined fatalities and almost 23,000 total casualties on September 17, 1862. Revised Civil War figures For more than a century, the total death toll of the American Civil War was generally accepted to be around 620,000, a number which was first proposed by Union historians William F. Fox and Thomas L. Livermore in 1888. This number was calculated by using enlistment figures, battle reports, and census data, however many prominent historians since then have thought the number should be higher. In 2011, historian J. David Hacker conducted further investigations and claimed that the number was closer to 750,000 (and possibly as high as 850,000). While many Civil War historians agree that this is possible, and even likely, obtaining consistently accurate figures has proven to be impossible until now; both sides were poor at keeping detailed records throughout the war, and much of the Confederacy's records were lost by the war's end. Many Confederate widows also did not register their husbands death with the authorities, as they would have then been ineligible for benefits.

The United States military entered the Korean War in July 1950 and fought on the side of South Korea against the communist forces of North Korea and the People's Republic of China until August 1953. In total, the United States military would suffer almost 37,000 deaths through hostilities. Of these, servicemembers in the Army made up the vast majority of deaths (82.19 percent), with most of these being the result of soldiers being killed in action. A smaller number of marines and navy servicemembers were killed in Korea, with the majority also having been killed in action for these groups. For the United States Air Force, the composition of total deaths is quite different, as the majority of pilots killed during the conflict were declared dead after going missing in action. This likely reflects the fact that when an airplane was shot from the sky in battle, the remains of the pilots are not recoverable.

The Korean War was an international military conflict which lasted from June 1950 until July 1953, which pitted the communist forces of North Korea, the Soviet Union, and the People's Republic of China against South Korea and a U.S.-led UN force comprised of troops from over 20 additional countries. The war was the United States' first major military engagement of the Cold War, the period of rivalry and heightened tension between the world's two superpowers, the U.S. and Soviet Union. While the war was one of the deadliest in the Cold War and the 20th century in general, it resulted in a stalemate between the North and South, with the boundary between the two countries remaining to this day at the 38th parallel line. The two countries remain technically at war to the present day, as the South's dictator, Syngman Rhee, refused to sign the peace agreement which in practice ended the fighting in the war.

U.S. military deaths in Korea

The majority of U.S. military fatalities during the Korean War were battle deaths (63 percent), with a smaller number of deaths while missing (12 percent), deaths while captured (eight percent), or deaths from battle wounds (seven percent). In addition, around three percent of deaths were from airplane crashes which were not caused by hostile forces, with another seven percent dying of other causes unrelated to battle. In total around 36,000 U.S. military servicemembers were killed in Korea, out of a total of around 40,000 deaths for the UN forces combined. The war was the United States' second deadliest conflict of the Cold War, as well as its fifth deadliest ever, after the Vietnam War, World War I, World War II, and the Civil War.

The World War II Enlistment and Casualty Records data set contains individual-level information on soldiers who were drafted or volunteered for service in the U.S. armed forces during World War II. The repository consists of three files: The digitized list of fallen soldiers who served in the U.S. Army or Army Air Force by name, state, and county of residence (300,131 observations) The digitized list of fallen soldiers who served in the U.S. Navy, Marine Corps, or Coast Guard by name, state, and county of residence (65,507 observations) The World War II Army and Army Air Force Enlistment records which were merged with the list of fallen soldiers (8,293,187 observations)

Estimates for the total death count of the Second World War generally range somewhere between 70 and 85 million people. The Soviet Union suffered the highest number of fatalities of any single nation, with estimates mostly falling between 22 and 27 million deaths. China then suffered the second greatest, at around 20 million, although these figures are less certain and often overlap with the Chinese Civil War. Over 80 percent of all deaths were of those from Allied countries, and the majority of these were civilians. In contrast, 15 to 20 percent were among the Axis powers, and the majority of these were military deaths, as shown in the death ratios of Germany and Japan. Civilian deaths and atrocities It is believed that 60 to 67 percent of all deaths were civilian fatalities, largely resulting from war-related famine or disease, and war crimes or atrocities. Systematic genocide, extermination campaigns, and forced labor, particularly by the Germans, Japanese, and Soviets, led to the deaths of millions. In this regard, Nazi activities alone resulted in 17 million deaths, including six million Jews in what is now known as The Holocaust. Not only was the scale of the conflict larger than any that had come before, but the nature of and reasoning behind this loss make the Second World War stand out as one of the most devastating and cruelest conflicts in history. Problems with these statistics Although the war is considered by many to be the defining event of the 20th century, exact figures for death tolls have proven impossible to determine, for a variety of reasons. Countries such as the U.S. have fairly consistent estimates due to preserved military records and comparatively few civilian casualties, although figures still vary by source. For most of Europe, records are less accurate. Border fluctuations and the upheaval of the interwar period mean that pre-war records were already poor or non-existent for many regions. The rapid and chaotic nature of the war then meant that deaths could not be accurately recorded at the time, and mass displacement or forced relocation resulted in the deaths of many civilians outside of their homeland, which makes country-specific figures more difficult to find. Early estimates of the war’s fatalities were also taken at face value and formed the basis of many historical works; these were often very inaccurate, but the validity of the source means that the figures continue to be cited today, despite contrary evidence.

In comparison to Europe, estimate ranges are often greater across Asia, where populations were larger but pre-war data was in short supply. Many of the Asian countries with high death tolls were European colonies, and the actions of authorities in the metropoles, such as the diversion of resources from Asia to Europe, led to millions of deaths through famine and disease. Additionally, over one million African soldiers were drafted into Europe’s armies during the war, yet individual statistics are unavailable for most of these colonies or successor states (notably Algeria and Libya). Thousands of Asian and African military deaths went unrecorded or are included with European or Japanese figures, and there are no reliable figures for deaths of millions from countries across North Africa or East Asia. Additionally, many concentration camp records were destroyed, and such records in Africa and Asia were even sparser than in Europe. While the Second World War is one of the most studied academic topics of the past century, it is unlikely that we will ever have a clear number for the lives lost in the conflict.

Throughout the period in which the United States was in an armed conflict with the Communist-led government and insurgency in Vietnam (referred to as the "Vietnam War" in the U.S. and the "Resistance War against the United States" in Vietnam), around 40 percent of the 8.7 million U.S. military service personnel were stationed in South-East Asia. Of these personnel in the theatre of war, around two percent were killed during the conflict.

This war was part of the wider Cold War of the second half of the 20th century, where the rivalry between the superpowers of the United States and Soviet Union dominated the post-World War II era. During this period the U.S. stationed much of its remaining five million service personnel outside of active conflict zones, especially in strategically important countries such as (West) Germany, South Korea, and Japan, in addition to those stationed at home.

Dramatic improvements in US military medicine have produced an equally dramatic shift in the kinds of battle casualties the US military has sustained in its most recent wars. Specifically, there has been a notable increase in the ratio of nonfatal to fatal casualties. Most studies of casualty aversion in the United States, however, have focused on fatal casualties. Using a series of survey experiments, I investigate whether respondents are equally sensitive to fatal and nonfatal casualties, differences between populations with and without close military ties, and whether views on casualties are conditioned by respondents’ level of knowledge about casualties or the individual costs of war they expect to incur. I find that, while the general public is generally insensitive to different types of casualties, respondents with close ties to the military are better able to distinguish among kinds of casualties. This advantage, however, is not due to respondents with close military ties being better informed about war casualties. Instead, those who bear the costs of war directly appear better able to distinguish among those costs.

About this Dataset

U.S. Korean War Casualties from the U.S National Archives.

Category

Government

Keywords

korean,war,conflict,casualties,military

Row Count

36425

Price

Free

As of March 2021, 11 U.S. soldiers died in Iraq in 2020. This is a decrease from a peak of 904 casualties in 2007.

Additional information on fatalities in the Iraq War

The invasion of Iraq by the United States and coalition forces in March 2003 saw the beginning of the Iraq War, a conflict that would continue beyond the end of the decade. Fatalities of American forces were highest in the first five years of conflict as soldiers grappled with the Al Qaeda as well as civil war between those groups seeking to fill the power vacuum left by the removal of Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein. Casualties progressively decreased from 2008, in part due to attempts by Barack Obama who made the removal of troops from Iraq a central promise of this successful campaign to succeed George W. Bush. In 2013, the majority of Americans considered sending troops to fight in Iraq to be a mistake.

While the number of civilian deaths in the Iraq War was much higher, the trend of numbers decreasing from 2008 onward was in line with the trend for American solider losses. However, civilian deaths rose again from 2013 onward as Iraq returned to heavy conflict with Islamic State.

The high number of American fatalities in the first five years of the Iraq War could be seen as influencing the reluctance of the United States to commit ground troop support in the battle against Islamic State when the issue was discussed in 2015. Not only is the loss of life a tragedy in itself, but the political discourse in the United States surrounding the involvement of their troops in Middle Eastern conflicts has made further involvement unattractive to elected officials. However calls for further ground support are likely to continue as Iraq remained in the top five countries with the most terrorist attacks as of 2019.

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Context

This dataset will be used to help users get familiar with Google Data Studio. It's also a great way to mix history with data visualization skills.

Later I will develop a lesson that will help new users get up to speed with Google Data Studio. This dataset is small, but it will be a good dataset to start with. The same concepts learned with this project will be used with larger datasets.

Content

This data comes from wikipedia.

Acknowledgements

wikipedia

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_military_casualties_of_war

Inspiration

Project based learning. Get it going! Teach kids using data.

This series of interviews tracks public opinion regarding the Persian Gulf War from the period immediately prior to the initiation of bombing in January 1991 to the ensuing ground combat in February. In addition to monitoring the evolving war, these data also provide an ongoing evaluation of the Bush presidency during that time period. Part 1 (January 5-7) examines sending troops to Saudi Arabia vs. staying out, the likelihood of war, Bush's efforts to find diplomatic solutions, negotiating with Saddam Hussein vs. forcing Iraq to leave Kuwait, the possibility of terrorist attacks in the United States, how closely the respondent followed the news of the Persian Gulf situation, military action against Iraq vs. waiting for sanctions to work, requiring a congressional declaration of war, Congress voting on a declaration of war before or after the January 15 deadline for Iraq's withdrawal, the January 9 meeting between Secretary of State James Baker and Iraq's foreign minister, attempting to meet with Hussein before January 15, and what might happen in the Persian Gulf in the event of war or otherwise. Part 2 (January 11-13) poses questions identical to Part 1 and addresses new issues, including whether Bush had already decided prior to the January 15 deadline to send troops into battle, whether a Kuwaiti offer to trade part of its territory in exchange for Iraq's withdrawal would be an acceptable resolution to the crisis, whether congressional authorization of the use of force would increase the likelihood of war, how congressmen should vote concerning the authorization of force, what Bush should do if only one house of Congress votes in favor of the use of force, whether the failure of the meeting between Secretary Baker and Iraq's foreign minister on January 9 made war more likely, and more questions related to what might happen in the Persian Gulf in the event of war or otherwise. Part 3 (January 5-7, 17 Panel) replicates both Part 1, the January 5-7 survey, and Part 5, the January 17 survey. It also examines new issues, including whether the United States did the right thing in initiating military action against Iraq, whether the war would last weeks or months, the number of expected American casualties in the war, whether the United States should remove Saddam Hussein from power in addition to driving Iraqi troops out of Kuwait, bombing military targets in heavily populated civilian areas vs. targets not in heavily populated areas, impressions of how the war was proceeding for the United States, how the respondent first heard about the war, perceptions of the main reason why United States forces were fighting in the Persian Gulf, and the reliability of Israel as an ally of the United States. Part 4 (January 17-20 Combined) replicates questions from Part 3, the January 17 survey, and probes new areas, including whether the war to defeat Iraq would be worth the cost in human life and financial resources, whether news that the war had begun made the respondent feel more worried or relieved, whether members of Congress who voted against the use of military force were viewed more/less favorably, FBI interviews of Arab-American business/community leaders, Arab-American sympathy for Iraq, Israeli retaliation for future Iraqi missile attacks, opposition to the war via protest marches/rallies and their effect on the war effort, military/economic aid to Israel, whether the United States military was holding back information about the war, if following the war news had affected the respondent's schedule, and whether the United States was correct to enter the Vietnam War. Questions unique to Part 5 (January 17) include whether the respondent felt proud about the United States' actions in the Persian Gulf, and whether getting Saddam Hussein out of Kuwait or the outcome of the struggle for freedom in the Soviet Union was of more importance to the United States. Questions unique to Part 6 (January 18) include whether Israel should retaliate for future Iraqi missile attacks. Part 7 (January 19) repeats questions from Part 6. Questions asked in Part 8 (January 20) include whether military/economic aid to Israel should be increased. Questions unique to Part 9 (February 12-13) consider whether Iraqi troops could be forced out of Kuwait by continued bombing or if a ground war would be necessary, the timing of the start of a ground war, w

The United States military has a long history of ethnic minorities serving in its ranks, with black Americans having served as far back as the Revolutionary War. The Vietnam War took place during a period of changing race relations in the United States, with the Civil Rights Movement reaching its peak in the mid-1960s, and this too was reflected in the military. The Vietnam War was the first major conflict in which black and white troops were not formally segregated, however, discrimination did still occur with black soldiers reporting being subject to overt racism, being unjustly punished, and having fewer promotion opportunities than their white counterparts.

In the early phases of the war, black casualty rates were much higher than for other races and ethnicities, with some reports showing that black soldiers accounted for 25 percent of the casualties recorded in 1965. This declined substantially as the war progressed, however, the proportion of black service personnel among those fallen during the war was still disproportionately high, as black personnel comprised only 11 percent of the military during this era. A smaller number of other ethnic minorities were killed during the war, comprising two percent of the total.

A growing body of research argues that external threats from the international system strengthen ethnocentrism and authoritarianism, personal values anchored in national identity. We evaluate a necessary implication of this argument, that these shifting values drive change in broader social behaviors. Our focus is revealed value change in a non-political setting: American consumers' choice of supermarket brands that symbolize national identity. Our empirical analyses leverage US counties' quasi-random exposure to US Iraq War casualties to identify the effects of local casualties on the weekly market share growth of ``American" supermarket brands. We analyze weekly supermarket scanner data for a representative sample of over 1,100 US supermarkets and 8,000 brands. During 2003-2006, the weekly market share of American brands grew relative to non-American brands in casualty-exposed supermarkets. Variation in share growth across customer demographics is consistent with reactions to external threat. We rule out alternative mechanisms including partisan cues, other product characteristics, and animosity towards other countries. These findings strengthen IR's theoretical microfoundations by showing that international politics can reshape values enough to change broader social behaviors.

The statistic shows U.S. spending on the Iraq war and the number American soldiers who have died during the conflict between 2003 and 2012. In 2011, 54 U.S. soldiers died in Iraq.To date, 807.4 billion U.S. dollars has been allocated for the war in Iraq since 2003.

This special topic poll, conducted April 9, 2003, was undertaken to assess public opinion on the war against Iraq. Respondents were asked whether they approved of the way President George W. Bush was handling the presidency as well as the way things were going in the United States. Respondents' opinions were elicited about whether they supported the United States going to war with Iraq, whether that support would change if the United States found chemical and/or biological weapons in Iraq, whether Iraqi President Saddam Hussein had to be killed/captured for the war to be considered a success, and whether the people of Iraq were on the side of the United States or Hussein. Those queried were asked to assess how the war was going, whether the number of United States military casualties had been acceptable, and whether everything had been done to avoid civilian casualties. Respondents were asked whether they were surprised at how quickly the United States military took control of Baghdad, and whether they considered the war with Iraq basically over. A series of questions addressed post-war Iraq. Topics covered whether the United States or the United Nations should be in charge until a new government was established, whether a large number of soldiers should remain in Iraq to maintain peace, whether the war would leave the United States in a stronger or weaker position in the world, and how the war would affect stability in the Middle East. Views were sought on the likelihood that the United States would become bogged down in a drawn-out war with Iraq, whether the war would cause long-term damage to United States relations with France, Germany, and Russia, and whether the United States would be too quick to use military force to resolve disputes in the future. Lastly, respondents were asked whether the United States had done the right thing by going to war with Iraq. Background information on respondents includes gender and political party.

The number of soldiers killed in Afghanistan in 2021 amounted to 13 from the Western coalition, as of October 2021. Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) is a large military operation, being carried out within the framework of the War on Terror.

Afghanistan War

As mentioned above, Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan, which began in October 7, 2001, caused the deaths of many soldiers during the period from 2001 to 2020. Operation Enduring Freedom is an American term for the Afghanistan War, used by the U.S. government.

Operation Enduring Freedom was a response to the terror attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon on September 11, 2001 and the beginning of the Global War on Terrorism.

Although it has been nearly 20 years since the Americans started the Global War on Terror, there are still many terrorist attacks in Afghanistan. About 1,750 terrorist attacks were counted in the country 2019.

Due to terrorism in Afghanistan, the number of deaths has increased from 1,952 killed people in 2007 up to 5,312 killed people in 2015 by terrorists. In 2019, the number stood at 8,681.

This survey focuses on specific issues related to the United States' involvement in the Persian Gulf War, along with general topics such as the Bush presidency, whether the United States was heading in the right direction, foreign policy, Congress, and the economy. Respondents were asked about President Bush's handling of Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, if the United States did the right thing by starting military actions against Iraq rather than waiting to see if economic sanctions worked, if there was personal concern over a possible terrorist attack in the United States, whether the war was a mistake, and whether the war was likely to be worth the cost in human life and resources. Respondents also offered opinions regarding their pride or lack of pride in the United States' actions in the Persian Gulf, the expected length of the war and number of casualties, and how the war was going for the United States. In addition, the survey posed a series of questions dealing with media coverage of the war and the possible holding back of information by the military, the involvement of women in ground combat, personal effects of the war on respondents, Israel's response to Iraqi missile attacks, effects of the war on the United States' economy and on the Bush administration's ability to deal with domestic problems, support for Gorbachev vs. support for Lithuania's breaking away from the Soviet Union, Bush's first two years in office compared to Reagan's, Dan Quayle, and the probability of voting for Bush or the Democratic candidate in 1992. Background information on respondents includes political alignment, education, religion, age, race, sex, employment, perspectives on homemaking, family members serving in the Persian Gulf or elsewhere, choice for president in 1988, voter registration status, marital status, and state/region of residence.

This poll, conducted October 25-28, 2001, is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. Respondents were asked to give their opinions of President George W. Bush and his handling of the presidency, foreign policy, the economy, the war on terrorism, the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, and the anthrax outbreaks, as well as their views on Congress and its handling of the anthrax outbreaks. Respondents were asked for their opinions on the direction the nation was headed, the state of the economy, the size of the federal government, whether the government wasted money, and whether they felt they could trust the federal government. A series of questions addressed the ongoing war on terrorism. Topics covered the goal of the war, whether the Bush administration had adequately explained the United States mission, and what the main goal should be, as well as whether respondents approved of the military attacks on Afghanistan. Those queried were asked whether they were confident that the United States government could capture/kill Osama bin Laden while maintaining the international alliance currently supporting their military efforts, how long they expected the attacks to last, whether this war was worth losing several thousand American troops, whether the United States should provide food and humanitarian aid to the people of Afghanistan, whether the military action would become more widespread, and whether those who opposed the operation should be permitted to hold protest marches and rallies. Respondent views were also sought on the political situation in the Middle East. Opinions were elicited on Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the reasons for the United States' problems in the region, whether respondents supported the establishment of a Palestinian homeland, whether their sympathies lay with Israel or the Arab nations, whether the United States had explained the war on terrorism to the Arab world, and whether Saudi Arabia was considered an ally of the United States. Regarding the anthrax attacks, respondents were asked how closely they had followed the news about the anthrax outbreaks, whether the government would be able to catch the people responsible, whether the government was sharing the right amount of information with the public, whether public health officials were right to discourage doctors from prescribing the drug Cipro unnecessarily, whether respondents were concerned about a biological/chemical attack where they lived, and whether they were confident in the government's ability to protect its citizens from such attacks. Respondents also described their reactions to the recent terrorist attacks, including whether they had experienced nervousness and/or sleeplessness, lost a substantial portion of their income and/or their job, canceled any scheduled trips, and whether they were now spending more time with family and friends. Additional questions addressed the topic of airline safety. Survey items focused on whether the federal government and the airline industry had done enough to improve airline safety and exactly who should be responsible for airport security personnel. In addition, respondents indicated whether they were rooting for the New York Yankees or the Arizona Diamondbacks to win the World Series. Background information on respondents includes age, gender, marital status, political party, religion, employment status, children in household, education, race, Hispanic descent, and household income.

This poll, conducted April 26-27, 2003, is part of a continuing series of monthly polls that solicit opinions on political and social issues. Respondents were asked to give their opinions of President George W. Bush and his overall job performance, as well as his handling of military action against Iraq and the economy. Respondents were also asked whether President Bush, Vice President Richard Cheney, and the Bush administration shared the priorities of the respondent and the degree to which the president's economic policies had affected the national economy. Views were elicited on the most important issue facing the United States, the national economy, whether it was improving, getting worse, or staying the same, whether the economy was better or worse than one year ago, whether the respondent's financial situation was better or worse than one year ago, whether it was getting better or getting worse, what the overall condition of the stock market was, whether the federal budget deficit had affected the respondent's financial situation, and how concerned the respondent was that a member of their family would lose his or her job. In addition, respondents were asked whether the federal government should provide further economic aid to states or not provide aid and let the states raise taxes and/or cut spending, whether tax cuts in 2001 helped, hindered, or had no effect on the economy, whether a large tax cut would help, hinder, or have no effect on the economy, whether cutting taxes or reducing the federal deficit was a better way to improve the economy, and what the condition of the national economy would be if the September 11, 2001, attacks had not occurred. Respondents were queried on the responsibility of the United States to intervene in international crises, whether respondents felt safer, less safe, or about the same from the threat of terrorism compared to one year ago, whether the United States was more respected, less respected, or maintained the same amount of respect by the world compared to one year ago, whether it was more important that other countries like the policies or respect the power of the United States, and whether it was more important that the Arab world like the policies or respect the power of the United States. Those polled also commented on who was winning the war against terrorism, whether the United States should only attack once it was itself attacked or if the United States should attack before being attacked if there was a legitimate threat by another country, and the degree of threat North Korea posed to the United States. Respondents were asked whether they agreed or disagreed with military action against Iraq, whether removing Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein was worth the human and economic costs, whether they thought Saddam Hussein was alive or dead, whether the war against Iraq was worth the costs if Saddam Hussein was not found, whether Iraq had weapons of mass destruction, whether the United States would find weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, whether the war against Iraq was worth the human and economic costs if weapons of mass destruction were not found, whether the Iraqi people were grateful to the United States for ridding them of Saddam Hussein or resentful of the United States for their presence in Iraq, and whether the United States was in control of the events occurring in Iraq. Other questions focused on how long respondents thought the United States military would have to be in Iraq, whether that length of time was too long, too short, or the right amount of time, whether the United States had a responsibility to establish a new government in Iraq, whether the United States would intervene if it appeared that the new Iraqi government would be an Islamic fundamentalist government, and whether the United States should support an Islamic fundamentalist government in Iraq. Backgroundvariables on respondents include age, sex, the number of children under the age of 18 in the household, the number of children in the household aged 12 to 17, whether the respondent voted in the 2000 United States presidential election and if so, for whom, political orientation, political ideology, marital status, religious orientation, education, ethnicity, family income, and the willingness to be called again.

Between 2003 and 2024, the annual number of civilian deaths due to the Iraq war has fluctuated significantly. As of July, there were 210 deaths in 2024. Civilian Deaths in the Iraq WarCivilian casualties are the deaths of non-military individuals as a result of military operations. The number of documented civilian deaths in the Iraq war peaked in 2006 at 29,526 casualties. Since then, the number had fallen to 4,162 casualties documented in the year 2011, and the number of casualties has been decreasing again since 2014. Due to the nature of the Iraq war and of war reporting, data cannot be considered exact. Many civilian deaths that occurred during the war in Iraq may remain unaccounted for. The Iraq war was launched in March 2003 upon the invasion of Iraq by U.S. forces. Eight years later, in December 2011, the U.S. formally declared an end to the Iraq war. From the start of the war in 2003 until September 30, 2015, it is estimated that the United States spent a total of over 819 billion US dollars on war costs in Iraq. This number includes funding requested by the President and appropriated by Congress, and accounts for both military and non-military spending. Spending was highest in 2008, that year over 142 billion US dollars were spent in Iraq by the United States government. As of 2022, around 6,561 U.S. active-duty military personnel were deployed in North Africa, the Near East, and South Asia. The number of US American soldiers killed in Iraq peaked in 2007 with just over nine hundred causalities. In the same year, there were over 25,000 civilian deaths in Iraq.