This statistic shows the median household wealth in the United States in 2016, by race. In 2016, the median Black household wealth was 17,600 U.S. dollars.

Graph and download economic data for Net Change in Total Assets by Race: White, Asian, and All Other Races, Not Including Black or African American (CXUCHGASSETLB0902M) from 1984 to 2023 about change, asian, white, Net, assets, and USA.

PSID data extract for computing per capita white-to-Black wealth gaps and active saving rates of Black and white Americans during 1984-2019.

The median income in 2023 was at 56,490 U.S. dollars for Black households. In 1990, the median income among Black households was 38,360 U.S. dollars (In 2023 U.S. dollars).

Data and code accompanying "The Racial Wealth Gap and the Role of Firm Ownership"This paper develops an overlapping generations model that isolates the impact of the U.S. racial wealth gap in 1962 on the long-run dynamics of wealth. The model predicts that one component of the initial gap, firm ownership, coupled with the intergenerational transfer of that ownership, results in a permanent wealth gap independent of other dimensions of inequality. This implies that even if all discrimination against black Americans had ceased upon the end of Jim Crow, the wealth gap would have persisted without a reparations policy addressing the fact that the initial firm ownership gap arose in the first place.

The difference in the average wealth of Black and white Americans narrowed in the first century after the Civil War, but remained large and even widened again after 1980. Given high levels of wealth concentration both historically and today, dynamics at the average may not capture important heterogeneity in racial wealth gaps across the distribution. This paper looks into the historical evolution of the Black and white wealth distributions since Emancipation. The picture that emerges is an even starker one than racial wealth inequality at the mean. Tracing, for the first time, the evolution of wealth of the median Black household and the gap between the typical Black and white household over time, we estimate that the majority of Black households only began to dispose of measurable wealth around World War II. While the civil rights era brought substantial wealth gains for the median Black household, the gap between Black and white wealth at the median has not changed much since the 1970s. The top and the bottom of the wealth distribution show even greater persistence, with Black households consistently over-represented in the bottom half of the wealth distribution and under-represented in the top-10% over the past seven decades.

In the U.S., median household income rose from 51,570 U.S. dollars in 1967 to 80,610 dollars in 2023. In terms of broad ethnic groups, Black Americans have consistently had the lowest median income in the given years, while Asian Americans have the highest; median income in Asian American households has typically been around double that of Black Americans.

Americans remain largely unaware of the magnitude of economic inequality in the nation and the degree to which it is patterned by race. In the present research we exposed a community sample of respondents to one of three interventions designed to promote a more realistic understanding of the Black-White wealth gap. The interventions were developed to conform to best practices in messaging about racial inequality drawn from the social sciences, yet differed in the extent to which they highlighted a single story versus data-based trends in Black-White wealth inequality or both. The interventions that highlighted data versus only a single story of racial inequality were most effective in both shifting how people talk about racial wealth inequality—eliciting less speech about personal achievement—and, critically, improving accuracy in perceptions of the Black-White wealth gap. These increases in accuracy persisted up to 18 months following the intervention, though accuracy did decline across time. The initial findings from this study highlight how data can be leveraged, along with current recommendations in the social sciences, to promote more accurate understandings of the magnitude of racial inequality in society, laying the necessary groundwork for messaging about equity-enhancing policy.

This dataset is about books. It has 2 rows and is filtered where the book is Being black, living in the red : race, wealth, and social policy in America. It features 7 columns including author, publication date, language, and book publisher.

Does the measurement of the racial wealth gap shift depending on the model, method, and data set used? We contrast the traditional mean Oaxaca-Blinder decomposition with the distributional Recentered Influence Function (RIF) methods. The untransformed, logarithm-transformed, and inverse hyperbolic sine-transformed versions in both Survey of Consumer Finances and Panel Study of Income Dynamics data sets exhibit similarities. The Oaxaca-Blinder (mean) decomposition highlights that receiving an inheritance explains a larger portion of the racial wealth gap than educational attainment. Conversely, the RIF method at the median suggests that educational attainment accounts for more of the wealth gap than inheritance receipt.

The statistic shows the distribution of U.S. millionaires in 2013, by race and ethnicity. As of 2013, about ** percent of U.S. millionaires were White/Caucasian.

Additional information on racial income inequality

The issue of racial inequality in regards to income and wealth has been a problem through the entirety of the history of the United States. The statistic above demonstrates how the percentage of millionaires that identify as Black/African Americans is disproportionate to the share of the population overall. While the disproportionate number of millionaires demonstrates an undesirable degree of income inequality it is at the bottom of the wealth ladder within American society that the issue is most pressing. The overrepresentation of African Americans in contrast to the population in unemployment statistics are cause for concern on the part of the government and society as a whole. In 2014, nearly ** percent of surveyed families who placed themselves in the income bracket of under *** thousand dollars identified as black.

The percentage of non-white female business owners perhaps demonstrates that barriers to wealth exist but are diminished in unison. As barriers to wealth generation are removed for women, similar barriers are also being broken to allow for greater equality in the economic opportunities offered across the population of the United States. A central issue for policy makers is the time delay associated with policies aimed at reversing these inequalities. This was reflected in the 2015 Democratic and Republican presidential primary campaigns. Despite many major candidates discussing the issue none put forward meaningful proposals to address the problem. Even Senator Bernie Sanders who made addressing income inequality the cornerstone failed to separate the issue from income inequality generally. However, the global attention gained by movements such as ‘Black Lives Matter’ shows issues of racial inequality are prominent in the discourse of sections of the wider population if not forming a cornerstone of the political discourse in the United States.

This study analyzed de-identified secondary data from participants who self-identified as African American/Black, was listed as the owner on the deed, was aged 18 years or older, and completed the closing process between January 1, 2014, and December 31, 2021. Using repeated measures of ANOVA statistical analysis, data were examined from 20 Black households from three programmatic collection points: application, program approval, and closing. Statistically significant changes were found in the following primary outcomes: gross monthly income, collections debt, credit scores, and debt-to-income ratio from the time of program application to closing.

Reparations for African Americans reflect both material concerns aimed at eliminating the Black-White racial wealth gap and symbolic political aspirations, including the end of structural racism. But do material or symbolic considerations drive policy evaluations across racial and partisan divides? What knowledge and experiences undergird processes through which individuals weigh the symbolic importance of a policy against its actual benefits? Leveraging a set of 41 in-depth interviews with Black and White residents of Evanston, Illinois—the first municipality in the U.S. to approve a publicly-funded reparations-related ordinance—we highlight a mechanism through which individuals develop their opinions about reparations: political socialization. Black interviewees linked their understanding of reparations to robust financial compensation while White Democrats viewed their support for Evanston’s policy as symbolic of their longstanding, affective commitments to racial equality. Drawing from these observations, we present a framework highlighting policy attributes that frame how different constituencies respond to reparations-related policies. We test this framework using a conjoint experiment about reparations policies fielded in the 2022 Cooperative Election Study. We find Americans—especially White Republicans—possess less familiarity about reparations and remain strongly opposed to these policies, regardless of the form they take. While White Democrats are more familiar with reparations and more supportive of policies mirroring Evanston’s, Black Americans—those who are most familiar with reparations—support direct cash payments regardless of their political identification.

In 2023, about 26.9 percent of Asian private households in the U.S. had an annual income of 200,000 U.S. dollars and more. Comparatively, around 13.9 percent of Black households had an annual income under 15,000 U.S. dollars.

The City partnered with Burke, Inc. and The Voice of Your Costumer research and marketing firms to conduct a statistically significant survey of over 1,000 residents, including 500 Black/ African American residents to understand barriers around reaching financial freedom. The survey insights uncovered racial disparities around job mobility, housing (rental and homeownership), debt and consumer protection, banking and financial access, and financial planning and coaching.

In 2023, the gross median household income for Asian households in the United States stood at 112,800 U.S. dollars. Median household income in the United States, of all racial and ethnic groups, came out to 80,610 U.S. dollars in 2023. Asian and Caucasian (white not Hispanic) households had relatively high median incomes, while the median income of Hispanic, Black, American Indian, and Alaskan Native households all came in lower than the national median. A number of related statistics illustrate further the current state of racial inequality in the United States. Unemployment is highest among Black or African American individuals in the U.S. with 8.6 percent unemployed, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics in 2021. Hispanic individuals (of any race) were most likely to go without health insurance as of 2021, with 22.8 percent uninsured.

Inequality in family wealth is high, yet we know little about how much and how wealth inequality is maintained across generations. We argue that a long-term perspective reflective of wealth’s cumulative nature is crucial to understand the extent and channels of wealth reproduction across generations. Using data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics that span nearly half a century, we show that a one decile increase in parental wealth position is associated with an increase of about 4 percentiles in offspring wealth position in adulthood. We show that grandparental wealth is a unique predictor of grandchildren’s wealth, above and beyond the role of parental wealth, suggesting that a focus on only parent-child dyads understates the importance of family wealth lineages. Second, considering five channels of wealth transmission — gifts and bequests, education, marriage, homeownership, and business ownership — we find that most of the advantages arising from family wealth begin much earlier in the life-course than the common focus on bequests implies, even when we consider the wealth of grandparents. We also document the stark disadvantage of African-American households in terms of not only their wealth attainment but also their intergenerational downward wealth mobility compared to whites.

In this project our goal is to see if subtle framing differences in how we ask about racial inequality between black and white americans elicits accuracy in perceptions of the black-white wealth gap.

Abstract: Large and persistent racial disparities in land-based wealth were an important legacy of the Reconstruction era. To assess how these disparities were transmitted intergenerationally, we build a dataset to observe Black households’ landholdings in 1880 alongside a sample of White households. We then link sons from all households to the 1900 census records to observe their economic and human capital outcomes. We show that Black landowners (relative to laborers) transmitted substantial intergenerational advantages to their sons, including an 11 pp advantage in literacy. But such advantages were small relative to the racial gaps in metrics of economic status.

In 2016, around **** percent of all White families in the United States had a net worth of *********** U.S. dollars or more. This compares to only *** percent of Black families.