In the 3 years to March 2021, white British families were the most likely to receive a type of state support.

Welfare policy in the American states has been shaped profoundly by race, ethnicity, and representation. Does gender matter as well? Focusing on state welfare reform in the mid-1990s, we test hypotheses derived from two alternative approaches to incorporating gender into the study of representation and welfare policymaking. An additive approach, which assumes gender and race/ethnicity are distinct and independent, suggests that female state legislators--regardless of race/ethnicity--will mitigate the more restrictive and punitive aspects of welfare reform, much like their African American and Latino counterparts do. In contrast, an intersectional approach, which highlights the overlapping and interdependent nature of gender and race/ethnicity, suggests that legislative women of color will have the strongest countervailing effect of state welfare reform--stronger than that of other women or men of color. Our empirical analyses suggest an intersectional approach yields a more accurate understanding of gender, race/ethnicity, and welfare politics in the states.

On the assumption that poor people migrate to obtain better welfare benefits, the magnet hypothesis predicts that a state's poverty rate increases when its welfare benefit rises faster than benefits in surrounding states. The benefit competition hypothesis proposes that states lower welfare benefits to avoid attracting the poor from neighboring states. Previous investigations, which yield support for these propositions, suffer from weaknesses in model specification and methodology. We correct these deficiencies in a simultaneous equation model including a state's poverty rate and its benefit level for AFDC (Aid to Families with Dependent Children) as endogenous variables. We estimate the model using pooled annual data for the American states from 1960 to 1990, and find that a state's poverty rate does not jump significantly when its welfare payments outpace benefits in neighboring states. Neither is there any evidence of vigorous benefit competition among states. States respond to decreases in neighboring states.

In 2023, **** percent of Black people living in the United States were living below the poverty line, compared to *** percent of white people. That year, the total poverty rate in the U.S. across all races and ethnicities was **** percent. Poverty in the United States Single people in the United States making less than ****** U.S. dollars a year and families of four making less than ****** U.S. dollars a year are considered to be below the poverty line. Women and children are more likely to suffer from poverty, due to women staying home more often than men to take care of children, and women suffering from the gender wage gap. Not only are women and children more likely to be affected, racial minorities are as well due to the discrimination they face. Poverty data Despite being one of the wealthiest nations in the world, the United States had the third highest poverty rate out of all OECD countries in 2019. However, the United States' poverty rate has been fluctuating since 1990, but has been decreasing since 2014. The average median household income in the U.S. has remained somewhat consistent since 1990, but has recently increased since 2014 until a slight decrease in 2020, potentially due to the pandemic. The state that had the highest number of people living below the poverty line in 2020 was California.

In 2022, with more than ******* people, the ethnic Malay was the largest group of public assistance recipients from the Department of Social Welfare in Malaysia. The second-largest group was the Chinese Malaysian with more than ****** recipients of financial assistance in the same year.

In 2022, the public assistance given to the ethnic Malay by the Malaysian Department of Social Welfare amounted to around *** million Malaysian ringgit. The second-largest amount went to the indigenous ethnic group in Sabah, East Malaysia, with more than ** million Malaysian ringgit in public assistance.

This statistic shows the share families that have received income-related benefits in the United Kingdom (UK) in the period from 2015 to 2018, by ethnic group of household head. In this period, ** percent of the families with head of the family being black/African black/Caribbean or British black received some form of income-related benefit.

Ethnic Diversity and Preferences for Redistribution attempts to explain if individual's preferences for redistribution change if the ethnic diversity increases in a municipality. In this case, selected parts of the Swedish Election Studies has been matched with municipal data for the time period between 1985 and 1994, when Sweden had an active placement program of refugees. This meant that the refugees themselves were not allowed to decide where to settle, but instead they were places in municipalities which had contracts with the Swedish Integration Board (Invandrarverket). Originally the idea of the program was to direct the refugees to municipalities with good labor market conditions, but since the number of refugees arriving to Sweden were larger than expected, so in practice more or less all municipalities were a part of the program. With the placement program refugees spread more across the country, than before the program. Ethnic Diversity and Preferences for Redistribution focus primarily on refugees from nations which not were members in the OECD 1994 and Turkey.

The data comes from the Swedish Election Studies survey waves for the elections in 1982, 1985, 1988, 1991 and 1994. Primarily it consists of various background variables and variables about individual's preferences for private health care, nuclear power and social benefits. The municipal data primarily consist of various socio-economic and political variables, such as population, tax base, welfare spending and share of refugees. Some of these variables are the average of the term (1986-1988, 1989-1991, and 1992-1994).

Purpose:

Investigate the causal link between the ethnic diversity in a society and its inhabitants´ preferences for redistribution.

This dataset includes the ethnicity of applicants for Insurance Affordability Programs (IAPs) who identified their ethnicity as Hispanic with the ethnic origin as Guatemalan, Mexican/Mexican American/Chicano, Other, Puerto Rican, Salvadoran, Mixed, or Cuban, Hispanic with ethnic origin not reported, not Hispanic, or ethnicity not reported by reporting period. The ethnicity data is from the California Healthcare Eligibility, Enrollment and Retention System (CalHEERS) and includes data from applications submitted directly to CalHEERS, to Covered California, and to County Human Services Agencies through the Statewide Automated Welfare System (SAWS) eHIT interface. This dataset is part of public reporting requirements set forth by the California Welfare and Institutions Code 14102.5.

This poll is part of a continuing series of monthly surveys that solicit public opinion on the presidency and on a range of other political and social issues. It was fielded January 11-15, 2001, just prior to the end of the Bill Clinton presidency. Respondents were asked to give their opinions of President Bill Clinton and his handling of the economy, foreign affairs, race relations, the welfare system, crime, and the health care system. A series of questions focused on Clinton and his presidency, including whether Clinton was honest and trustworthy, possessed high personal moral and ethical standards, understood the problems of the American people, had kept the economy strong, had been a strong leader, how he would go down in history, whether the House of Representatives was right to impeach him, and whether he should be charged with a crime for giving false testimony in 1999 regarding his relationship with White House intern Monica Lewinsky. Respondents were asked which of the following issues should be given the highest priority by incoming president George W. Bush and Congress: maintaining a strong economy, protecting the Social Security system, holding down the costs of health care/health insurance, keeping the federal budget balanced, reducing the use of illegal drugs, reforming campaign finance laws, reducing political partisanship in Washington, DC, raising pay and benefits for military personnel, improving opportunities for women and minorities, cutting taxes, improving education, expanding health care coverage, helping the elderly pay for prescription drugs, protecting the environment, upgrading military systems and equipment, banning partial-birth abortions, establishing uniform standards for presidential elections, and improving race relations. A series of questions focused on the incoming Bush administration. Respondent views were sought on Bush's nomination of John Ashcroft for attorney general, Bush's nomination of Gale Norton for secretary of the interior, whether Bush was legitimately elected as president, whether Bush had a mandate to carry out his campaign promises, what type of president Bush would be, and Bush's handling of the presidential transition. Those queried were also asked whether they thought Bush would work for or against the following interest groups: labor unions, large corporations, the poor, the wealthy, the middle class, women's rights groups, the military, environmental groups, religious conservatives, Blacks or African-Americans, Hispanics, other racial and ethnic minorities, and white males. A series of questions on the economy covered whether the economy was headed toward a recession, respondent stock investments, whether stock investments were safe, whether the market would go up or down next year, whether changes in the stock market personally affected the respondent, and what type of tax cut they would prefer. Additional topics covered respondent views on homosexuals serving in the military, gun control laws, abortion, school voucher programs, the construction of a missile defense system, drilling for oil in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge in Alaska, energy conservation vs. finding new energy sources, preferential treatment of minorities and women, tobacco companies, and mad cow disease. Background information on respondents includes age, gender, political party, political orientation, voter participation history, education, race, Hispanic origin, labor union membership, household income, and whether the respondent ate beef.

This report provides information about the demographics of children and parents at steps in the child welfare system. It is produced in compliance with Local Law 132 of 2022.

Stata dataset and do file for all analysis tables and figures presented in manuscript, including appendices. (Appendix tables displaying descriptive statistics were created manually.)

This statistic shows the share of United States citizens by their opinion on the welfare of animals in zoos in 2016, by ethnicity. During the survey, ** percent of Hispanic respondents stated that they think most zoo animals are treated very well.

What are the relative contributions of stereotypes about the race and deservingness of welfare recipients to Americans’ opinions on welfare? A recent study employing a conjoint-experimental method finds that Americans’ stereotypes of welfare recipients as undeserving drive negative attitudes towards welfare, while stereotypes of welfare recipients as Black have little effect. However, this finding may be produced by the measure of welfare attitudes that includes questions implicating deservingness. We implement a conceptual replication of that study using different measures of welfare policy opinions that directly ask respondents about spending, both on welfare generally and on specific welfare programs. We show that when support for welfare is measured using the spending questions, stereotypes about race are significantly associated with opposition to welfare. These results have important implications for the debate on Americans’ opposition to welfare programs, as well as for the measurement of policy opinions in surveys.

Welfare recipients by scheme and nationality group. Published by Department of Social Protection. Available under the license Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 (CC-BY-4.0).Quarterly data on recipients of selected social protection schemes by nationality....

The number of people receiving social benefits in Denmark decreased from 2013. This is mainly because the number of people of Danish origin receiving social benefits has declined. Moreover, both the number of immigrants and descendants of immigrants who are social beneficiaries decreased since 2013. The Danish government implemented a reform in 2014 that tightened the conditions for receiving social benefits. In 2022, around ****** people of Danish origin and ****** immigrants received social benefits in Denmark.

Replication code and data, survey instruments, supplemental information, and ethical exemptions for: "Equality, Reciprocity, or Need? Bolstering Welfare Policy Support for Marginalized Groups with Distributive Fairness"

The New Zealand Census of Population and Dwellings is the official count of how many people and dwellings there are in New Zealand. It provides a snapshot of our society at a point in time and helps to tell the story of its social and economic change. The 2023 Census, held on Tuesday 7 March, was the 35th New Zealand Census of Population and Dwellings. The first official census was run in 1851, and since 1877 there has been a census every five years, with only four exceptions.

Number of children under age 21 in foster care as of July 1 of each year, by race/ethnicity. This is a point-in-time, unduplicated count of children under the supervision of county welfare departments and excludes cases under the supervision of county probation departments, out-of-state agencies, state adoptions district offices, and Indian child welfare departments. The total by race/ethnicity may not add up to total number of children in foster care due to missing values. U.S. totals reflect children in foster care as of Sept. 30 each year. N/A means that data are not available. Data Source: As cited on kidsdata.org, Needell, B., et al. (May 2014). Child Welfare Services Reports forCalifornia, U.C. Berkeley Center for Social Services Research; U.S. data come from Child Trends analysis of Adoption and Foster CareAnalysis and Reporting System data available through the National DataArchive on Child Abuse & Neglect, as cited on KIDS COUNT (May 2014). Retrieved on May 31, 2015.

Poverty in multi-ethnic regions has always been a concern due to its complex factors and persistent nature. Using a sample of 8,482 ethnic majority-headed households and 2,011 ethnic minority-headed households distributed in 200 villages of Wangqing County, China, this study uses hierarchical linear models to examine the factors of income at the household level, the ethnic disparities of the household-level effect, and the contextual effect on household-level outcomes. The findings suggest that, in comparison to the majority group, there exists a smaller income gap between male-headed and female-headed poor households within the minority group. Moreover, the positive impact of participating in off-farm work and receiving welfare payments on the income of poor households is significantly stronger within the minority group. These results not only highlight ethnic disparities in household-level effects but also underscore potential influences of ethnicity on the income dynamics of poor households. The contextual effect demonstrates that modifying the environment of poor households can either enhance or diminish some of the impacts resulting from factors at the household level, thereby facilitating the formulation of more effective targeting strategies at different levels. This study provides an important reference for understanding the ethnic differences of poor households and the mechanism of their income from a multilevel perspective.