In 2023, **** percent of Black people living in the United States were living below the poverty line, compared to *** percent of white people. That year, the total poverty rate in the U.S. across all races and ethnicities was **** percent. Poverty in the United States Single people in the United States making less than ****** U.S. dollars a year and families of four making less than ****** U.S. dollars a year are considered to be below the poverty line. Women and children are more likely to suffer from poverty, due to women staying home more often than men to take care of children, and women suffering from the gender wage gap. Not only are women and children more likely to be affected, racial minorities are as well due to the discrimination they face. Poverty data Despite being one of the wealthiest nations in the world, the United States had the third highest poverty rate out of all OECD countries in 2019. However, the United States' poverty rate has been fluctuating since 1990, but has been decreasing since 2014. The average median household income in the U.S. has remained somewhat consistent since 1990, but has recently increased since 2014 until a slight decrease in 2020, potentially due to the pandemic. The state that had the highest number of people living below the poverty line in 2020 was California.

This dataset includes the ethnicity of applicants for Insurance Affordability Programs (IAPs) who identified their ethnicity as Hispanic with the ethnic origin as Guatemalan, Mexican/Mexican American/Chicano, Other, Puerto Rican, Salvadoran, Mixed, or Cuban, Hispanic with ethnic origin not reported, not Hispanic, or ethnicity not reported by reporting period. The ethnicity data is from the California Healthcare Eligibility, Enrollment and Retention System (CalHEERS) and includes data from applications submitted directly to CalHEERS, to Covered California, and to County Human Services Agencies through the Statewide Automated Welfare System (SAWS) eHIT interface. This dataset is part of public reporting requirements set forth by the California Welfare and Institutions Code 14102.5.

On the assumption that poor people migrate to obtain better welfare benefits, the magnet hypothesis predicts that a state's poverty rate increases when its welfare benefit rises faster than benefits in surrounding states. The benefit competition hypothesis proposes that states lower welfare benefits to avoid attracting the poor from neighboring states. Previous investigations, which yield support for these propositions, suffer from weaknesses in model specification and methodology. We correct these deficiencies in a simultaneous equation model including a state's poverty rate and its benefit level for AFDC (Aid to Families with Dependent Children) as endogenous variables. We estimate the model using pooled annual data for the American states from 1960 to 1990, and find that a state's poverty rate does not jump significantly when its welfare payments outpace benefits in neighboring states. Neither is there any evidence of vigorous benefit competition among states. States respond to decreases in neighboring states.

Stata dataset and do file for all analysis tables and figures presented in manuscript, including appendices. (Appendix tables displaying descriptive statistics were created manually.)

In the 3 years to March 2021, white British families were the most likely to receive a type of state support.

What are the relative contributions of stereotypes about the race and deservingness of welfare recipients to Americans’ opinions on welfare? A recent study employing a conjoint-experimental method finds that Americans’ stereotypes of welfare recipients as undeserving drive negative attitudes towards welfare, while stereotypes of welfare recipients as Black have little effect. However, this finding may be produced by the measure of welfare attitudes that includes questions implicating deservingness. We implement a conceptual replication of that study using different measures of welfare policy opinions that directly ask respondents about spending, both on welfare generally and on specific welfare programs. We show that when support for welfare is measured using the spending questions, stereotypes about race are significantly associated with opposition to welfare. These results have important implications for the debate on Americans’ opposition to welfare programs, as well as for the measurement of policy opinions in surveys.

Graph and download economic data for Income Before Taxes: Public Assistance, Supplemental Security Income, SNAP by Race: White and All Other Races, Not Including Black or African American (CXUWELFARELB0903M) from 2003 to 2023 about supplements, assistance, social assistance, public, SNAP, food stamps, tax, white, food, income, and USA.

Between 2018 and 2022, people in households in the ‘other’, Asian and black ethnic groups were the most likely to be in persistent low income, both before and after housing costs, out of all ethnic groups.

This map displays data from the Selected Economic Indicators (DP03) dataset from the 2010 American Community Survey 5-Yr Estimates, U.S. Census Bureau. Data is shown at the level of Census Tract, County, and Small Area (aggregation of Census Tracts developed by the New Mexico Department of Health). Measuring poverty is a topic of much current discussion. See the following links: A Different Way to Measure Poverty - http://www.sanders.senate.gov/imo/media/image/census.jpg"Few topics in American society have more myths and stereotypes surrounding them than poverty, misconceptions that distort both our politics and our domestic policy making."They include the notion that poverty affects a relatively small number of Americans, that the poor are impoverished for years at a time, that most of those in poverty live in inner cities, that too much welfare assistance is provided and that poverty is ultimately a result of not working hard enough. Although pervasive, each assumption is flat-out wrong." -Mark Rank, Professor of Social Welfare at Washington University: http://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/2013/11/02/poverty-in-america-is-mainstream/

Welfare policy in the American states has been shaped profoundly by race, ethnicity, and representation. Does gender matter as well? Focusing on state welfare reform in the mid-1990s, we test hypotheses derived from two alternative approaches to incorporating gender into the study of representation and welfare policymaking. An additive approach, which assumes gender and race/ethnicity are distinct and independent, suggests that female state legislators--regardless of race/ethnicity--will mitigate the more restrictive and punitive aspects of welfare reform, much like their African American and Latino counterparts do. In contrast, an intersectional approach, which highlights the overlapping and interdependent nature of gender and race/ethnicity, suggests that legislative women of color will have the strongest countervailing effect of state welfare reform--stronger than that of other women or men of color. Our empirical analyses suggest an intersectional approach yields a more accurate understanding of gender, race/ethnicity, and welfare politics in the states.

Some argue that support for the social safety net in the United States is influenced by beliefs about the beneficiaries’ race. Information treatments have the potential to change these beliefs, but for them to be policy relevant, their effects must last beyond the intervention. Our findings from two parallel experiments that exploit the different racialized histories of welfare and unemployment insurance indicate that racial beliefs do predict stated support for the racially stigmatized welfare program but not for the less stigmatized unemployment program. We also find these beliefs are stable if uncorrected and that they can be persistently corrected.

In 2023, 15.4 percent of Black families were living below the poverty line in the United States. Poverty is the state of one who lacks a certain amount of material possessions or money. Absolute poverty or destitution is inability to afford basic human needs, which commonly includes clean and fresh water, nutrition, health care, education, clothing, and shelter.

In 1990, 48.1 percent of all Black families with a single mother in the United States lived below the poverty level. In 2023, that figure had decreased to 25.9 percent. This is significantly higher than white households with a single mother. Poverty is the state of one who lacks a certain amount of material possessions or money. Absolute poverty or destitution is inability to afford basic human needs, which commonly includes clean and fresh water, nutrition, health care, education, clothing and shelter.

Poverty and low-income statistics by visible minority group, Indigenous group and immigration status, Canada and provinces.

This dataset includes the race of applicants for Insurance Affordability Programs (IAPs) who reported their race as American Indian and/or Alaska Native, Asian Indian, Black or African American, Chinese, Cambodian, Filipino, Guamanian or Chamorro, Hmong, Japanese, Korean, Laotian, Mixed Race, Native Hawaiian, Other, Other Asian, Other Pacific Islander, Samoan, Vietnamese, or White by reporting period. The race data is from the California Healthcare Eligibility, Enrollment and Retention System (CalHEERS) and includes data from applications submitted directly to CalHEERS, to Covered California, and to County Human Services Agencies through the Statewide Automated Welfare System (SAWS) eHIT interface. Please note the reporting category Other Asian option on the CalHEERS application was removed in September 2017. This dataset is part of public reporting requirements set forth by the California Welfare and Institutions Code 14102.5.

This summary dataset provides the underlying data for the Agency Performance – Child Welfare Dashboard and the Agency Performance – Child Welfare Quality Assurance Dashboards. Data are pre-aggregated and reported at the level of fiscal year and region. The following metrics are also summarized by race/ethnicity on the Agency Performance Child Welfare Dashboard: - Median Length of Stay - Re-Entry The following metrics are summarized by race/ethnicity on the Agency Performance Quality Assurance Dashboard: - Permanency in 12 Months - Kin Placement Rate The following metrics are also summarized by age on the Agency Performance Child Welfare Dashboard: - Out-of-Home Exits - Out-of-Home Entries - Out-of-Home: Single Point in Time CW Agency Performance: Agency Performance CW Dashboard Final_v1 | Tableau Public CW Supplemental Quality Assurance: Supplemental Agency Performance CW Dashboard Final_v1 | Tableau Public

This dataset includes race/ethnicity of newly Medi-Cal eligible individuals who identified their race/ethnicity as Hispanic, White, Other Asian or Pacific Islander, Black, Chinese, Filipino, Vietnamese, Asian Indian, Korean, Alaskan Native or American Indian, Japanese, Cambodian, Samoan, Laotian, Hawaiian, Guamanian, Amerasian, or Other, by reporting period. The race/ethnicity data is from the Medi-Cal Eligibility Data System (MEDS) and includes eligible individuals without prior Medi-Cal Eligibility. This dataset is part of the public reporting requirements set forth in California Welfare and Institutions Code 14102.5.

The survey is from the American Mosaic Project, a multiyear, multimethod study of the bases of solidarity and diversity in American life. The survey contains items measuring the place of diversity in visions of American society and in respondents' own lives; social and cultural boundaries between groups and dimensions of inclusion and exclusion; racial and religious identity, belonging and discrimination; opinions about sources of advancement for Whites and African Americans; opinions about immigration and assimilation; diversity in respondents' close-tie network; political identity and demographic information. The survey also includes oversamples of African American and Hispanic respondents, allowing for comparisons across racial/ethnic categories. Demographic variables include race, age, gender, religion, level of education, United States citizenship status, partisan affiliation, and family income. See Appendix: Project Narrative for more information.

As of 2019, approximately 18 million South Africans vulnerable to poverty or in need of state support received social grants, relief assistance or social relief paid by the government. The largest group that received social grants were Black and Coloured South Africans.

Number of children under age 21 in foster care as of July 1 of each year, by race/ethnicity. This is a point-in-time, unduplicated count of children under the supervision of county welfare departments and excludes cases under the supervision of county probation departments, out-of-state agencies, state adoptions district offices, and Indian child welfare departments. The total by race/ethnicity may not add up to total number of children in foster care due to missing values. U.S. totals reflect children in foster care as of Sept. 30 each year. N/A means that data are not available. Data Source: As cited on kidsdata.org, Needell, B., et al. (May 2014). Child Welfare Services Reports forCalifornia, U.C. Berkeley Center for Social Services Research; U.S. data come from Child Trends analysis of Adoption and Foster CareAnalysis and Reporting System data available through the National DataArchive on Child Abuse & Neglect, as cited on KIDS COUNT (May 2014). Retrieved on May 31, 2015.