This is a historical measure for Strategic Direction 2023. For more data on Austin demographics please visit austintexas.gov/demographics. The purpose of this dataset is to track the distribution of aggregate city income between the 5 quintile of population segments. The dataset comes from the 2019 U.S. Census Bureau, American Communities Survey (5yr) Table B19082. The row levels contain total percentage of income shares by the middle 3 quintiles (20-80%) of population. This data can be used to provide insights into growth/decline of middle class. Distribution of household income (Note: This indicator can provide insights into growth/decline of middle class) View more details and insights related to this measure on the story page: https://data.austintexas.gov/stories/s/Distribution-of-Household-Income/i3a3-vjnc/
https://dataverse.harvard.edu/api/datasets/:persistentId/versions/1.0/customlicense?persistentId=doi:10.7910/DVN/B9TEWMhttps://dataverse.harvard.edu/api/datasets/:persistentId/versions/1.0/customlicense?persistentId=doi:10.7910/DVN/B9TEWM
This dataset contains replication files for "The Fading American Dream: Trends in Absolute Income Mobility Since 1940" by Raj Chetty, David Grusky, Maximilian Hell, Nathaniel Hendren, Robert Manduca, and Jimmy Narang. For more information, see https://opportunityinsights.org/paper/the-fading-american-dream/. A summary of the related publication follows. One of the defining features of the “American Dream” is the ideal that children have a higher standard of living than their parents. We assess whether the U.S. is living up to this ideal by estimating rates of “absolute income mobility” – the fraction of children who earn more than their parents – since 1940. We measure absolute mobility by comparing children’s household incomes at age 30 (adjusted for inflation using the Consumer Price Index) with their parents’ household incomes at age 30. We find that rates of absolute mobility have fallen from approximately 90% for children born in 1940 to 50% for children born in the 1980s. Absolute income mobility has fallen across the entire income distribution, with the largest declines for families in the middle class. These findings are unaffected by using alternative price indices to adjust for inflation, accounting for taxes and transfers, measuring income at later ages, and adjusting for changes in household size. Absolute mobility fell in all 50 states, although the rate of decline varied, with the largest declines concentrated in states in the industrial Midwest, such as Michigan and Illinois. The decline in absolute mobility is especially steep – from 95% for children born in 1940 to 41% for children born in 1984 – when we compare the sons’ earnings to their fathers’ earnings. Why have rates of upward income mobility fallen so sharply over the past half-century? There have been two important trends that have affected the incomes of children born in the 1980s relative to those born in the 1940s and 1950s: lower Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth rates and greater inequality in the distribution of growth. We find that most of the decline in absolute mobility is driven by the more unequal distribution of economic growth rather than the slowdown in aggregate growth rates. When we simulate an economy that restores GDP growth to the levels experienced in the 1940s and 1950s but distributes that growth across income groups as it is distributed today, absolute mobility only increases to 62%. In contrast, maintaining GDP at its current level but distributing it more broadly across income groups – at it was distributed for children born in the 1940s – would increase absolute mobility to 80%, thereby reversing more than two-thirds of the decline in absolute mobility. These findings show that higher growth rates alone are insufficient to restore absolute mobility to the levels experienced in mid-century America. Under the current distribution of GDP, we would need real GDP growth rates above 6% per year to return to rates of absolute mobility in the 1940s. Intuitively, because a large fraction of GDP goes to a small fraction of high-income households today, higher GDP growth does not substantially increase the number of children who earn more than their parents. Of course, this does not mean that GDP growth does not matter: changing the distribution of growth naturally has smaller effects on absolute mobility when there is very little growth to be distributed. The key point is that increasing absolute mobility substantially would require more broad-based economic growth. We conclude that absolute mobility has declined sharply in America over the past half-century primarily because of the growth in inequality. If one wants to revive the “American Dream” of high rates of absolute mobility, one must have an interest in growth that is shared more broadly across the income distribution.
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United States US: Income Share Held by Highest 20% data was reported at 46.900 % in 2016. This records an increase from the previous number of 46.400 % for 2013. United States US: Income Share Held by Highest 20% data is updated yearly, averaging 46.000 % from Dec 1979 (Median) to 2016, with 11 observations. The data reached an all-time high of 46.900 % in 2016 and a record low of 41.200 % in 1979. United States US: Income Share Held by Highest 20% data remains active status in CEIC and is reported by World Bank. The data is categorized under Global Database’s United States – Table US.World Bank.WDI: Poverty. Percentage share of income or consumption is the share that accrues to subgroups of population indicated by deciles or quintiles. Percentage shares by quintile may not sum to 100 because of rounding.; ; World Bank, Development Research Group. Data are based on primary household survey data obtained from government statistical agencies and World Bank country departments. Data for high-income economies are from the Luxembourg Income Study database. For more information and methodology, please see PovcalNet (http://iresearch.worldbank.org/PovcalNet/index.htm).; ; The World Bank’s internationally comparable poverty monitoring database now draws on income or detailed consumption data from more than one thousand six hundred household surveys across 164 countries in six regions and 25 other high income countries (industrialized economies). While income distribution data are published for all countries with data available, poverty data are published for low- and middle-income countries and countries eligible to receive loans from the World Bank (such as Chile) and recently graduated countries (such as Estonia) only. See PovcalNet (http://iresearch.worldbank.org/PovcalNet/WhatIsNew.aspx) for definitions of geographical regions and industrialized countries.
Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner. The broad aim of the research is to investigate the social and economic consequences of the middle class settlement of inner London in recent decades in order to assess whether there are variations between different areas. A subsidiary aim will be to investigate the relationships between the middle class and other social groups in these neighbourhoods and whether, if these differ, the quality of these relationships can be related to the area and the social composition of the groups involved. Have the middle class exacerbated social exclusion in the city as some claim (Smith 1996)? At the heart of the research proposal is the assumption is that it is no longer possible to identify a single middle class and that different groups will have different social, economic, political and cultural interests and, for this reason, will have different relationships to their localities and populations. More specific objectives are: to identify what are the dominant patterns of middle-class settlement in inner London and how these are differentiated - by occupational characteristics, by social background, or by age-cohort; to identify the consequences of middle class settlement particularly in terms of networks, patterns of sociation, the relations between work and non work associations; to investigate to what extent these social and possibly economic interactions involve other social groups and if so how these variations might be explained; to identify if possible what one area might learn from another - in other words, are there policy recommendations that can be made to improve the attractiveness of some areas and minimize their negativities?
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This is a historical measure for Strategic Direction 2023. For more data on Austin demographics please visit austintexas.gov/demographics. The purpose of this dataset is to track the distribution of aggregate city income between the 5 quintile of population segments. The dataset comes from the 2019 U.S. Census Bureau, American Communities Survey (5yr) Table B19082. The row levels contain total percentage of income shares by the middle 3 quintiles (20-80%) of population. This data can be used to provide insights into growth/decline of middle class. Distribution of household income (Note: This indicator can provide insights into growth/decline of middle class) View more details and insights related to this measure on the story page: https://data.austintexas.gov/stories/s/Distribution-of-Household-Income/i3a3-vjnc/