In U.S. presidential elections since 1964, voter turnout among male and female voters has changed gradually but significantly, with women consistently voting at a higher rate than men since the 1980 election. 67 percent of eligible female voters took part in the 1964 election, compared to 72 percent of male voters. This difference has been reversed in recent elections, where the share of women who voted has been larger than the share of men by around four percent since 2004.
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Analysis of ‘🗳 Primary Candidates’ provided by Analyst-2 (analyst-2.ai), based on source dataset retrieved from https://www.kaggle.com/yamqwe/primary-candidatese on 28 January 2022.
--- Dataset description provided by original source is as follows ---
This folder contains the data behind the stories:
- We Researched Hundreds Of Races. Here’s Who Democrats Are Nominating.
- How’s The Progressive Wing Doing In Democratic Primaries So Far?
- We Looked At Hundreds Of Endorsements. Here’s Who Republicans Are Listening To.
This project looks at patterns in open Democratic and Republican primary elections for the U.S. Senate, U.S. House and governor in 2018.
dem_candidates.csv
contains information about the 811 candidates who have appeared on the ballot this year in Democratic primaries for Senate, House and governor, not counting races featuring a Democratic incumbent, as of August 7, 2018.
rep_candidates.csv
contains information about the 774 candidates who have appeared on the ballot this year in Republican primaries for Senate, House and governor, not counting races featuring a Republican incumbent, through September 13, 2018.Here is a description and source for each column in the accompanying datasets.
dem_candidates.csv
andrep_candidates.csv
include:
Column Description Candidate
All candidates who received votes in 2018’s Democratic primary elections for U.S. Senate, U.S. House and governor in which no incumbent ran. Supplied by Ballotpedia. State
The state in which the candidate ran. Supplied by Ballotpedia. District
The office and, if applicable, congressional district number for which the candidate ran. Supplied by Ballotpedia. Office Type
The office for which the candidate ran. Supplied by Ballotpedia. Race Type
Whether it was a “regular” or “special” election. Supplied by Ballotpedia. Race Primary Election Date
The date on which the primary was held. Supplied by Ballotpedia. Primary Status
Whether the candidate lost (“Lost”) the primary or won/advanced to a runoff (“Advanced”). Supplied by Ballotpedia. Primary Runoff Status
“None” if there was no runoff; “On the Ballot” if the candidate advanced to a runoff but it hasn’t been held yet; “Advanced” if the candidate won the runoff; “Lost” if the candidate lost the runoff. Supplied by Ballotpedia. General Status
“On the Ballot” if the candidate won the primary or runoff and has advanced to November; otherwise, “None.” Supplied by Ballotpedia. Primary %
The percentage of the vote received by the candidate in his or her primary. In states that hold runoff elections, we looked only at the first round (the regular primary). In states that hold all-party primaries (e.g., California), a candidate’s primary percentage is the percentage of the total Democratic vote they received. Unopposed candidates and candidates nominated by convention (not primary) are given a primary percentage of 100 but were excluded from our analysis involving vote share. Numbers come from official results posted by the secretary of state or local elections authority; if those were unavailable, we used unofficial election results from the New York Times. Won Primary
“Yes” if the candidate won his or her primary and has advanced to November; “No” if he or she lost.
dem_candidates.csv
includes:
Column Description Gender
“Male” or “Female.” Supplied by Ballotpedia. Partisan Lean
The FiveThirtyEight partisan lean of the district or state in which the election was held. Partisan leans are calculated by finding the average difference between how a state or district voted in the past two presidential elections and how the country voted overall, with 2016 results weighted 75 percent and 2012 results weighted 25 percent. Race
“White” if we identified the candidate as non-Hispanic white; “Nonwhite” if we identified the candidate as Hispanic and/or any nonwhite race; blank if we could not identify the candidate’s race or ethnicity. To determine race and ethnicity, we checked each candidate’s website to see if he or she identified as a certain race. If not, we spent no more than two minutes searching online news reports for references to the candidate’s race. Veteran?
If the candidate’s website says that he or she served in the armed forces, we put “Yes.” If the website is silent on the subject (or explicitly says he or she didn’t serve), we put “No.” If the field was left blank, no website was available. LGBTQ?
If the candidate’s website says that he or she is LGBTQ (including indirect references like to a same-sex partner), we put “Yes.” If the website is silent on the subject (or explicitly says he or she is straight), we put “No.” If the field was left blank, no website was available. Elected Official?
We used Ballotpedia, VoteSmart and news reports to research whether the candidate had ever held elected office before, at any level. We put “Yes” if the candidate has held elected office before and “No” if not. Self-Funder?
We used Federal Election Committee fundraising data (for federal candidates) and state campaign-finance data (for gubernatorial candidates) to look up how much each candidate had invested in his or her own campaign, through either donations or loans. We put “Yes” if the candidate donated or loaned a cumulative $400,000 or more to his or her own campaign before the primary and “No” for all other candidates. STEM?
If the candidate identifies on his or her website that he or she has a background in the fields of science, technology, engineering or mathematics, we put “Yes.” If not, we put “No.” If the field was left blank, no website was available. Obama Alum?
We put “Yes” if the candidate mentions working for the Obama administration or campaign on his or her website, or if the candidate shows up on this list of Obama administration members and campaign hands running for office. If not, we put “No.” Dem Party Support?
“Yes” if the candidate was placed on the DCCC’s Red to Blue list before the primary, was endorsed by the DSCC before the primary, or if the DSCC/DCCC aired pre-primary ads in support of the candidate. (Note: according to the DGA’s press secretary, the DGA does not get involved in primaries.) “No” if the candidate is running against someone for whom one of the above things is true, or if one of those groups specifically anti-endorsed or spent money to attack the candidate. If those groups simply did not weigh in on the race, we left the cell blank. Emily Endorsed?
“Yes” if the candidate was endorsed by Emily’s List before the primary. “No” if the candidate is running against an Emily-endorsed candidate or if Emily’s List specifically anti-endorsed or spent money to attack the candidate. If Emily’s List simply did not weigh in on the race, we left the cell blank. Gun Sense Candidate?
“Yes” if the candidate received the Gun Sense Candidate Distinction from Moms Demand Action/Everytown for Gun Safety before the primary, according to media reports or the candidate’s website. “No” if the candidate is running against an candidate with the distinction. If Moms Demand Action simply did not weigh in on the race, we left the cell blank. Biden Endorsed?
“Yes” if the candidate was endorsed by Joe Biden before the primary. “No” if the candidate is running against a Biden-endorsed candidate or if Biden specifically anti-endorsed the candidate. If Biden simply did not weigh in on the race, we left the cell blank. Warren Endorsed?
“Yes” if the candidate was endorsed by Elizabeth Warren before the primary. “No” if the candidate is running against a Warren-endorsed candidate or if Warren specifically anti-endorsed the candidate. If Warren simply did not weigh in on the race, we left the cell blank. Sanders Endorsed?
“Yes” if the candidate was endorsed by Bernie Sanders before the primary. “No” if the candidate is running against a Sanders-endorsed candidate or if Sanders specifically anti-endorsed the candidate. If Sanders simply did not weigh in on the race, we left the cell
Every four years in the United States, the electoral college system is used to determine the winner of the presidential election. In this system, each state has a fixed number of electors based on their population size, and (generally speaking) these electors then vote for their candidate with the most popular votes within their state or district. Since 1964, there have been 538 electoral votes available for presidential candidates, who need a minimum of 270 votes to win the election. Because of this system, candidates do not have to win over fifty percent of the popular votes across the country, but just win in enough states to receive a total of 270 electoral college votes. The use of this system is a source of debate in the U.S.; those in favor claim that it prevents candidates from focusing on the interests of urban populations, and must also appeal to smaller and less-populous states, and they say that this system preserves federalism and the two-party system. However, critics argue that this system does not represent the will of the majority of American voters, and that it encourages candidates to disproportionally focus on winning in swing states, where the outcome is more difficult to predict. Popular results From 1789 until 1820, there was no popular vote, and the President was then chosen only by the electors from each state. George Washington was unanimously voted for by the electorate, receiving one hundred percent of the votes in both elections. From 1824, the popular vote has been conducted among American citizens, to help electors decide who to vote for (although the 1824 winner was chosen by the House of Representatives, as no candidate received over fifty percent of electoral votes). Since 1924, the difference in the share of both votes has varied, with several candidates receiving over ninety percent of the electoral votes while only receiving between fifty and sixty percent of the popular vote. The highest difference was for Ronald Reagan in 1980, where he received just 50.4 percent of the popular vote, but 90.9 percent of the electoral votes. Unpopular winners Since 1824, there have been 49 elections, and in 18 of these the winner did not receive over fifty percent of the popular vote. In the majority of these cases, the winner did receive a plurality of the votes, however there have been five instances where the winner of the electoral college vote lost the popular vote to another candidate. The most recent examples of this were in 2000, when George W. Bush received roughly half a million fewer votes than Al Gore, and in 2016, where Hillary Clinton won approximately three million more votes than Donald Trump.
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In U.S. presidential elections since 1964, voter turnout among male and female voters has changed gradually but significantly, with women consistently voting at a higher rate than men since the 1980 election. 67 percent of eligible female voters took part in the 1964 election, compared to 72 percent of male voters. This difference has been reversed in recent elections, where the share of women who voted has been larger than the share of men by around four percent since 2004.