In 2023, Texas had the highest number of forcible rape cases in the United States, with 15,097 reported rapes. Delaware had the lowest number of reported forcible rape cases at 194. Number vs. rate It is perhaps unsurprising that Texas and California reported the highest number of rapes, as these states have the highest population of states in the U.S. When looking at the rape rate, or the number of rapes per 100,000 of the population, a very different picture is painted: Alaska was the state with the highest rape rate in the country in 2023, with California ranking as 30th in the nation. The prevalence of rape Rape and sexual assault are notorious for being underreported crimes, which means that the prevalence of sex crimes is likely much higher than what is reported. Additionally, more than a third of women worry about being sexually assaulted, and most sexual assaults are perpetrated by someone the victim knew.
This study had four key goals. The first goal was to identify how many women in the United States and in college settings have ever been raped or sexually assaulted during their lifetime and within the past year. The next goal was to identify key case characteristics of drug-facilitated and forcible rapes. The third goal was to examine factors that affect the willingness of women to report rape to law enforcement or seek help from their support network. The last goal was to make comparisons between the different types of rape. Part 1 (General Population) data consisted of a national telephone household sample of 3,001 United States women, whereas Part 2 (College Population) data consisted of 2,000 college women selected from a reasonably representative national list of women attending four year colleges and universities. Both data parts contain the same 399 variables. Interviews were completed between January 23 and June 26, 2006. Respondents were asked questions regarding risk perception, fear of violence, and accommodation behavior. The women were also asked their opinions and attitudes about reporting rape to the authorities and disclosing rape to family members, peers, or other individuals. This includes questions about barriers to reporting and experiences that women have had being the recipient of a disclosure from a friend, relative, or other individual. The respondents were asked a series of questions about rape, including different types of forcible, drug- or alcohol-facilitated, and incapacitated rape. For women who endorsed one or more rape experiences, a wide range of rape characteristics were assessed including characteristics around the nature of the event, perpetrator-victim relationship, occurrence of injury, involvement of drugs or alcohol, receipt of medical care, and whether the rape was reported to the authorities. The respondents were also asked a series of questions regarding substance use, including prescription and illegal drugs and alcohol. Additionally, a series of questions related to post-traumatic stress disorder and depression were asked. Finally, the women were asked to provide basic demographic information such as age, race, ethnicity, and income.
This is an Official Statistics bulletin produced by statisticians in the Ministry of Justice, Home Office and the Office for National Statistics. It brings together, for the first time, a range of official statistics from across the crime and criminal justice system, providing an overview of sexual offending in England and Wales. The report is structured to highlight: the victim experience; the police role in recording and detecting the crimes; how the various criminal justice agencies deal with an offender once identified; and the criminal histories of sex offenders.
Providing such an overview presents a number of challenges, not least that the available information comes from different sources that do not necessarily cover the same period, the same people (victims or offenders) or the same offences. This is explained further in the report.
Based on aggregated data from the ‘Crime Survey for England and Wales’ in 2009/10, 2010/11 and 2011/12, on average, 2.5 per cent of females and 0.4 per cent of males said that they had been a victim of a sexual offence (including attempts) in the previous 12 months. This represents around 473,000 adults being victims of sexual offences (around 404,000 females and 72,000 males) on average per year. These experiences span the full spectrum of sexual offences, ranging from the most serious offences of rape and sexual assault, to other sexual offences like indecent exposure and unwanted touching. The vast majority of incidents reported by respondents to the survey fell into the other sexual offences category.
It is estimated that 0.5 per cent of females report being a victim of the most serious offences of rape or sexual assault by penetration in the previous 12 months, equivalent to around 85,000 victims on average per year. Among males, less than 0.1 per cent (around 12,000) report being a victim of the same types of offences in the previous 12 months.
Around one in twenty females (aged 16 to 59) reported being a victim of a most serious sexual offence since the age of 16. Extending this to include other sexual offences such as sexual threats, unwanted touching or indecent exposure, this increased to one in five females reporting being a victim since the age of 16.
Around 90 per cent of victims of the most serious sexual offences in the previous year knew the perpetrator, compared with less than half for other sexual offences.
Females who had reported being victims of the most serious sexual offences in the last year were asked, regarding the most recent incident, whether or not they had reported the incident to the police. Only 15 per cent of victims of such offences said that they had done so. Frequently cited reasons for not reporting the crime were that it was ‘embarrassing’, they ‘didn’t think the police could do much to help’, that the incident was ‘too trivial or not worth reporting’, or that they saw it as a ‘private/family matter and not police business’
In 2011/12, the police recorded a total of 53,700 sexual offences across England and Wales. The most serious sexual offences of ‘rape’ (16,000 offences) and ‘sexual assault’ (22,100 offences) accounted for 71 per cent of sexual offences recorded by the police. This differs markedly from victims responding to the CSEW in 2011/12, the majority of whom were reporting being victims of other sexual offences outside the most serious category.
This reflects the fact that victims are more likely to report the most serious sexual offences to the police and, as such, the police and broader criminal justice system (CJS) tend to deal largely with the most serious end of the spectrum of sexual offending. The majority of the other sexual crimes recorded by the police related to ‘exposure or voyeurism’ (7,000) and ‘sexual activity with minors’ (5,800).
Trends in recorded crime statistics can be influenced by whether victims feel able to and decide to report such offences to the police, and by changes in police recording practices. For example, while there was a 17 per cent decrease in recorded sexual offences between 2005/06 and 2008/09, there was a seven per cent increase between 2008/09 and 2010/11. The latter increase may in part be due to greater encouragement by the police to victims to come forward and improvements in police recording, rather than an increase in the level of victimisation.
After the initial recording of a crime, the police may later decide that no crime took place as more details about the case emerge. In 2011/12, there were 4,155 offences initially recorded as sexual offences that the police later decided were not crimes. There are strict guidelines that set out circumstances under which a crime report may be ‘no crimed’. The ‘no-crime’ rate for sexual offences (7.2 per cent) compare
https://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/8625/termshttps://www.icpsr.umich.edu/web/ICPSR/studies/8625/terms
The purpose of this study was to provide an in-depth look at rapes and attempted rapes in the United States. Part 1 of the collection offers data on rape victims and contains variables regarding the characteristics of the crime, such as the setting, the relationship between the victim and offender, the likelihood of injury, and the reasons why rape is not reported to police. Part 2 contains data on a control group of females who were victims of no crime or of crimes other than rape. The information contained is similar to that found in Part 1.
https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/https://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/
The Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) Program exists to advance the global understanding of health and population trends in developing countries.
The UN describes violence against women and girls (VAWG) as: “One of the most widespread, persistent, and devastating human rights violations in our world today. It remains largely unreported due to the impunity, silence, stigma, and shame surrounding it.”
In general terms, it manifests itself in physical, sexual, and psychological forms, encompassing: • intimate partner violence (battering, psychological abuse, marital rape, femicide) • sexual violence and harassment (rape, forced sexual acts, unwanted sexual advances, child sexual abuse, forced marriage, street harassment, stalking, cyber-harassment), human trafficking (slavery, sexual exploitation) • female genital mutilation • child marriage
The data was taken from a survey of men and women in African, Asian, and South American countries, exploring the attitudes and perceived justifications given for committing acts of violence against women. The data also explores different sociodemographic groups that the respondents belong to, including: Education Level, Marital status, Employment, and Age group.
It is, therefore, critical that the countries where these views are widespread, prioritize public awareness campaigns, and access to education for women and girls, to communicate that violence against women and girls is never acceptable or justifiable.
Field | Definition |
---|---|
Record ID | Numeric value unique to each question by country |
Country | Country in which the survey was conducted |
Gender | Whether the respondents were Male or Female |
Demographics Question | Refers to the different types of demographic groupings used to segment respondents – marital status, education level, employment status, residence type, or age |
Demographics Response | Refers to demographic segment into which the respondent falls (e.g. the age groupings are split into 15-24, 25-34, and 35-49) |
Survey Year | Year in which the Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) took place. “DHS surveys are nationally-representative household surveys that provide data for a wide range of monitoring and impact evaluation indicators in the areas of population, health and nutrition. Standard DHS Surveys have large sample sizes (usually between 5,000 and 30,000 households) and typically are conducted around every 5 years, to allow comparisons over time.” |
Value | % of people surveyed in the relevant group who agree with the question (e.g. the percentage of women aged 15-24 in Afghanistan who agree that a husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife if she burns the food) |
Question | Respondents were asked if they agreed with the following statements: - A husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife if she burns the food - A husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife if she argues with him - A husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife if she goes out without telling him - A husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife if she neglects the children - A husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife if she refuses to have sex with him - A husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife for at least one specific reason
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Abstract copyright UK Data Service and data collection copyright owner. Home Office statistics show a continuing decline in the rape conviction rate over the last three decades, with the most recent figures at an all time low of just over 5 per cent. A number of reforms have been put in place but are yet to deliver the hoped for outcomes. Attrition is a complex, multi-factorial process, meaning that successful policy and practice interventions must be informed by analysis of the issues operating at multiple levels of the criminal justice process. Rape in the 21st Century: Old Patterns, New Behaviours and Emerging Trends, 2000-2002 investigated whether particular combinations of factors might be associated with being targeted for sexual assault, as well as specific layers of attrition, including victimisation/targeting, reporting to the police and case outcomes. Using regression analysis, whether and how explicitly stereotypical notions about rape are predictive of attrition was also explored. The project was based on an existing dataset of 3,527 cases reported to three sexual assault referral centres (SARCs) and three police comparison sites without access to a SARC between late 2000 and end 2002. Stereotypical views about rape were found to affect decision making particularly at the earliest stages of the process, namely reporting and the police investigation, although they were less influential than anticipated for the small proportion of cases that reached court. The findings also suggest that victim vulnerabilities play a crucial role in attrition, particularly where: victims are aged under 18; the rape takes place in the context of domestic violence; the rape is alcohol related; and mental health issues are present. Making previous allegations also appears to be significant. These factors influence not only decisions by complainants to withdraw allegations but also how police conduct the investigation. Main Topics: The main topics include:demographics of the rape victim and rapistcircumstances around the rapecircumstances around the reporting of the rape Purposive selection/case studies Compilation or synthesis of existing material The dataset is principally derived from an earlier dataset collated for the Home Office Crime Reduction Programme Violence Against Women Initiative.
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Abstract Objective To evaluate the assistance provided to women victims of sexual violence and their participation in the follow-up treatment after the traumatic event, presenting a sociodemographic profile, gynecological background, and circumstances of the event, and reporting the results, acceptance, and side effects of prophylaxis for sexually transmitted infections (STIs) and pregnancy. Methods A retrospective cohort study comprising the period between 2007 and 2016. All women receiving medical care and clinical follow-up after a severe episode of sexual violence were included. Records of domestic violence, male victims, children, and adolescents who reported consensual sexual activity were excluded. The present study included descriptive statistics as frequencies and percentages. Results A total of 867medical records were reviewed and 444 cases of sexual violence were included. The age of the victims ranged from10 to 77 years old, most of them selfdeclared white, with between 4 and 8 years of education, and denying having a sexual partner. Sexual violence occurred predominantly at night, on public thoroughfare, being committed by an unknown offender. Most victims were assisted at the referral service center within 72 hours after the violence, enabling the recommended prophylaxis. There was high acceptance of antiretroviral therapy (ART), although half of the users reported side effects. Seroconversion to human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) or to hepatitis B virus (HBV) was not detected in women undergoing prophylaxis. Conclusion In the present cohort, the profile of victims of sexual violence was loweducated, young, white women. The traumatic event occurred predominantly at night, on public thoroughfare, being committed by an unknown offender. Assistance within the first 72 hours after sexual violence enables the healthcare center to provide prophylactic interventions against STIs and unwanted pregnancies.
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License information was derived automatically
Frequencies of performed clinical procedures and the incidence of blood-borne infections, pregnancies, and legal abortions, by period, in women in sexual violence situations assisted by PAVÍVIS between 2010 and 2019.
Attribution 4.0 (CC BY 4.0)https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
License information was derived automatically
Variables associated with blood-borne infections and pregnancy in women in sexual violence situations assisted by PAVÍVIS between 2010 and 2019 (N = 904**).
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In 2023, Texas had the highest number of forcible rape cases in the United States, with 15,097 reported rapes. Delaware had the lowest number of reported forcible rape cases at 194. Number vs. rate It is perhaps unsurprising that Texas and California reported the highest number of rapes, as these states have the highest population of states in the U.S. When looking at the rape rate, or the number of rapes per 100,000 of the population, a very different picture is painted: Alaska was the state with the highest rape rate in the country in 2023, with California ranking as 30th in the nation. The prevalence of rape Rape and sexual assault are notorious for being underreported crimes, which means that the prevalence of sex crimes is likely much higher than what is reported. Additionally, more than a third of women worry about being sexually assaulted, and most sexual assaults are perpetrated by someone the victim knew.