In 2023, Texas had the highest number of forcible rape cases in the United States, with 15,097 reported rapes. Delaware had the lowest number of reported forcible rape cases at 194. Number vs. rate It is perhaps unsurprising that Texas and California reported the highest number of rapes, as these states have the highest population of states in the U.S. When looking at the rape rate, or the number of rapes per 100,000 of the population, a very different picture is painted: Alaska was the state with the highest rape rate in the country in 2023, with California ranking as 30th in the nation. The prevalence of rape Rape and sexual assault are notorious for being underreported crimes, which means that the prevalence of sex crimes is likely much higher than what is reported. Additionally, more than a third of women worry about being sexually assaulted, and most sexual assaults are perpetrated by someone the victim knew.

About Violence Against Women & Girls

The Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) Program exists to advance the global understanding of health and population trends in developing countries.

The UN describes violence against women and girls (VAWG) as: “One of the most widespread, persistent, and devastating human rights violations in our world today. It remains largely unreported due to the impunity, silence, stigma, and shame surrounding it.”

In general terms, it manifests itself in physical, sexual, and psychological forms, encompassing: • intimate partner violence (battering, psychological abuse, marital rape, femicide) • sexual violence and harassment (rape, forced sexual acts, unwanted sexual advances, child sexual abuse, forced marriage, street harassment, stalking, cyber-harassment), human trafficking (slavery, sexual exploitation) • female genital mutilation • child marriage

About The Data

The data was taken from a survey of men and women in African, Asian, and South American countries, exploring the attitudes and perceived justifications given for committing acts of violence against women. The data also explores different sociodemographic groups that the respondents belong to, including: Education Level, Marital status, Employment, and Age group.

It is, therefore, critical that the countries where these views are widespread, prioritize public awareness campaigns, and access to education for women and girls, to communicate that violence against women and girls is never acceptable or justifiable.

Question | Respondents were asked if they agreed with the following statements: - A husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife if she burns the food - A husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife if she argues with him - A husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife if she goes out without telling him - A husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife if she neglects the children - A husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife if she refuses to have sex with him - A husband is justified in hitting or beating his wife for at least one specific reason

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This study had four key goals. The first goal was to identify how many women in the United States and in college settings have ever been raped or sexually assaulted during their lifetime and within the past year. The next goal was to identify key case characteristics of drug-facilitated and forcible rapes. The third goal was to examine factors that affect the willingness of women to report rape to law enforcement or seek help from their support network. The last goal was to make comparisons between the different types of rape. Part 1 (General Population) data consisted of a national telephone household sample of 3,001 United States women, whereas Part 2 (College Population) data consisted of 2,000 college women selected from a reasonably representative national list of women attending four year colleges and universities. Both data parts contain the same 399 variables. Interviews were completed between January 23 and June 26, 2006. Respondents were asked questions regarding risk perception, fear of violence, and accommodation behavior. The women were also asked their opinions and attitudes about reporting rape to the authorities and disclosing rape to family members, peers, or other individuals. This includes questions about barriers to reporting and experiences that women have had being the recipient of a disclosure from a friend, relative, or other individual. The respondents were asked a series of questions about rape, including different types of forcible, drug- or alcohol-facilitated, and incapacitated rape. For women who endorsed one or more rape experiences, a wide range of rape characteristics were assessed including characteristics around the nature of the event, perpetrator-victim relationship, occurrence of injury, involvement of drugs or alcohol, receipt of medical care, and whether the rape was reported to the authorities. The respondents were also asked a series of questions regarding substance use, including prescription and illegal drugs and alcohol. Additionally, a series of questions related to post-traumatic stress disorder and depression were asked. Finally, the women were asked to provide basic demographic information such as age, race, ethnicity, and income.

This dataset reflects reported incidents of crime (with the exception of murders where data exists for each victim) that occurred in the City of Chicago from 2001 to present, minus the most recent seven days. Data is extracted from the Chicago Police Department's CLEAR (Citizen Law Enforcement Analysis and Reporting) system. In order to protect the privacy of crime victims, addresses are shown at the block level only and specific locations are not identified. Should you have questions about this dataset, you may contact the Research & Development Division of the Chicago Police Department at 312.745.6071 or RandD@chicagopolice.org. Disclaimer: These crimes may be based upon preliminary information supplied to the Police Department by the reporting parties that have not been verified. The preliminary crime classifications may be changed at a later date based upon additional investigation and there is always the possibility of mechanical or human error. Therefore, the Chicago Police Department does not guarantee (either expressed or implied) the accuracy, completeness, timeliness, or correct sequencing of the information and the information should not be used for comparison purposes over time. The Chicago Police Department will not be responsible for any error or omission, or for the use of, or the results obtained from the use of this information. All data visualizations on maps should be considered approximate and attempts to derive specific addresses are strictly prohibited. The Chicago Police Department is not responsible for the content of any off-site pages that are referenced by or that reference this web page other than an official City of Chicago or Chicago Police Department web page. The user specifically acknowledges that the Chicago Police Department is not responsible for any defamatory, offensive, misleading, or illegal conduct of other users, links, or third parties and that the risk of injury from the foregoing rests entirely with the user. The unauthorized use of the words "Chicago Police Department," "Chicago Police," or any colorable imitation of these words or the unauthorized use of the Chicago Police Department logo is unlawful. This web page does not, in any way, authorize such use. Data is updated daily Tuesday through Sunday. The dataset contains more than 65,000 records/rows of data and cannot be viewed in full in Microsoft Excel. Therefore, when downloading the file, select CSV from the Export menu. Open the file in an ASCII text editor, such as Wordpad, to view and search. To access a list of Chicago Police Department - Illinois Uniform Crime Reporting (IUCR) codes, go to http://data.cityofchicago.org/Public-Safety/Chicago-Police-Department-Illinois-Uniform-Crime-R/c7ck-438e

The purpose of this study was to use data from the National Crime Survey (NCS) and the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) to explore whether the likelihood of police notification by rape victims had increased between 1973-2000. To avoid the ambiguities that could arise in analyses across the two survey periods, the researchers analyzed the NCS (1973-1991) and NCVS data (1992-2000) separately. They focused on incidents that involved a female victim and one or more male offenders. The sample for 1973-1991 included 1,609 rapes and the corresponding sample for 1992-2000 contained 636 rapes. In their analyses, the researchers controlled for changes in forms of interviewing used in the NCS and NCVS. Logistic regression was used to estimate effects on the measures of police notification. The analyses incorporated the currently best available methods of accounting for design effects in the NCS and NCVS. Police notification served as the dependent variable in the study and was measured in two ways. First, the analysis included a polytomous dependent variable that contrasted victim reported incidents and third-party reported incidents, respectively, with nonreported incidents. Second, a binary dependent variable, police notified, also was included. The primary independent variables in the analysis were the year of occurrence of the incident reported by the victim and the relationship between the victim and the offender. The regression models estimated included several control variables, including measures of respondents' socioeconomic status, as well as other victim, offender, and incident characteristics that may be related both to the nature of rape and to the likelihood that victims notify the police.

In present times, gender-based violence (GBV) is a global scourge. It is highly prevalent in South Africa, where the rates of incidents are exorbitant, particularly those of sexual violence against women. The goal of this paper is to explore the implications of factors such as societal norms affected by the country’s unique historical circumstances that promote rising rates of gender-based violence, significant underreporting of these instances, sexual violence and the consequences for the survivors. The paper uses secondary data to study the intersectionality of gender, population group (race), socio-economic status, and geographical location. We further analyze the sociodemographic of GBV (particularly rape) victims and perpetrators to put the focus on better and more gender-responsive prevention strategies. The paper highlights the importance of paying attention to intimate partner violence (IPV) as this constitutes a highly significant percentage of the total cases of rape and femicide. The study shows that non-white women constitute the most vulnerable group to GBV. We conclude that proper mechanisms must be put in place which require the cooperation of the police, judicial, medical, social and other support services to properly tackle this violence which must account for every population group, especially the historically marginalized ones.Citation: Alvarez Merino, E., & Afa, I. J. (2025). Exploring the Complexities of Gender-Based Violence in South Africa: A Comprehensive Analysis. International Journal of Humanities and Social Science, 15, 26-38. https://doi.org/10.1080/ijhss.v15p3URL: https://ijhssnet.com/journal/index/5011

The degree to which female political actors influence policy is hotly debated in political science. However, relatively little research considers how women's representation in the police influences policing outcomes. We argue that increasing women's representation should be associated with increases in rape report rates but should not be associated with changes in rape arrest rates. We expect public perceptions of female police to affect victims' willingness to report and cooperate with the police, but the masculine, hierarchical, and complex nature of police investigations of rape will make it difficult for those report increases to translate into increases in arrests for those crimes. We leverage unique police administrative data from 1987 to 2016 and find that while women's representation is associated with increased rape report rates, there is no relationship with rape arrest rates, highlighting an important justice gap. Our paper has implications not only for the study of female representation and representative bureaucracy, but also provides insights into how descriptive representation may be limited by institutional culture, norms, practices, and procedures.

Based on data from n = 752 respondents of which 421 women and 331 men (due to missing values).Percentage of the total respondents with sexual abuse, by gender.Total exceeds 100% because multiple answers where possible.Namely: Brazil, Colombia, Egypt (male victim), Indonesia, Iran and Russia.Included: Morocco, Surinam, Dutch Antilles, elsewhere non-western.

Significant differences by race are denoted in bold italics.

IF, intimate femicide; NIF, non-intimate femicide.