This dataset presents the footprint of the percentage of women who gave birth aged younger than 20 years who smoked at any time during pregnancy, by the mother's usual place of residence. The data spans the year of 2015 and is aggregated to 2015 Department of Health Primary Health Network (PHN) areas, based on the 2011 Australian Statistical Geography Standard (ASGS). The data is sourced from the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW) National Perinatal Data Collection (NPDC) and historical data for time trends. Where the term 'teenage mother' is used the analysis is based on women who gave birth aged under 20. Teenage mothers and their babies are more likely to experience broader disadvantage, have antenatal risk factors and have poorer maternal and baby outcomes during and after birth, than older mothers and their babies. The Teenage Mothers in Australia data accompanies the Teenage Mothers in Australia 2015 Report. For further information about this dataset, visit the data source: Australian Institute of Health and Welfare - Teenage Mothers in Australia 2015 Data Tables. Please note: AURIN has spatially enabled the original data using the Department of Health - PHN Areas. Excludes women for whom smoking status at any time during pregnancy was 'Not stated' and women not usually resident in Australia or whose usual residence was 'Not stated'.

ABSTRACT: Objective: To analyze the predictive factors of abortion among teenagers with gestational history. Methods: Cross-sectional study carried out with 464 teenagers aged between 15 and 19 years, from Teresina, Piauí, who completed a pregnancy in the first quarter of 2006 in six city maternity hospitals. Data were collected from May to December 2008, at the teenagers' home, after their identification in the hospital records. For the univariate analysis of data, descriptive statistics was used, and for bivariate analysis, Pearson's χ2-test and Z-test were applied. Multivariate analysis was performed by means of the Multiple logistic regression (MLR), with significance level of 5%. Results: Teenagers who had more than one pregnancy were almost nine times more likely to have an abortion when compared to those who had only one pregnancy (p = 0.002). Furthermore, the teenagers who reported being pressured by the partner to have an abortion were four times and a half more likely to do it, when compared to those pressured by relatives and friends (p = 0.007). Conclusion: The teenagers who had two or more pregnancies and were pressured by the partner to have an abortion were more prone to do it. Thus, it is necessary that programs of Family Planning include the teenagers more effectively, aiming at avoiding unwanted pregnancies among this population and, consequently, abortion induced in poor conditions.

The 1996 Nepal Family Health Survey (NFHS) is a nationally representative survey of 8,429 ever- married women age 15-49. The survey is the fifth in a series of demographic and health surveys conducted in Nepal since 1976. The main purpose of the NFHS was to provide detailed information on fertility, family planning, infant and child mortality, and matemal and child health and nutrition. In addition, the NFHS included a series of questions on knowledge of AIDS. The primary objective of the Nepal Family Health Survey (NFHS) is to provide national level estimates of fertility and child mortality. The survey also provides information on nuptiality, contraceptive knowledge and behaviour, the potential demand for contraception, other proximate determinants of fertility, family size preferences, utilization of antenatal services, breastfeeding and food supplementation practices, child nutrition and health, immunizations, and knowledge about Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS). This information will assist policy-makers, administrators and researchers to assess and evaluate population and health programmes and strategies. The NFHS is comparable to Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) conducted in other developing countries. MAIN RESULTS FERTILITY Survey results indicate that fertility in Nepal has declined steadily from over 6 births per woman in the mid-1970s to 4.6 births per woman during the period of 1994-1996. Differentials in fertility by place of residence are marked, with the total fertility rate (TFR) for urban Nepal (2.9 births per woman) about two children less than for rural Nepal (4.8 births per woman). The TFR in the Mountains (5.6 births per woman) is about one child higher than the TFR in the Hills and Terai (4.5 and 4.6 births per woman, respectively). By development region, the highest TFR is observed in the Mid-western region (5.5 births per woman) and the lowest TFR in the Eastern region (4.1 births per woman). Fertility decline in Nepal has been influenced in part by a steady increase in age at marriage over the past 25 years. The median age at first marriage has risen from 15.5 years among women age 45-49 to 17.1 years among women age 20-24. This trend towards later marriage is supported by the fact that the proportion of women married by age 15 has declined from 41 percent among women age 45-49 to 14 percent among women age 15-19. There is a strong relationship between female education and age at marriage. The median age at first marriage for women with no formal education is 16 years, compared with 19.8 years for women with some secondary education. Despite the trend towards later age at marriage, childbearing begins early for many Nepalese women. One in four women age 15-19 is already a mother or pregnant with her first child, with teenage childbearing more common among rural women (24 percent) than urban women (20 percent). Nearly one in three adolescent women residing in the Terai has begun childbearing, compared with one in five living in the Mountains and 17 percent living in the Hills. Regionally, the highest level of adolescent childbearing is observed in the Central development region while the lowest is found in the Western region. Short birth intervals are also common in Nepal, with one in four births occurring within 24 months of a previous birth. This is partly due to the relatively short period of insusceptibility, which averages 14 months, during which women are not exposed to the risk of pregnancy either because they are amenorrhoeic or abstaining. By 12-13 months after a birth, mothers of the majority of births (57 percent) are susceptible to the risk of pregnancy. Early childbearing and short birth intervals remain a challenge to policy-makers. NFHS data show that children born to young mothers and those born after short birth intervals suffer higher rates of morbidity and mortality. Despite the decline in fertility, Nepalese women continue to have more children than they consider ideal. At current fertility levels, the average woman in Nepal is having almost 60 percent more births than she wantsthe total wanted fertility rate is 2.9 births per woman, compared with the actual total fertility rate of 4.6 births per woman. Unplanned and unwanted births are often associated with increased mortality risks. More than half(56 percent) of all births in the five-year period before the survey had an increased risk of dying because the mother was too young (under 18 years) or too old (more than 34 years), or the birth was of order 3 or higher, or the birth occurred within 24 months of a previous birth. Nevertheless, the percentage of women who want to stop childbearing in Nepal has increased substantially, from 40 percent in 1981 to 52 percent in 1991 and to 59 percent in 1996. According to the NFHS, 41 percent of currently married women age 15-49 say they do not want any more children, and an additional 18 percent have been sterilized. Furthermore, 21 percent of married women want to wait at least two years for their next child and only 13 percent want to have a child soon, that is, within two years. FAMILY PLANNING Knowledge of family planning is virtually universal in Nepal, with 98 percent of currently married women having heard of at least one method of family planning. This is a five-fold increase over the last two decades (1976-1996). Much of this knowledge comes from media exposure. Fifty-three percent of ever-married women had been exposed to family planning messages on the radio and/or the television and 23 percent have been exposed to messages through the print media. In addition, about one in four women has heard at least one of three specific family planning programmes on the radio. There has been a steady increase in the level of ever use of modern contraceptive method over the past 20 years, from 4 percent of currently married women in 1976, to 27 percent in 1991 and 35 percent in 1996. Among ever-users, female sterilization and male sterilization are the most popular methods (37 percent), indicating that contraceptive methods have been used more for limiting than for spacing births. The contraceptive prevalence rate among currently married women is 29 percent, with the majority of women using modern methods (26 percent). Again, the most widely used method is sterilization (18 percent, male and female combined), followed by injectables (5 percent). Although current use of modern contraceptive methods has risen steadily over the last two decades, the pace of change has been slowest in the most recent years (1991-1996). Current use among currently married non-pregnant women increased from 3 percent in 1976 to 15 percent in 1986 to 24 percent in 1991 and to 29 percent in 1996. While female sterilization increased by only 3 percent from 45 percent of modern methods in 1986 to 46 percent in 1996, male sterilization declined by almost 50 percent from 41 percent to 21 percent over the same period. The level of current use is nearly twice as high in the urban areas (50 percent) as in rural areas (27 percent). Only 18 percent of currently married women residing in the Mountains are currently using contraception, compared with 30 percent and 29 percent living in the Hills and Terai regions, respectively. There is a notable difference in current contraceptive use between the Far-western region (21 percent) and all the other regions, especially the Central and Eastern regions (31 percent each). Educational differences in current use are large, with 26 percent of women with no education currently using contraception, compared with 52 percent of women who have completed their School Leaving Certificate (SLC). In general, as women's level of education rises, they are more likely to use modem spacing methods. The public sector figures prominently as a source of modem contraceptives. Seventy-nine percent of modem method users obtained their methods from a public source, especially hospitals and district clinics (32 percent) and mobile camps (28 percent). The public sector is the predominant source of sterilizations, 1UDs, injectables, and Norplant, and both the public and private sectors are equally important sources of the pill and condoms. Nevertheless, the public sector's share of the market has fallen over the last five years from 93 percent of current users in 1991 to 79 percent in 1996. There is considerable potential for increased family planning use in Nepal. Overall, one in three women has an unmet need for family planning14 percent for spacing and 17 percent for limiting. The total demand for family planning, including those women who are currently using contraception, is 60 percent. Currently, the family planning needs of only one in two women is being met. While the increase in unmet need between 1991 (28 percent) and 1996 (31 percent) was small, there was a 14 percent increase in the percentage of women using any method of family planning and, over the same period, a corresponding increase of 18 percent in the demand for family planning. MATERNAL AND CHILD HEALTH At current mortality levels, one of every 8 children born in Nepal will die before the fifth birthday, with two of three deaths occurring during the first year of life. Nevertheless, NFHS data show that mortality levels have been declining rapidly in Nepal since the eighties. Under-five mortality in the period 0-4 years before the survey is 40 percent lower than it was 10-14 years before the survey, with child mortality declining faster (45 percent) than infant mortality (38 percent). Mortality is consistently lower in urban than in rural areas, with children in the Mountains faring much worse than children living in the Hills and Terai. Mortality is also far worse in the Far-western and Mid-western development regions than in the other regions. Maternal education is strongly related to mortality, and children of highly educated mothers are least likely to die young. For example, infant mortality is nearly

Teenage pregnancy remains a critical issue in Kenya, with 15% of girls aged 15–19 having been pregnant. Counties in western Kenya experience high teenage pregnancy rates (22–30%) along with high HIV prevalence and widespread poverty. Long-term consequences of teenage pregnancy have been documented in high-income countries, but evidence from the Global South is lacking. Here, we examined the association between teenage pregnancy and adult socio-economic functioning in western Kenya using cross-sectional survey data from Migori County, Kenya. We categorized women into three groups: adult mothers (first child ≥20 years), teenage mothers to 1 child (had 1 child before age 20), and teenage mothers to 2 + children (had 2 or more children before age 20). We then compared adult socioeconomic and health outcomes of these groups. We found that among 6,089 mothers, 45.2% had their first child during adolescence. Compared to adult mothers, teenage mothers were significantly less likely to complete primary education: a 12.2 percentage point (pp) reduction (95% CI: -14.9, -9.4) among teenage mothers to 1 child and 27.6 pp reduction (95% CI: -31.4, -23.8) among teenage mothers to 2 + children. Teenage mothers were also more likely to have loans and experience food insecurity. The risk of experiencing the death of a child increased from 3.4% among adult mothers to 15.3% among teenage mothers to 2 + children, a 4.5-fold increase (p