Among countries with the highest number of overseas Chinese on each continent, the largest Chinese diaspora community is living in Indonesia, numbering more than ten million people. Most of these people are descendants from migrants born in China, who have moved to Indonesia a long time ago. On the contrary, a large part of overseas Chinese living in Canada and Australia have arrived in these countries only during the last two decades. China as an emigration country Many Chinese people have emigrated from their home country in search of better living conditions and educational chances. The increasing number of Chinese emigrants has benefited from loosened migration policies. On the one hand, the attitude of the Chinese government towards emigration has changed significantly. Overseas Chinese are considered to be strong supporters for the overall strength of Chinese culture and international influence. On the other hand, migration policies in the United States and Canada are changing with time, expanding migration opportunities for non-European immigrants. As a result, China has become one of the world’s largest emigration countries as well as the country with the highest outflows of high net worth individuals. However, the mass emigration is causing a severe loss of homegrown talents and assets. The problem of talent and wealth outflow has raised pressing questions to the Chinese government, and a solution to this issue is yet to be determined. Popular destinations among Chinese emigrants Over the last decades, English speaking developed countries have been popular destinations for Chinese emigrants. In 2022 alone, the number of people from China naturalized as U.S. citizens had amounted to over 27,000 people, while nearly 68,000 had obtained legal permanent resident status as “green card” recipients. Among other popular immigration destinations for Chinese riches are Canada, Australia, Europe, and Singapore.

As of 2022, the European country with the most citizens of the People's Republic of China was Italy, with around 300,000 people. Spain also hosted a substantial number of Chinese nationals at roughly 193,000 people. These figures are likely to underestimate the number of people who were born in China or are of Chinese ancestry, as many of these immigrants receive the citizenship of the European country which they migrated to after living there for a period of time, and the People's Republic of China does not allow its citizens to hold dual citizenship.

Between 1820 and 1957, more than one million documented migrants arrived in the United States from Asia. The migration rate was quite low until the 1850s, but then there was an influx of Chinese migrants to the US, and almost 300,000 people migrated to the US from China by 1884. This migration from China ended abruptly in the 1880s, as a result of the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882. This act prohibited the immigration of Chinese laborers to the United States, and, despite the fact that it was only intended to last for ten years, it officially remained in effect until 1943, and in practice until 1965.

After this law came into effect, migration from Asia was quite low until the end of the nineteenth century. As the twentieth century began, migration from Asia to the US increased gradually, particularly from Japan and Turkey, although overall migration decreased again following the First World War and the Great Depression. In the lead up to the Second World War, migration to the US decreased greatly, particularly from Japan, who were one of America's enemies during the war. As the Chinese Civil War ended in the late 1940s, the US accepted a few thousand Chinese asylum seekers, and then migration from Asia grew to it's pre-Depression levels in the 1950s.

The study analyzes the forces leading to or impeding the assimilation of 18- to 32-year-olds from immigrant backgrounds that vary in terms of race, language, and the mix of skills and liabilities their parents brought to the United States. To make sure that what we find derives specifically from growing up in an immigrant family, rather than simply being a young person in New York, a comparison group of people from native born White, Black, and Puerto Rican backgrounds was also studied. The sample was drawn from New York City (except for Staten Island) and the surrounding counties in the inner part of the New York-New Jersey metropolitan region where the vast majority of immigrants and native born minority group members live and grow up. The study groups make possible a number of interesting comparisons. Unlike many other immigrant groups, the West Indian first generation speaks English, but the dominant society racially classifies them as Black. The study explored how their experiences resemble or differ from native born African Americans. Dominicans and the Colombian-Peruvian-Ecuadoran population both speak Spanish, but live in different parts of New York, have different class backgrounds prior to immigration, and, quite often, different skin tones. The study compared them to Puerto Rican young people, who, along with their parents, have the benefit of citizenship. Chinese immigrants from the mainland tend to have little education, while young people with overseas Chinese parents come from families with higher incomes, more education, and more English fluency. Respondents were divided into eight groups depending on their parents' origin. Those of immigrant ancestry include: Jewish immigrants from the former Soviet Union; Chinese immigrants from the mainland, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and the Chinese Diaspora; immigrants from the Dominican Republic; immigrants from the English-speaking countries of the West Indies (including Guyana but excluding Haiti and those of Indian origin); and immigrants from Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru. These groups composed 44 percent of the 2000 second-generation population in the defined sample area. For comparative purposes, Whites, Blacks, and Puerto Ricans who were born in the United States and whose parents were born in the United States or Puerto Rico were also interviewed. To be eligible, a respondent had to have a parent from one of these groups. If the respondent was eligible for two groups, he or she was asked which designation he or she preferred. The ability to compare these groups with native born Whites, Blacks, and Puerto Ricans permits researchers to investigate the effects of nativity while controlling for race and language background. About two-thirds of second-generation respondents were born in the United States, mostly in New York City, while one-third were born abroad but arrived in the United States by age 12 and had lived in the country for at least 10 years, except for those from the former Soviet Union, some of whom arrived past the age of 12. The project began with a pilot study in July 1996. Survey data collection took place between November 1999 and December 1999. The study includes demographic variables such as race, ethnicity, language, age, education, income, family size, country of origin, and citizenship status.

In financial year 2023, it was estimated that 64.32 thousand more Chinese migrated to Australia than emigrated. This marked a significant increase in Chinese net migration compared to 14.72 thousand people in the previous financial year.

The Chinese community in Australia

Chinese migration to Australia dates back to the Australian gold rush of the 1850s and 60s, however, exclusionary migration policies up until the 1970’s restricted migration from China for some time. Since then, immigration from China has increased steadily and Chinese migrants now represent Australia’s third largest migrant group after the UK and India. The 2016 Australian census showed that Mandarin was the second most common language spoken at home in Australia, and Cantonese came in fourth. The Australian Chinese community also includes a significant proportion of the international students from China choosing to study in Australia.

Chinese investment in Australia

Although foreign investment in Australia still comes primarily from its traditional trade partners, the United States and the United Kingdom, Chinese investment has been increasing in recent years. The bulk of Chinese investment in Australia goes toward commercial real estate and agribusiness. In New South Wales alone, real estate investment from China totaled almost 1.25 billion Australian dollars, which accounted for around a half of all Chinese real estate investment in the country. By comparison, in 2019 the import value of Australian food products to China displayed yet another year on year increase, totaling more than two billion U.S. dollars.

Mental health service users complete the SCOPE-C, the Everyday discrimination scale and the SF12. these are all standardised published instruments. They were self-completed or completed with the assistance of research staff. Over 160 patients were assessed. A number of cross-cultural translation guides have become available over the years which provide guidance about adapting measures for other cultures. Taking into consideration the various available guides, for the purposes of this research we are adopting the guidance from a leading French research institute, which suggests that we proceed as follows. First we need to speak to groups of people in HK to see to what extent their views about the nature of the concept are similar or dissimilar to those in the UK. To do this we use a method known as 'concept mapping'. We then have experts examine the extent to which the items in the UK measure capture these ideas. At this point it may be necessary to add additional items to the new version. We then translate the UK version into Chinese, and back again, and reconcile and clarify any difference. The new version is then piloted in the Chinese communities, and any difficulties ironed out. Once we have obtained an acceptable version of the measure, following piloting we will then apply the measure to different samples. One will be of discharged mental patients in HK and these will be compared to similar patients in the UK to see if their nature and levels of inclusion are similar or not. Another will be of Chinese immigrants to the UK to see if their levels of inclusion are more similar to UK population or HK residents and immigrants. Finally, we will assess whether the new measure compares in the way it should with a widely used standardised measure, and a measure of recovery. The measure and these findings will provide the basis for further community research in Hong Kong, mainland China and in Chinese immigrant communities in other parts of the world. Social inclusion policy impact could be evaluated in these contexts and social interventions could demonstrate how they have helped people to become more included in society.This study is going to explore whether an English language measure of social inclusion can be translated into an equivalent Chinese measure of inclusion that can be used to assess inclusion in disadvantaged groups such as immigrant groups and people with mental health problems. We will compare some new results for the Chinese version with results from the original research in the UK in several samples: people with mental health problems in the Hong Kong (HK) resident and immigrant populations, and Chinese immigrants in the UK. The advantages of cross-cultural comparison have been reported as testing the boundaries of knowledge and stretching methodological parameters; highlighting important similarities and differences; and the promotion of institutional and intercultural exchange and understanding. The present proposal looks at these matters in relation to the concept of social inclusion in the UK and HK. While we recognise that the concept of social inclusion is a contested one, for the purposes of the current proposal we accept the World Bank definition. Social Inclusion (SI) refers to promoting equal access to opportunities, enabling everyone to contribute to social and economic program and share in its rewards. Interest in cross-cultural measurement issues has grown rapidly since the turn of the century. Although psychologists have taken the lead on measurement issues social work researchers have recognised the importance of developing crosscultural measurement for the profession, especially for work with minority and immigrant groups. Most authors agree on the fundamental areas in which the new questionnaire should be shown to be equivalent to the original one. These include the concept itself, the questions used to assess it, the precise wording of these questions, and the meaning of the words used in the different languages. Technically, the way each of the items (or variables) relate to each other and to the underlying concepts should be the same in both cultures, for full equivalence to be demonstrated. Questionnaires, that is standardised instruments were completed by the respondents who are service recipients in the Hong Kong NGO mental health services. Currently unwell subjects were excluded. Most had schizophrenia and were living in semi-sheltered accommodation.

This data collection includes 'life story' interviews with Russian-speaking women from Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus who have married Chinese citizens and moved for their married lives to the People's Republic of China. Most of the recorded interviews were transcribed verbatim in Russian. Some of the non-recorded conversations are summarised in English. The topics covered in the interviews include the women's journeys to China, their experiences of family, social, and working lives, the challenges of legal, socio-cultural and emotional adaptation, and the questions of citizenship and immigration status for women and their children.The growth of mega-cities and more generally rapid urbanization in China not only include hundreds of millions internal migrants, but an increasing number of foreign (including Taiwanese and returning ethnic Chinese) migrants as well. At present, foreign migrants fill relatively small and specific skills and knowledge gaps, but also include marriage migrants, traders, investors, retirees and unskilled workers. However as China's population growth levels off, population ageing sets in. China's working age population is set to decline, slowly at first but increasingly rapidly, especially roughly after 2025. Moreover, the population's sex imbalance will become ever more pronounced and China will face an increasing shortage of marriageable and working age people. Although international migration is set to make an important contribution to these increasing demographic and labour market shortages in China, little research has as yet been done. Our project will provide estimates and projections of the role of international and internal migration on population dynamics in China. The central focus of our project is on the impact of the second demographic transition in China, including family changes, ageing, migration and regional population changes. We will collect vital data on the interaction between labour markets and population dynamics, the consequences of migration, integration policies in China, EU-China mobility, and shifting patterns of inequality and the cultural division of labour. The project therefore speaks directly to the issues under the theme Understanding Population Change of the Europe - China call for collaborative research. This research data collection includes the transcripts of life story interviews with Russian-speaking women from the Soviet Union who have married a Chinese national and moved for a family life to the People's Republic of China. The research participants for this project were recruited through a snowballing method. A written call for participation and project information were distributed through established contacts and social media, inviting interested parties to contact the researcher. A consent form with the project information was shared with prospective participants prior to the interview. The interviews took place face-to-face or through a video or audio function in Skype or in Wechat, China's most popular social media platform.

This graph shows the population distribution of Chinese people living abroad in 2013 and 2023, by continent, according to official Taiwanese sources. By the end of 2023, around 2.44 million people of Chinese birth or descent who were living overseas were living in Europe. The figures of the source are in most cases higher - in some cases considerably higher - than figures published by the UN, as not only first generation migrants are included, but also their descendants.

Contemporary societies are rapidly changing demographically and culturally. This raises new challenges regarding support for and engagement in nature conservation. Our paper discusses differences and similarities between young adult non-immigrants and immigrants in how they understand and value nature, based on group interviews and a survey conducted among young adults of Turkish, Chinese and non-immigrant Dutch backgrounds. We show that how people perceive nature differs between ethnic groups, even though the immigrants included spent (most of) their youth in the Netherlands. Non-immigrants used most strict boundaries to qualify green areas as nature, while especially Chinese immigrants expressed a more inclusive idea of nature. Turkish immigrants articulated most often ecocentric and religious reasons to conserve nature, while Chinese immigrants stood out as mentioning most often anthropocentric reasons. Traditional cultural representations of nature partly seemed to echo in people's perceptions of nature. Support for nature conservation was high among the respondents; however, this hardly translated into engagement in nature conservation.

ABSTRACT This research aims to analyze the evolution of Chinese migration, focusing on the worsening distribution of income, the concentration of investments and planning for the development of inland China, being grounded, in most cases, by the classical thinkers of development. It could be seen that provinces with larger investments are the most sought after by migrants who are in the search of better opportunities. The concentration of urbanization in the coastal region and regional inequalities in China may be mitigated through a regional development focused on disadvantaged provinces, causing workers seek opportunities in their own provinces.

This data collection consists of qualitative interviews and focus groups with Chinese people who had studied in the UK. Data was collected in May/June 2019. This research is about how pro-environmental (or ‘green’) attitudes change when people migrate, with a particular focus on Chinese students who moved to the UK to study for at least one year. Previous research suggests that these students often change their environmental attitudes when they live in the UK, and that they may also change their behaviour (for example, recycling more or saving energy at home more than before their study). This project looks at what happens next – do Chinese students who have studied in the UK for an extended period really change their ‘green’ attitudes and change their behaviour after they come back to China? Or is the change only temporary? Has the experience of living in the UK affected their opinions on ‘green’ issues?When students leave home to study, they are likely to change many aspects of their behaviour, and adapt and develop many of their attitudes and values as well. Some of these changes may be enduring and profound. When students migrate to a new country, such changes can be even more dramatic. This project looks specifically at behaviours and attitudes which relate to environmental impacts, such as energy use, transport choices, and waste disposal, and specifically at Chinese students who come to study in the UK. In my own previous research, Chinese students who had come to the UK to study reported finding themselves in a country with a stronger culture of 'being green' than they had been used to back home. Interestingly, many of them said that they had changed many of their green behaviours. In my sample of Chinese students in Southampton, many reported recycling more, saving energy and using greener transport options, often out of a desire to 'fit in' with their non-Chinese peers. Two questions arise from this. Firstly, given that there are many Chinese students in the UK, how can we try to encourage more green behaviour among this significant student cohort? Secondly, what happens when students go back to China? Does the green behaviour change endure, or is it lost? These are the questions this research project seeks to answer. 42 participants in qualitative interviews and focus groups. All participants are Chinese people who had completed a period of study in the UK and since returned to China.

In 2024 there were approximately ***** million migrant workers in China. Around ****million of them were local migrant workers, working in the vicinity of their place of home, while ***** million worked at more distant places in their home province or in regions far away. The number of migrant workers increased slightly by around *** million people in 2024. Migrant workers in China The total number of migrant workers in China has increased steadily, except for 2020. In 2024, migrant workers in China accounted for more than ** percent of the total population and roughly ** percent of the Chinese labor force. It is worth noting that nearly half of migrant workers left their hometowns without their families. In terms of education, the majority of migrant workers in China are moderately educated, i.e. less than ** percent of them did not get to finish middle school. Migrant workers contribute significantly to China’s urbanization and modernization. Roughly ** percent of them were employed in the manufacturing industry in 2024, and around ** percent in the construction sector. Wages and employment There has been a considerable rise in the average monthly income of migrant workers in recent years, which reached ***** yuan in 2024 – more than two times as much as in 2012. However, migrant workers are still not being treated equally. At least the share of migrant workers who did not receive their wages on time has decreased significantly from 4.1 percent in 2008 to less than 1 percent in recent years. This is only a small improvement, though, since unemployment is quite high among migrant workers: In 2012, some 7.7 percent of migrant workers were registered as unemployed in western China, a percentage much higher than the national unemployment rate of approximately 5 percent.

The data has been generated by ethnographic observations, interviews and interactions with migrant workers in two sites in Shanghai in 2017/2018: Songjiang District on the south-western outskirts, and the inner-city Huangpu District, in proximity to some of the city’s most famous tourist attractions, such as the Bund or Nanjing Road. Ethnography, with its focus on everyday experience, can yield significant insights into understanding migrant mental health in contexts where signs of severe mental distress remain largely imperceptible, and more generally, into how stresses and strains are lived through the spaces, times and affective atmospheres of the city. Migrant ethnography can help us reconsider the oft-made connection between everyday stress and mental ill health. In this research, drawing on field evidence in central and peripheral Shanghai, we highlight the importance of attending to the forms of spatial and temporal agency through which migrants actively manage the ways in which the city affects their subjectivity. These everyday subjective practices serve to problematize the very concept of ‘mental health’, enabling us to engage in a critical dialogue with sociological and epidemiological research that assesses migrant mental health states through the lens of the vulnerability or resilience of this social group, often reducing citiness to a series of environmental ‘stressors’.

In the 1800s, the spread of railroads enabled the growth and spread of the United States. Although slow by today’s standards, trains traveled more quickly than other forms of transportation available at the time. By train, it took roughly four days to reach San Francisco from Omaha, Nebraska. By contrast, it had taken covered wagons four to six months, and stagecoaches around a month. In addition to travel, railroads facilitated trade and economic growth. Prior to railroads, people relied on a system of roads and canals for transportation of goods and crops. But this system could be unreliable depending on road conditions, the weather, and many other factors. Trains brought products made in the factories of the East and Midwest to the rest of the country and carried farm produce and livestock to urban markets. The first railroad charter was granted to John Stevens in 1815, and several railroads were in service by 1830. Early rail development was haphazard, financed by individual investors and built without government oversight. Rail gauges, or the distance between rails, could be different depending on the company. This caused a lot of problems for connecting railroads, because only trains designed for that gauge could use those sections of track. Despite miles of track being built, people were generally still skeptical about the usefulness of railroads. In 1843, the Western Railroad of Massachusetts proved to Americans that trains could transport crops and other goods long distances at low costs. By 1861, there were 35,400 kilometers (22,000 miles) of track in the North and only 15,300 kilometers (9,500 miles) in the South. Troops and supplies could be transported quickly using trains. Many battles, like the Battle of Bull Run, were fought over control of Southern railway depots, and tracks were used to move both Confederate and Union soldiers to battles. After the Civil War, railway construction increased significantly. In 1862, Congress passed the Pacific Railway Act with the goal of building a transcontinental railroad. The first, built by the Central Pacific Railroad Company in the West and the Union Pacific in the Midwest, was completed in 1869. Following roughly the route previously taken by the Pony Express and the California Trail, the route was called the Overland Route. Construction was dangerous, as rail crews had to cross mountains, rivers, and other difficult terrain. For this work, the Central Pacific and Union Pacific relied mainly on immigrant labor, recruiting Chinese immigrants in the West and Irish immigrants in the Midwest. Formerly enslaved people and Mormons were also part of these crews. Between 10,000 and 15,000 Chinese workers completed an estimated 90 percent of work on the Central Pacific’s portion of track, facing racism, violence, and discrimination. Chinese workers were often paid less than white workers and were given the most undesirable and dangerous jobs. The Overland Route was one of the first land-grant railroads. To fund construction of such a long and expensive project, the U.S. government gave railroad companies millions of acres of land that they could sell for profit. Following this model, many more railroads were built, including four additional transcontinental railroads. These new railroads took southern and northern routes across the country. In addition to connecting existing cities on the West Coast to the rest of the country, the railroads also influenced where people settled. Trains made multiple stops to refuel, make repairs, and take on more food and water. In return, towns grew around these stops. More than 7,000 cities and towns west of the Missouri River started as Union Pacific depots and water stops. In 1890, the U.S. Bureau of the Census announced that the “Frontier was closed.” The railroads had played a large role in that milestone. This dataset was researched and built by Dr. Jeremy Atack, Professor Emeritus and Research Professor of Economics at Vanderbilt University. His procedure and sources, as well as downloadable files, are documented here.

Cultural evolutionary models have identified a range of conditions under which social learning (copying others) is predicted to be adaptive relative to asocial learning (learning on one's own), particularly in humans where socially learned information can accumulate over successive generations. However, cultural evolution and behavioural economics experiments have consistently shown apparently maladaptive under-utilization of social information in Western populations. Here we provide experimental evidence of cultural variation in people's use of social learning, potentially explaining this mismatch. People in mainland China showed significantly more social learning than British people in an artefact-design task designed to assess the adaptiveness of social information use. People in Hong Kong, and Chinese immigrants in the UK, resembled British people in their social information use, suggesting a recent shift in these groups from social to asocial learning due to exposure to Western cul...

The right to health is a fundamental human right for human beings to live in dignity. Everyone has the right to enjoy the fair and accessible highest standard of health by utilizing public health services. However, access to essential public health services also highly depends on the dialect culture. It is believed that the dialect culture also influences the efficiency of public health policies. To explore the phenomenon empirically, the current study utilized data sourced from geographical distribution information of Chinese dialects and the China Migrants Dynamic Survey for 2017. The study employed the Probit, IVprobit, and Eprobit models to estimate the impact of dialect culture on migrants' use of public health services. The findings revealed that the dialect culture significantly hinders the migrants' utilization of public health services. Further, by employing heterogeneity analysis, the findings revealed that the results are more pronounced in migrants, born after 1980, and are female with low educational background and also those migrants having local medical experiences and moving toward non-provincial cities. Finally to explore the mechanism of dialect culture influencing migrants' public health service, the study employed mediation analysis and KHB Method. The findings revealed that information transmission, health habits, social capital, and cultural identity are the potential pathways influencing the migrants' use of public health services. The findings conclude that rural-to-urban migrants' access to public health services is influenced by their cultural adaptation. Hence, the study proposes that the government should amend the policy inefficiency concerns caused by cultural differences and strengthen the regional cultural exchanges to build trust.

Chinese Restaurant Franchising Market Outlook

The global market size for Chinese restaurant franchising was valued at approximately USD 14.8 billion in 2023 and is projected to reach USD 23.1 billion by 2032, growing at a CAGR of 4.8% during the forecast period. The growth of this market is primarily driven by increasing consumer preferences for diverse culinary experiences and the rising disposable incomes across various regions.

One of the primary growth factors for the Chinese restaurant franchising market is the increasing globalization and cross-cultural interactions, which have significantly boosted the popularity of Chinese cuisine worldwide. The unique flavors, diverse menu options, and relatively healthy ingredients compared to other fast food options make Chinese cuisine a preferred choice for many consumers. Additionally, the rise of food delivery services and online food ordering platforms has made it easier for consumers to access their favorite Chinese dishes, further propelling the market growth.

Another significant factor contributing to the market's expansion is the growing trend of dining out among younger generations. Millennials and Gen Z consumers are known for their inclination towards trying new and exotic foods, which includes Chinese cuisine. The social aspect of dining out, coupled with the appeal of beautifully themed Chinese restaurant interiors, creates a compelling dining experience that attracts a broad customer base. Moreover, strategic marketing and promotional activities by franchise owners play a crucial role in drawing in new customers and retaining existing ones.

The adoption of modern technology and innovation in the food and beverage industry is also a notable growth driver. Chinese restaurant franchises are increasingly integrating advanced technologies such as AI-powered kitchen equipment, automated ordering systems, and efficient supply chain management tools. These technological advancements not only enhance operational efficiency but also improve customer satisfaction through faster service and enhanced food quality. Furthermore, innovative menu engineering and the introduction of healthier, organic, and vegan options cater to the evolving dietary preferences of consumers.

From a regional perspective, Asia Pacific remains the dominant market for Chinese restaurant franchising, owing to the region's rich cultural heritage and the widespread popularity of Chinese cuisine. North America and Europe are also significant markets due to the high demand for Chinese food in these regions, driven by a diverse population and increasing number of Chinese immigrants. The Middle East & Africa and Latin America are emerging markets with substantial growth potential, as the appetite for Chinese cuisine continues to grow in these regions.

Restaurant Type Analysis

The restaurant type segment of the Chinese restaurant franchising market is diverse, encompassing full-service restaurants, quick service restaurants (QSRs), casual dining, and fine dining establishments. Full-service restaurants often offer an extensive menu with a variety of Chinese dishes, providing a complete dining experience that includes table service and an inviting ambiance. These establishments tend to cater to families and larger groups who prefer a relaxed dining environment where they can enjoy authentic Chinese cuisine. The growth of full-service Chinese restaurants is fueled by the increasing demand for experiential dining and the rising trend of family gatherings and celebrations at restaurants.

Quick service restaurants (QSRs) are another vital segment, characterized by their fast-paced service and affordable menu options. QSRs typically focus on high-volume sales and rapid turnover, making them a popular choice among busy professionals, students, and individuals seeking a quick and convenient meal. The expansion of QSRs in the Chinese restaurant franchising market is driven by the growing urbanization, hectic lifestyles, and the rising number of dual-income households, all of which contribute to the demand for fast and accessible dining options.

Casual dining restaurants strike a balance between full-service and quick service establishments, offering a more relaxed atmosphere than QSRs while maintaining a quicker service speed than full-service restaurants. This segment appeals to a wide demographic, including young adults, families, and working professionals who seek a comfortable yet casual dining experience. The growth in the casual dining segment can be attributed to the increasing consumer preference

This dataset lists inmates incarcerated at Cockatoo Island prison in Sydney (Australia) between 1847-1869. It offers insights into how the colonial criminal justice system operated after New South Wales’ transition from a penal colony to a ‘free’ colony when transportation ceased in 1840. It is a useful tool for genealogists tracing the lives of their criminal ancestors and for historians of crime and punishment researching nineteenth-century Australia. The dataset includes prisoners' names and aliases, their ship of arrival, place of origin, details of their colonial conviction(s) (trial place, court, offence, sentence), date(s) admitted to Cockatoo Island, and when and how they were discharged from Cockatoo Island. In some cases, it also includes prisoners' place of origin, occupation, biometric information (height, eye/hair colour, complexion, scars, tattoos), 'condition upon arrival' (convict or free), and (for convicts) details of their original conviction in Britain or Ireland. As a UNESCO World Heritage 'Convict Site' Cockatoo Island is best known as a site of secondary punishment for recidivist convicts, especially those transferred from Norfolk Island. This dataset demonstrates the diversity of the prison population: including nominally free convicts (ticket-of-leave holders), migrants from Britain, China and other Australian colonies drawn in by the gold rush, exiles from Port Phillip, Aboriginal Australians convicted during frontier warfare, colonial-born white Australians (including bushrangers), and black, Indian and American sailors visiting Sydney. Significant attention has been paid to the more than 160,000 British and Irish convicts who were transported Australia as colonists between 1787 and 1868. Much less has been said about those punished within the criminal justice system that arose in the wake of New South Wales' transition from 'penal' to 'free' colony (Finnane, 1997: x-xi). Cockatoo Island prison opened in 1839, a year before convict transportation to New South Wales ceased, and was intended to punish the most recidivist and violent of the transported convicts. This archetype has prevailed in historical discourses, and they have been described as 'criminal lunatics... [and] criminals incapable of reform' (Parker, 1977: 61); 'the most desperate and abandoned characters' (O'Carrigan, 1994: 64); and people of 'doubtful character' (NSW Government Architect's Office, 2009: 29). Yet, this was far from the truth. My analysis of 1666 prisoners arriving between 1839-52 show they were overwhelming non-violent offenders, tried for minor property crimes at lower courts. They were also far more diverse population than commonly recognised, including Indigenous Australian, Chinese and black convicts alongside majority British and Irish men (Harman, 2012). This project will make publicly available extremely detailed records relating to Cockatoo Island's prisoners to show people firsthand exactly who made up the inmate population. The digital version of the original registers will include information on convicts' criminal record, but also their job, whether they were married or had children, and even what they looked like. It will also be a name-searchable database so family historians can search for their ancestors, who may have been incarcerated on the island. As it stands, they will be able find information online about ancestors who were transported as long as they remained in the 'convict system', but they may seem to disappear as soon as they are awarded their ticket-of-leave and become 'free'. However, many former convicts, and free immigrants, to New South Wales were convicted locally, and these records can give us information about their lives within the colony. The type of data included in these registers will also allow researchers to investigate questions including: (1) were convicts more likely to offend again than free immigrants? (2) Were the children of convicts more likely to offend than others? (3) Did the influx of mostly Chinese migrants during the gold rush actually lead to a crime-wave, as reported in the press? (4) Were laws introduced between 1830 and 1853, actually effective at prosecuting bushrangers (highwaymen)? (5) Was the criminal-judicial system in Australia more rehabilitative, despite developing out of a harsher convict transportation system? Alongside the dataset, the website will include 'life-biographies' of individual convicts to show you how this dataset can be used to piece together a life-story. It also to warns against understanding a real-life person only through the records of their conviction. There many of fascinating stories to tell, including those 'John Perry' ('Black Perry') the prizewinning boxer; the love story of the 'Two Fredericks'; and Tan, the Chinese gold-digger who resisted his incarceration. In addition, there will be teaching resources for secondary school children and undergraduate university students who want to engage directly with historical materials, without having to leave their classroom. Overall, this website invites anyone with an interest in the history of crime and punishment, and any visitors to the UNESCO world heritage site 'Cockatoo Island', to try searching for a name in the database or read about a featured convict's life story. It asks them, though, to think about how and why these people's lives intersected with the state, leading to their incarceration, and how history has erased much of their lives outside of it. Data collection involved photographing a Cockatoo Island’s surviving prison registers and returns kept at the State Archives of New South Wales (call numbers: 4/4540, 4/6501, 4/6509, 6571, 4/6572, 4/6573, 4/6574, 4/6575, X819). In these volumes, clerks had listed details of incoming prisoners on the dates they arrived between April 1847 and October 1869. This prison register for the period 1839-46 (call number: 2/8285) had not survived to a good enough quality for accurate transcription and was excluded from data collection. I photographed and then transcribed these records in full into a tabular form, with minor standardisation of abbreviations and irregular spellings. Where multiple records existed for one person I combined information from two separate archival records into one line of the dataset. Where I could not verify that two people with the same name were the same person, I listed them as separate entries. Barring errors in entry at the time of record creation, the studied population represents the entire population of prisoners incarcerated at Cockatoo Island between April 1847 and October 1869 when the prison closed.

The research collected qualitative interview data from 55 undocumented migrants and 24 ethnic enclave employers from Bangladeshi, Chinese, Turkish (including Kurds from Turkey and Northern Cypriots) communities who were living in London. The three groups were selected for their sizeable presence among London’s minority ethnic communities but also their migration histories, reasons for migration and pathways to the UK have been different, providing the variance of experiences that we were looking for in the study. The fieldwork took place between February 2012 and April 2013. Interviews with undocumented migrants: Of the 55 interviews carried out, 20 interviews were with undocumented migrants from China, 20 with undocumented migrants from Turkey (including Kurds and Northern Cypriots) people and 15 with undocumented migrants from Bangladesh. Trained interviewers, with relevant community language skills, carried out the interviews with undocumented migrants in first languages and translated, transcribed and anonymised the transcripts. The project team carried out detailed training about the project, in-depth interviewing, translations and transcriptions, networking and sampling and research ethics. A number of starting points into networks were used to identify interviewees as a way of ensuring greater diversity than would have been the case if we had drawn from fewer networks, as networks are often quite homogeneous. Indicative quotas to obtain different social and demographic profiles that were relevant for the research questions were used to guide the fieldwork. These included quotas for sex, length of time in the UK and place of employment, either within or outside of the ethnic enclave. In the final sample of undocumented migrants, 40 were men and 15 were women reflecting the greater difficulties we had locating women who were living as undocumented migrants due, in part, to the mores hidden nature of their experiences within domestic settings. Interviews with Employers: Interviews were carried out with 24 employers. The final sample of employers comprised 7 Bangladeshi, 8 Chinese and 9 Turkish entrepreneurs of whom 6 were Kurds from Turkey, 2 were Turkish and 1 was from Northern Cyprus. Five interviewees were female and 19 were male. With the exception of one Bangladeshi heritage woman who ran a family owned business, all the other employers interviewed were migrants born outside of Britain. Length of time in Britain ranged from 9 years to over 40 years. The interviews were carried out in English by the university based research team. Employers were identified for interview using chain referral methods starting at multiple access points for greater sample heterogeneity. Initial points of access included cold calling at businesses, gatekeepers from community organisations and through the networks of the community researchers. Our success at finding employers willing to be interviewed was due in part to the timing of the fieldwork, which took place after most of the interviews with undocumented migrants had been carried out and so we were able to effectively utilise some of the networks that had been developed for that part of the research. An asynchronous internet focus group, conducted through an email group was carried out with seven employer participants. This research explores the labour market experiences of undocumented migrants from Bangladesh, China and Turkey (including Kurds) living and working in London and the motivations of minority ethnic entrepreneurs employing people from these three groups. The study examines the ways in which undocumented migrants and their employers use social networks and other resources in relation to job seeking and work and how working relationships operate within frameworks of ethnicity, class and gender. Any additional disadvantages that might exist as a consequence of imbalanced power relationships due to immigration status and the extent to which employment relationships within ethnic enclave employment replicate or differ from employment relationships in general are examined. We are concerned to understand the ways in which being undocumented intersects with employment experiences and decision making about work and recruitment from both the perspectives of migrants and their employers, while engaging critically with theories of social capital. The research is based on in-depth interviews with 60 undocumented migrants, male and female, 30 working inside ethnic enclaves and 30 outside and with 24 minority ethnic employers running enclave businesses. Two asynchronous Internet focus groups with employers of undocumented migrants will be conducted to obtain a collective employer perspective. Two populations were studied in this research: undocumented migrants and ethnic enclave employers. In-depth qualitative interviews were used for both study populations. A total of 55 interviews with undocumented migrants and 24 with ethnic enclave employers from Bangladeshi, Chinese, Turkish (including Kurds from Turkey and Northern Cypriots) populations who were living in London at the time of the fieldwork. Non-probably sampling techniques were used for both study populations. Participants were found using networking and chain referral / snowballing methods that included multiple starting points from community organisations, migrant and refugee support groups, cold calling, snowballing through other interviewees and interviewer and research contacts. Quotas were set for key variables for the interviews with undocumented migrants. An asynchronous internet focus group, conducted through an email group was carried out with seven employer participants. Anonymous email accounts were set up for those who expressed their interest ensuring complete confidentiality and anonymity. Once the email addresses were set up and the participants signed up, the research team posted questions to the group and the participants could reply to the question, and to each other’s comments through Reply All. The discussion was open for three weeks.

Since the reform and opening up, hundreds of millions of rural migrants have been moving into the city to engage in non-agricultural employment due to the growing gap between urban and rural areas. After more than 40 years of migration between urban and rural areas, the migration pattern of rural migrants has gradually changed from "moving alone" into "moving with family members". Family-oriented migration, therefore has become the main mode of population migration in China, leading to significant structural changes regarding their living strategies and urban integration process in destination cities. The transfer of a large number of rural labor force to cities can effectively alleviate the contradiction of "more people and less land" in rural China, can promote land circulation and promote large-scale farming activities. However, in reality migrant workers face various personal and institutional obstacles during their integration into the cities. For instance, they are more often low-income social groups and have to bear the cost life in cities. Also, inequality regarding urban welfare systems makes it difficult for their family members to gain accessibility to equal educational, housing, social and medical welfares. These facts also affect their decision making on farmland transfer, even the majority of them no longer engage in farming activities. Therefore, under the background of family-oriented mobility, it is of great significance to explore the influence of migrant workers' urban integration level on their farmland transfer behavior, if further increase on farmland transfer rate in China is needed.Based on the push and pull theory, farmer's rationality hypothesis and new migration economic theory, this paper summarizes the relevant literature research results and construct a conceptual framework to explain influence mechanism of rural migrants’ urban integration level on their farmland transfer behavior under the background of family-oriented migration. From the empirical analysis, combined with the survey of 2017 Chinese rural-urban population flow (RUMiC) in 15 cities and 1033 samples data, the research conducted the following studies. First, using principal component analysis (pca) method. The research measured rural migrant family members’ urban integration level by decomposing it from the economic social and psychological dimension. Second, the Logit econometric model is constructed to empirically test the impact of rural migrants family members urban integration level and its related three dimension (economic, social and psychological) on their farmland transfer behavior. It further compared the influential differences of the three dimensions on the behavior. The results show that the urban integration level of the family members has a significant positive impact on their farmland transfer behavior. Specifically, both the economic and psychological integration level of rural migrants family members have a significant impact on the behavior of farmland transfer, while that of the social integration is not significant. In addition, the economic integration level of rural migrant family members has a greater impact on the decision-making of their farmland transfer than the social integration level and psychological integration level. Based on the aforementioned results, this research suggested to strengthen related institutional and socioeconomic supports for the integration of rural migrant workers and their family members and to reduce their dependence on farm land and related farming activities, which would help to promote their urban integration level. To make them to settle down in destination cities and to increase the productivity of farming activities.