Christianity is the major religion in numerous African countries. As of 2024, around 96 percent of the population of Zambia was Christian, representing the highest percentage on the continent. Seychelles and Rwanda followed with roughly 95 percent and 94 percent of the population being Christian, respectively. While these countries present the highest percentages, Christianity was also prevalent in many other African nations. For instance, in South Africa, Christianity was the religion of nearly 85 percent of the people, while the share corresponded to 71 percent in Ghana. Religious variations across Africa Christianity and Islam are the most practiced religions in Africa. Christian adherents are prevalent below the Sahara, while North Africa is predominantly Muslim. In 2020, Christians accounted for around 60 percent of the Sub-Saharan African population, followed by Muslims with a share of roughly 30 percent. In absolute terms, there were approximately 650 million Christians in the region, a number forecast to increase to over one billion by 2050. In contrast, Islam is most prevalent in North Africa, being the religion of over 90 percent of the population in Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia, and Libya. Christianity in the world As opposed to other religions, Christianity is widely spread across continents worldwide. In fact, Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean, and Europe each account for around 25 percent of the global Christian population. By comparison, Asia-Pacific and North America make up 13 percent and 12 percent of Christians worldwide, respectively. In several regions, Christians also suffer persecution on religious grounds. Somalia and Libya presented the most critical situation in Africa in 2021, reporting the strongest suppression of Christians worldwide just after North Korea and Afghanistan.

In 2024, Ethiopia had the largest Christian population in Africa, with around 77.5 million people who identified as Christian. The second highest Christian population was in Nigeria, with 74.4 million people. Christianity has a significant presence in Africa, with its history on the continent dating back to the fourth century in Ethiopia. Furthermore, Christianity has spread throughout Africa with different denominations and traditions, taking root in various regions. Some of the largest Christian denominations in Africa include the Roman Catholic Church, the Anglican Church, and the Pentecostal and Charismatic movements.

In 2023, 27.5 percent of Americans were unaffiliated with any religion. A further 13.4 percent of Americans were White evangelical Protestants, and an additional 13.3 percent were White mainline Protestants. Religious trends in the United States Although the United States is still home to the largest number of Christians worldwide, the nation has started to reflect a more diverse religious landscape in recent years. Americans now report a wide range of religious beliefs and backgrounds, in addition to an increasing number of people who are choosing to identify with no religion at all. Studies suggest that many Americans have left their previous religion to instead identify as atheist, agnostic, or nothing in particular, with many reasoning that they stopped believing in the religion's teachings, that they didn't approve of negative teachings or treatment of LGBTQ+ people, or that their family was never that religious growing up. Christian controversies Over the last few years, controversies linked to Christian denominations have plagued the nation, including reports of child sexual abuse by the Catholic Church, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, and the Southern Baptist Convention. Christian churches have also been accused of supporting discriminatory actions against LGBTQ+ people and people belonging to other religious groups. In addition, there have been increasing concerns about Christian nationalism, the political ideology that asserts that America was founded to be a Christian nation. Although the majority of Americans still think that declaring the United States a Christian nation would go against the U.S. Constitution, studies found that most Republicans would be in favor of this change.

This statistic shows the giving levels across congregations in the United States in 2008, by faith tradition. As of 2008, about 11 percent of Catholic adherents give 10 percent or more of their net income regularly to church.

About this dataset

Context

The dataset tabulates the population of Christian County by race. It includes the population of Christian County across racial categories (excluding ethnicity) as identified by the Census Bureau. The dataset can be utilized to understand the population distribution of Christian County across relevant racial categories.

Key observations

The percent distribution of Christian County population by race (across all racial categories recognized by the U.S. Census Bureau): 67.74% are white, 19.31% are Black or African American, 0.21% are American Indian and Alaska Native, 1.26% are Asian, 0.43% are Native Hawaiian and other Pacific Islander, 2.36% are some other race and 8.69% are multiracial.

Content

When available, the data consists of estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) 2019-2023 5-Year Estimates.

Racial categories include:

• White
• Black or African American
• American Indian and Alaska Native
• Asian
• Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander
• Some other race
• Two or more races (multiracial)

Variables / Data Columns

• Race: This column displays the racial categories (excluding ethnicity) for the Christian County
• Population: The population of the racial category (excluding ethnicity) in the Christian County is shown in this column.
• % of Total Population: This column displays the percentage distribution of each race as a proportion of Christian County total population. Please note that the sum of all percentages may not equal one due to rounding of values.

Good to know

Margin of Error

Data in the dataset are based on the estimates and are subject to sampling variability and thus a margin of error. Neilsberg Research recommends using caution when presening these estimates in your research.

Custom data

If you do need custom data for any of your research project, report or presentation, you can contact our research staff at research@neilsberg.com for a feasibility of a custom tabulation on a fee-for-service basis.

Inspiration

Neilsberg Research Team curates, analyze and publishes demographics and economic data from a variety of public and proprietary sources, each of which often includes multiple surveys and programs. The large majority of Neilsberg Research aggregated datasets and insights is made available for free download at https://www.neilsberg.com/research/.

Recommended for further research

This dataset is a part of the main dataset for Christian County Population by Race & Ethnicity. You can refer the same here

In 1972, an estimated 90 percent of the population in the United States identified as Christian. By 2020, this number dropped down to 64 percent, a phenomenon which may be attributed to recent trends where many Americans have left Christianity to instead identify as atheist, agnostic, or nothing in particular. If these trends continue, the number of Americans who are Christian has been projected to fall to 35 percent by 2070.

The report Residential Care: US Christian Giving and Missions contains the findings from a nationally representative study of U.S. Christians commissioned by the Faith to Action Initiative and Changing the Way We Care® and conducted by Barna Group between November 11th and December 3rd, 2020. Sample description: Barna Group surveyed n=3,000 self-identified Christians, ages 18 and older. Respondents were quota sampled to be representative of the US Christian population by age, gender, ethnicity, education and region. Minimal statistical weighting was applied to maximize statistical representation based on national norms for Christians in the US. On average, the survey took 12.6 minutes to complete. All respondents were recruited online through a representative consumer research panel. Consumer research panels are vetted, nationally representative paid survey takers. Barna vets these panels for quality responses, ensuring they pass screening criteria and quality response minimums. There are representative flaws with this, as these participants are entirely online, literate and willing to take a survey. Therefore, it does not represent “rare” populations, such as individuals without internet, those who are illiterate or those inaccessible online. Consumer research panels do not well-represent low-income, poorly educated, and aging populations (65 years or older).

This dataset contains the Arab-West Report special reports that were published in 2007. This dataset mainly contains the writings of Cornelis Hulsman, Drs., among other authors on topics related to Muslim- Christian relations and interfaith dialogue. Additionally, this dataset features certain reports related to the Christian faith in Egypt, Monastic life and Coptic traditions.Some of the articles address the media coverage of Muslim-Christian incidents and sectarian tensions, and how biased media reporting can often exacerbate existing tensions between groups. These articles feature a number of interviews conducted by Arab West Report with prominent social figures and scholars.Additionally, reports from this dataset discuss conversion cases and interfaith meetings that were held at the time. This dataset also contains media critique from Arab West Report Editor-in-Chief Cornelis Hulsman, Drs.Some of the themes that characterize this dataset include:- Authors report on their trip to see the celebration of the Holy Family crossing the Nile River in a village in Upper Egypt. They reflect on their experiences and the need to improve dialogue between Muslims and Christians in Egypt.- An overview of a forum organized by the Center for Civilizational Studies and Dialogue between Cultures at Cairo University to introduce a book written by Father Christian van Nispen, sj, entitled, ‘Christians and Muslims: Brothers before God.’ van Nispen’s principle argument is that both Muslims and Christians worship one and the same God, but according to different understandings.- Another report highlighted the second conference on bias, entitled: ‘The International Conference for Dialogue between Civilizations and the Different Tracks of Knowledge.’ The 4-day conference, was sponsored by the Program for Civilizational Studies and Dialogue between Cultures at Cairo University, and the International Institute of Islamic Thought.- The Arab West Report annual report: The Center for Arab-West Understanding presents its annual report for 2006.Media critique:- “Minister Of Awqaf Dr. Hamdi Zakzouk Falsely Accused Of Calling For The Death Penalty For Apostates From Islam”: Arab-West Report responds to media claims that Dr. Hamdi Zakzouk called for the death penalty for apostates from Islam.-In another report, the authors stress that misguided media reporting often only serves to further tensions, particularly in cases of sectarian strife. Another article presents the transcript of a lecture for the Arab Thought Forum. It considers media distortions and mis-representation in the media that only serve to further antagonize Muslim-Christian relations and the perception of Islam / the Arab world in the West. Cornelis Hulsman, Drs., explains the role of the Center for Arab West Understanding, and the importance of constructive, unbiased, and fully researched journalism.-Hulsman stressed in one of his articles that media frequently manipulate headlines in an effort to present stories in the context they desire. Headlines are also frequently sensationalized in an effort to attract a larger number of readers, but if this also distorts a story this should be questioned. Cornelis Hulsman, Drs., stresses the danger of ignorant media reporting, and the damage that inaccurate fact-checking can cause. He provides a number of examples from various intellectuals, commenting on stories that have been sensationalized in the media, and the negative effects this reporting had on Arab-West relations and on furthering dialogue between the Islamic and Arab world and the West.Interviews:-“An interview With Father Basilius About Father Matta Al-Maskin”: Father Basilius discusses the history and theological philosophies of Father Mattá al-Maskīn. The interview is mainly focused on theology and the practices of clergymen.- An interview with Tarek Heggy at CIDT where Drs. Cornelis Hulsman and staff members discuss sensitive issues throughout the Arab world.- An interview by AWR/ CIDT interns with Dr. Hala Mustafa, where she comments on her role in the National Democratic Party’s Policies Committee, her opinions on reform in Egypt, critiques the role of Egyptian security, and outlines the necessary steps needed for reform to take effect.- “Saad Eddin Ibrahim Meets With CIDT Interns To Discuss How Islamists Have Changed”: Saad Eddin Ibrahim, is one of the most outspoken critics of the Egyptian government, who was imprisoned from 2000-2003 for his critique. Saad Eddin Ibrahim is a liberal secularist, but as a result of his strong democratic stance, he defends the rights of all groups in society, including Islamists, to participate in the politics of the country. CIDT-interns met with him for a talk about his life and his views.-A review of the Annual Anglican-Al Azhar Interfaith Meeting Dialogue held in All-Saints Cathedral which implicitly dealt with dialogue and means of furthering it.-A report on church response to poverty in Egypt and specifically how this issue is being addressed by the Coptic Orthodox Church in an attempt to alleviate the suffering of Egyptians.-The following presents an investigative report authored by Mads Akselbo Holm, an intern for Arab-West Report, on the issue of Muslims leaving their faith. This study provides an excellent background to the commotion caused by Muḥammad Ḥijāzī announcing his conversion to Christianity. In addition to that, another article discussed “The Freedom to Change One’s Religion Or Belief”; and another spoke of “Article 18 Of The Universal Declaration Of Human Rights”, indicating that although Egyptian civil law does not prohibit conversion from one religion to another, there are discrepancies in an individual’s ability to convert.-Debates about freedom of religion and conversion in Egypt focusing on legal cases of conversions, specifically changing one’s religious identity on identification cards.- A report by Hulsman discussed the state of past and present relations between Muslims and Christians in Egypt. The paper opens by giving information about Pope Shenouda III and the most important incidents that have taken place during his reign. The second half of the paper then looks at specific examples of Christian contributions to Christian-Muslim tensions in contemporary Egypt.- An article discusses the exaggerated interpretations of some Western Christians about the position of Christians in Egypt.Authors featured in this dataset are:Cornelis Hulsman, Drs., Ane Skov Birk, Salmā Ānwar, Drs. Sawsan Jabrah Ayyub Khalil, Katrin Koehler, Christian Fastenrath, Dr. Larry F. Levine, Wisām Muhammad al-Duwīnī, Maria Rezzonico, Mads Akselbo Holm, and Susan Richards-Benson

Mali is a predominantly Muslim country with 94.84 percent of the population belonging to Islam. Of that 94.84 percent, only 0.8 percent is Shi’a versus the greater majority of Sunni Muslims in the country. While most of the population is Muslim, a small minority practice other religions as well; 2.37 percent Christianity, 2.02 percent Animist, 0.04 percent Other, 0.45 percent Atheist/Agnostic, and 0.28 percent Undeclared. Of the 2.37 percent of Christians in Mali, the majority of those are Roman Catholic. The Catholic Church has six dioceses that make up less than two percent of Mali’s population. Mali is typically defined as a secular state, with a constitution and code of laws that protect the public’s right for religious freedom and practice.

While the Malian government is officially secular, it frequently consults the moderate High Council of Islam (HCIM) and the Committee of Wise Men on controversial social issues of national scope. The HCIM is an umbrella organization with representatives from all significant Muslim organizations in-country as well as over 160 non-governmental organizations. The Committee of Wise Men includes the Catholic Archbishop and prominent Malian Protestant and Muslim leaders. In an effort to enshrine its commitment to multi-faith democracy, the Malian government has declared a diverse set of religious holidays as national holidays, including Mawloud, the Prophet’s Baptism, Easter Monday, Eid al- Fitf, Tabaski, and Christmas.

Religion is not taught in any public school in Mali. There are some private schools and madrasas that do offer both Christian and Islamic teachings in addition to the state-mandated secular curriculum. In Mali, most madrasas are located in the south in areas such as Sikasso (600), Segou (428), and Bamako (268). In the northern regions of Mali there are a little over 300 madrasas.

In recent months, a loose coalition of militant Tuareg and Islamist groups, including al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), Ansar Dine, the Movement for Unity and Jihad in West Africa (MUJAO), and the Azawad National Liberation Movement (MNLA), has taken over northern Mali with the goal of forming an Islamic state in the Trans-Sahara region. Areas under militant control have seen the imposition of strict Sharia law, including bans on music and severe restrictions on women and practitioners of non-Islamic faiths. In Timbuktu and other northern urban centers, different Islamic groups have destroyed numerous ancient Sufi mosques, tombs, and other artifacts in an effort to purge the region of “heretical” faiths.

Christians are one of the most underrepresented groups in science, and one potential explanation is that scientists have a bias against Christian students, which could discourage and actively prevent Christian students from becoming scientists. Although there is a general perception in society that there is bias against Christians in science, we do not know whether science students, who frequently interact with scientists, perceive this bias. Further, no researchers have attempted to experimentally document the existence of bias against Christians in science. To address these gaps in the literature, we designed three studies. In the first study, we found that college science students report a perceived bias against Christians in science and that evangelical Christians perceive greater bias than Catholic and non-Christian students. Then in two studies, biology professors evaluated Ph.D. program applicants and we examined whether the professors rated a student less favorably when the student revealed a Christian religious identity. We found no statistically significant differences in how biology professors rated a student who was President of the Christian Association compared to a student who was President of the Atheist Association or a student who was President of the Activities Association. However, in Study 3, biology professors did rate a Christian student who went on a mission trip with Campus Crusade for Christ as less hireable, less competent, and less likeable than a student who did not reveal a Christian identity. Taken together, these studies indicate that perceived bias against Christians in science may contribute to underrepresentation of Christians but actual bias against Christians in science may be restricted to a specific type of Christianity that scientists call fundamentalist and/or evangelical.

This project explored the efforts of Chrsitian nationalist activists and government officials to "actualize" the constitutional declaration that Zambia is a "Christian nation." The central component of the data are field notes from four months of participant-observation in Zambia’s government Ministry of National Guidance and Religious Affairs. In addition to this material are further fieldnotes outlining participant-observation at the 2018 National Day of Prayer, church-sponsored prayer meetings, and notes from interviews with church and government leaders. Finally, there are notes and recordings of a radio call-in show sponsored by the project. This live broadcast featured church leaders and political commentators debating the meaning of the declaration of Zambia as a Christian nation, as well as comments from the national audience who phoned into the show.

There can be no doubt that we live in a world where religion has taken on a great deal of political importance. The rise of Hindu nationalism in India, debates about the Christian character of the European Union, and the implementation of Sharia law in several Nigerian states all point to the fact that famous social scientific predictions that secularism would follow modernity have not come to pass. These examples, as well as numerous others from across the globe, raise some important questions: What are the political effects of religious nationalism? How do changes in the political status of a religion impact ritual life, belief, and practice? Is it possible for a religious state to protect the rights of all of its citizens, including those that fall outside the religious boundaries it creates? And, perhaps most fundamentally, what role should religion play in public life? This project explores these broad questions through a specific case study: Zambia, the only African country to make a state-sponsored declaration that it is a Christian nation. "The declaration," as it is often called, has recently become a source of concern for international bodies like the UN, as it raises questions about the rights of sexual and religious minorities. The declaration is also a source of debate among Zambian Christians. Although for some, especially Pentecostals, the declaration represents an agreement with God that protects Zambia, other Christians have argued that it hinders the church's capacity for political critique. Empirical data on these debates, including a careful examination of what it means for Zambians from different backgrounds to live in a self-proclaimed Christian nation, will provide a picture of the realities of religious nationalism in a different context to that which we are used to seeing, as academic discussions of this topic have typically focused on the Islamic world or the secular West. The Zambian case therefore provides a fresh perspective on established debates. This is important not only because it expands academic knowledge, but also because it provides the public with stronger evidence for decision-making about the future role of religion in public life. In Zambia, these decisions will be made through a referendum to approve a new constitution, and with it the declaration. The UK is also facing important decisions about the public role of religion, for instance in debates about assisted suicide. Research on the declaration therefore has implications for public debate both in Zambia and at home in the UK. In order to understand Christian nationalism in Zambia, this project employs a mixture of established ethnographic tools and innovative, community-based methodologies. Given the role of media in shaping the public's idea of the nation, I pay particular attention to the way that political actors, church leaders, and ordinary Zambians engage with newspapers, television, and radio, as well as new media like blogs and online news sites. I will explore these issues through focus group discussions of news broadcasts, as well as a series of call-in radio shows that will allow the Zambian public to drive the direction and content of my research. This project will also engage with the discussions of Christian nationalism emerging from the religious sphere through ethnographic research in two churches. Finally, data will be collected through interviews with Zambian citizens whose rights are most obviously threatened by the declaration, namely members of religious and sexual minority communities. Following initial fieldwork in Zambia, I will collaborate with scholars working in other post-colonial countries in which Christianity plays a prominent role in state politics to develop a comparative picture of Christian nationalism in the Global South. This project will pave the way for a larger comparative study of religion and political economy.

About this dataset

Context

The dataset tabulates the population of Pass Christian by gender across 18 age groups. It lists the male and female population in each age group along with the gender ratio for Pass Christian. The dataset can be utilized to understand the population distribution of Pass Christian by gender and age. For example, using this dataset, we can identify the largest age group for both Men and Women in Pass Christian. Additionally, it can be used to see how the gender ratio changes from birth to senior most age group and male to female ratio across each age group for Pass Christian.

Key observations

Largest age group (population): Male # 5-9 years (316) | Female # 10-14 years (317). Source: U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) 2019-2023 5-Year Estimates.

Content

When available, the data consists of estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) 2019-2023 5-Year Estimates.

Age groups:

• Under 5 years
• 5 to 9 years
• 10 to 14 years
• 15 to 19 years
• 20 to 24 years
• 25 to 29 years
• 30 to 34 years
• 35 to 39 years
• 40 to 44 years
• 45 to 49 years
• 50 to 54 years
• 55 to 59 years
• 60 to 64 years
• 65 to 69 years
• 70 to 74 years
• 75 to 79 years
• 80 to 84 years
• 85 years and over

Scope of gender :

Please note that American Community Survey asks a question about the respondents current sex, but not about gender, sexual orientation, or sex at birth. The question is intended to capture data for biological sex, not gender. Respondents are supposed to respond with the answer as either of Male or Female. Our research and this dataset mirrors the data reported as Male and Female for gender distribution analysis.

Variables / Data Columns

• Age Group: This column displays the age group for the Pass Christian population analysis. Total expected values are 18 and are define above in the age groups section.
• Population (Male): The male population in the Pass Christian is shown in the following column.
• Population (Female): The female population in the Pass Christian is shown in the following column.
• Gender Ratio: Also known as the sex ratio, this column displays the number of males per 100 females in Pass Christian for each age group.

Good to know

Margin of Error

Data in the dataset are based on the estimates and are subject to sampling variability and thus a margin of error. Neilsberg Research recommends using caution when presening these estimates in your research.

Custom data

If you do need custom data for any of your research project, report or presentation, you can contact our research staff at research@neilsberg.com for a feasibility of a custom tabulation on a fee-for-service basis.

Inspiration

Neilsberg Research Team curates, analyze and publishes demographics and economic data from a variety of public and proprietary sources, each of which often includes multiple surveys and programs. The large majority of Neilsberg Research aggregated datasets and insights is made available for free download at https://www.neilsberg.com/research/.

Recommended for further research

This dataset is a part of the main dataset for Pass Christian Population by Gender. You can refer the same here

As the COVID-19 pandemic hit, Orthodox Christians globally reacted to the possibility of contagion and risk in dialogue with theological positions about materials, their own long history which includes surviving previous pandemics and plagues, governmental and civil expectations and edicts, and pious – but often unofficial – understandings about protection and the sacrality of religious artefacts and the space of the temple. This dataset aggregates primary ethnographic research amongst Orthodox Christians in the UK, Serbia, Greece and Russia to highlight commonalities and divergences in Orthodox Christian responses to the pandemic. Examining both the theological basis, and socio-political differences, this dataset focuses on how the Orthodox theology of apophaticism and relationality impacts wider discourses of contagion (both positive and negative), and consequently compliance with public health initiatives. Comparison across diverse Orthodox settings highlights Orthodox Christian concern with the neighbour – both in terms of who may be watching (and reporting) them, and who may fall sick because of them.Aims: This project asks 'What role does the material ecology play in shaping the sociopolitics of Global Orthodoxy?' as a case study for global political discourse and the role of material in the social dynamics of religion. Impact: Orthodox Christianity is a tradition based on discourse, but there has been very little research looking at the specifics of how it works. Focusing on discourse also tends to over emphasise words and belief. But what if, like Max Muller, we insist that religion must start with what is perceived, not with concepts like 'belief in the supernatural'? This means we situate discursive traditions like Orthodoxy not in concepts but in the material culture of local and global religious groups. This reframes how we understand religion, and forefronts the impact that religious practice has upon material aspects of our experience like health, the environment and geopolitics. Context: Much social scientific interest in religion looks at the variation in the lived religion from one place to another. However, there are moments - such as in April 2018 when the President of Ukraine asked the Greek Patriarch to intervene into the Russian Church in the Ukraine - when religion can not be studied only in the local lived expression. Situations such as the conflict in Ukraine are complicated by historic tension between local Orthodox Churches. Disagreements in the interpretation of the theology of the body, person, and environment foment political tension within the Churches, between the Churches and external bodies, and between nations. The materiality of discourse must be seen as central to the form and practice of the tradition. Research: Framed in terms of three research domains, this project focuses on the material conditions of Global Orthodox sociopolitics, conducting research amongst Orthodox Christians and religious institutions. The project investigates how the properties and affordances of the material ecology (including the body, the built environment and wider 'natural' order) shape and are marshalled within the discourse of the Orthodox Churches. The three domains are the Body, Person, and Environment. The Body domain addresses issues such as medical interventions, like IVF and organ donation, which are, across Global Orthodoxy, contentious to varying degrees. The material body becomes a place for negotiating ethical goods (eg extending life, fertility, honouring God). The Person domain examines the variance in permission different churches grant concerning family and marriage practices (eg divorce, family planning). There is also a mounting discourse around identity politics, with some voices pushing for an open approach to homosexuality and women clergy. The material of the body, person, and Church are marshalled as the grounding for historically contingent, philosophically premised, and scientifically inflected arguments for or against 'progressive' movements. Finally, the Environment domain examines the relationship between humans, specific locations, and the earth as a whole. Orthodox theologians highlight an emphasis on 'stewardship of the earth' and call for active engagement in ecological conservation. Issues such as Global Warming take an explicitly religious imperative, as scientific data points to human failure to fulfil their God-given role as caretakers. The control of land (including places like Crimea and Jerusalem) also becomes a religious duty with geopolitical impact. Output: This project will produce one academic book on the material aspects of the sociopolitics of Orthodox Christianity, a book written for a general audience looking at key case studies around contemporary issues in Orthodoxy, six academic articles, white papers and policy advice on various issues relating to the health and wellbeing of Orthodox Christians and their homelands, and pamphlets written with stakeholder community leaders to help address social issues within the community settings. Data collected by a combination of ethnographic methods, including deep hanging out, participant observation, and informal conversations.

This statistic shows the sources of congregational income of churches in the United States in 2008, by church size. As of 2008, trust funds, investments, bequets were the source of about 41 percent of income of small churches with up to 100 members.

About this dataset

Context

The dataset tabulates the population of Pass Christian by race. It includes the population of Pass Christian across racial categories (excluding ethnicity) as identified by the Census Bureau. The dataset can be utilized to understand the population distribution of Pass Christian across relevant racial categories.

Key observations

The percent distribution of Pass Christian population by race (across all racial categories recognized by the U.S. Census Bureau): 71.88% are white, 19.36% are Black or African American, 0.81% are American Indian and Alaska Native, 1.15% are Asian and 6.79% are multiracial.

https://i.neilsberg.com/ch/pass-christian-ms-population-by-race.jpeg" alt="Pass Christian population by race">

Content

When available, the data consists of estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey (ACS) 2017-2021 5-Year Estimates.

Racial categories include:

• White
• Black or African American
• American Indian and Alaska Native
• Asian
• Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander
• Some other race
• Two or more races (multiracial)

Variables / Data Columns

• Race: This column displays the racial categories (excluding ethnicity) for the Pass Christian
• Population: The population of the racial category (excluding ethnicity) in the Pass Christian is shown in this column.
• % of Total Population: This column displays the percentage distribution of each race as a proportion of Pass Christian total population. Please note that the sum of all percentages may not equal one due to rounding of values.

Good to know

Margin of Error

Data in the dataset are based on the estimates and are subject to sampling variability and thus a margin of error. Neilsberg Research recommends using caution when presening these estimates in your research.

Custom data

If you do need custom data for any of your research project, report or presentation, you can contact our research staff at research@neilsberg.com for a feasibility of a custom tabulation on a fee-for-service basis.

Inspiration

Neilsberg Research Team curates, analyze and publishes demographics and economic data from a variety of public and proprietary sources, each of which often includes multiple surveys and programs. The large majority of Neilsberg Research aggregated datasets and insights is made available for free download at https://www.neilsberg.com/research/.

Recommended for further research

This dataset is a part of the main dataset for Pass Christian Population by Race & Ethnicity. You can refer the same here

Roman Catholic Churches In Large Cities in Arkansas This dataset includes buildings where Roman Catholics gather for organized worship in cities with a population of 50,000 people or more. Roman Catholic Churches are Christian Churches that are subject to the papal authority in Rome. In addition to what are commonly thought of as Roman Catholic Churches, this data set also includes Newman (or Neumann) Centers and Chaldean Churches. Newman Centers are Roman Catholic Churches setup specifically to serve college or university populations. The Chaldean Church (also known as the Chaldean Church of Babylon) reunited with the Catholic Church in the 15th century. It originated in the Middle East. If a group of Roman Catholics gather for organized worship at a location that also serves another function, such as a school, these locations are included in this dataset if they otherwise meet the criteria for inclusion. Roman Catholic Shrines are included if they hold regularly scheduled mass. If a congregation celebrates mass at multiple locations, we have tried to include all such locations. This dataset excludes churches that are not subject to papal authority in Rome. Some churches may refer to themselves as "Catholic", and yet not be part of the "Roman" Catholic Church and these Churches are excluded from this dataset. Specifically Protestant Churches and their descendants which separated from the Roman Catholic Church beginning in 1517, Eastern Orthodox Churches (e.g. Russian, Greek) which separated from the Roman Catholic Church in 1054, and Episcopalian (Church of England in America) which separated from the Roman Catholic Church in 1534 are excluded. The 22 "Eastern Catholic autonomous particular churches", with the exception of the Chaldean Church, are also excluded. These are Churches which are in full communion with the Pope in Rome, but which practice their own rites which are different from the Western or Latin Roman Catholic Church. This dataset excludes rectories. Private homes, even if they are used for formal worship, are excluded from this dataset. Locations that are only used for administrative purposes are also excluded. This dataset also includes original TGS research. All data is non license restricted data. TGS has ceased making phone calls to verify information about religious locations. Therefore all entities in this dataset were â verifiedâ using alternative reference sources, such as topo maps, parcel maps, various sources of imagery, and internet research. The CONTHOW attribute for these entities has been set to â ALT REFâ . Text fields in this dataset have been set to all upper case to facilitate consistent database engine search results. All diacritics (e.g. the German umlaut or the Spanish tilde) have been replaced with their closest equivalent English character to facilitate use with database systems that may not support diacritics. The currentness of this dataset is indicated by the [CONTDATE] attribute. Based upon this attribute, the oldest record dates from 2007/09/05 and the newest record dates from 2007/09/05

This graph shows the number of ordained clergy serving religious parishes in the United States in 2009, by church. In 2009, about 105 thousand clergy members were serving the Southern Baptist Convention.

The eighteenth of 20 years of International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) surveys in New Zealand by Professor Philip Gendall, Department of Marketing, Massey University.A verbose rundown on topics covered follows.Content: attitudes towards religious practices. Assessment of personal happiness; attitudes towards pre-marital sexual intercourse; attitudes towards committed adultery; attitudes towards homosexual relationships between adults; attitudes towards abortion in case of serious disability or illness of the baby or low income of the family; attitudes towards gender roles in marriage.Trust in institutions (parliament, business and industry, churches and religious organisations, courts and the legal system, schools and the educational system); mobility; attitudes towards the influence of religious leaders on voters and government; attitudes towards the benefits of science and religion (scale: modern science does more harm than good, too much trust in science and not enough in religious faith, religions bring more conflicts than peace, intolerance of people with very strong religious beliefs).Judgement on the power of churches and religious organisations; attitudes towards equal rights for all religious groups in the country and respect for all religions; acceptance of persons from a different religion or with different religious views in case of marrying a relative or being a candidate of the preferred political party (social distance); attitudes towards the allowance for religious extremists to hold public meetings and to publish books expressing their views (freedom of expression).Doubt or firm belief in God (deism, scale); belief in: a life after death, heaven, hell, religious miracles, reincarnation, Nirvana, supernatural powers of deceased ancestors; attitudes towards a higher truth and towards meaning of life (scale: God is concerned with every human being personally, little that people can do to change the course of their lives (fatalism), life is meaningful only because God exists, life does not serve any purpose, life is only meaningful if someone provides the meaning himself, connection with God without churches or religious services).Religious preference (affiliation) of mother, father and spouse/ partner; religion respondent was raised in; frequency of church attendance (of attendance in religious services) of father and mother; personal frequency of church attendance when young; frequency of prayers and participation in religious activities; shrine, altar or a religious object in respondent’s home; frequency of visiting a holy place (shrine, temple, church or mosque) for religious reasons except regular religious services; self-classification of personal religiousness and spirituality; truth in one or in all religions; attitudes towards the profits of practicing a religion (scale: finding inner peace and happiness, making friends, gaining comfort in times of trouble and sorrow, meeting the right kind of people).Optional items (not stated in all countries): questions in countries with an appreciable number of Evangelical Protestants): ‘born-again’ Christian; attitudes towards the Bible (or appropriate holy book); questions generally applicable for all countries: conversion of faith after crucial experience; personal sacrifice as an expression of faith such as fasting or following a special diet during holy season such as Lent or Ramadan; concept of God (semantic differential scale: mother – father, master – spouse, judge – lover, friend – king); belief in lucky charms, fortune tellers, faith healers and horoscopes; social rules or God’s laws as basis for deciding between right and wrong; attitudes towards members of different religious groups (Christians, Muslims, Hindus, Buddhists, Jews, Atheists or non-believers.Demography: sex; age; marital status; steady life partner; years of schooling; highest education level; country specific education and degree; current employment status (respondent and partner); hours worked weekly; occupation (ISCO 1988) (respondent and partner); supervising function at work; working for private or public sector or self-employed (respondent and partner); if self-employed: number of employees; trade union membership; earnings of respondent (country specific); family income (country specific); size of household; household composition; party affiliation (left-right); country specific party affiliation; participation in last election; religious denomination; religious main groups; attendance of religious services; self-placement on a top-bottom scale; region (country specific); size of community (country specific); type of community: urban-rural area; country of origin or ethnic group affiliation.

The overall aim was to conduct a wide-ranging survey of Catholic adults living in Britain, which asked about many aspects of their lives, including their socio-demographic circumstances, the nature and extent of their religious engagement (belonging, behaviour and beliefs), their views of the Catholic Church’s leadership, institutions and teachings, and their social and political attitudes. The survey was conducted online by Savanta ComRes, in October-November 2019. This is a cross-sectional dataset, based on interviews with 1,823 self-identifying Catholics adults in Britain (aged 18 and over).

In recent decades, the religious profile of British society has changed significantly, with a marked increase in 'religious nones', declining proportions identifying as Anglican or with a particular Non-Conformist tradition, an increase in non-denominational Christians, and the spread of non-Christian faiths. Within this wider context, Roman Catholics have remained broadly stable as a proportion of the adult population and represent the second largest Christian denomination in Britain, after Anglicans. However, there have been significant internal and external developments which have affected the institutional church and wider Roman Catholic community in Britain, and which could have shaped how Catholics' think about and engage with their faith and how it impacts their daily lives. Recent years have seen demographic change through significant inflows of Catholic migrants coming from Eastern Europe, the papal visit of Pope Benedict XVI to Britain in autumn 2010 (the first since 1982), Pope Francis's pontificate from 2013 onwards, Catholic leaders' political interventions against 'aggressive secularism' and in other policy debates, and internal crises and debates impacting on the perceived authority of the Catholic Church. The last major academic investigation of the Catholic community (and only in England and Wales) was undertaken in the late 1970s (Hornsby-Smith and Lee 1979; Hornsby-Smith 1987, 1991). It found that the 'distinctive subculture' of the Catholic community in the post-war period was evolving and dissolving in complex ways due to processes of social change and developments within the wider faith, such as the Second Vatican Council (Hornsby-Smith 1987, 1991). It also demonstrated growing internal heterogeneity in Catholics' religious beliefs, practices and social attitudes (Hornsby-Smith 1987, 1991). However, while there has been some recent scholarship on particular topics relating to Catholics and Catholicism in Britain, using both general social surveys and limited one-off denomination-specific opinion polls (Clements 2014a, 2014b; 2016; Bullivant 2016a, 2016b), there has been no systematic academic inquiry into the Roman Catholic population in Britain. In comparison, an academic-led survey series has profiled the Catholic population in the United States on five occasions between 1987 and 2011, with other large-scale surveys carried out in recent years by organisations such as the Pew Research Center. Most existing research into the waning of religious belief, practice, and affiliation in Britain has focused either on the very large, macro level or on the very small, micro level. While both are important and necessary, largely missing has been sustained sociological attention on how secularising trends have affected - and are being mediated within - individual religious communities. This project would undertake such a task for Roman Catholics in Britain, by conducting a large-scale, thematically wide-ranging and nationally representative survey. It would provide a detailed study of personal faith, social attitudes and political engagement within a significant religious minority with distinctive historical roots and in which 'tribal' feelings of belonging have been strong. The core topics would consist of personal faith, religiosity and associational involvement in parish life; attitudes towards leadership and governance within the institutional church; attitudes on social and moral issues; and political attitudes and engagement. It would be thematically wide-ranging and analytically rich, providing a detailed portrait of contemporary social, religious and attitudinal heterogeneity amongst Catholics. By undertaking this large-scale and wide-ranging survey, an important and distinctive contribution would be made to the sociology of religion in Britain in general and to the study of its Catholic population in particular.

The study charted the religious behaviour of people aged 20-39 and their attitudes towards religion. The significance of different people, things and activities in the respondents' lives were investigated (e.g. family, work, religion) as well as happiness with life in general. The respondents were presented a number of statements relating to beliefs, spirituality and religions (e.g. "God exists", "I'm interested in meditation") and asked to what extent they agreed with them. They were also asked whether they considered themselves religious or spiritual and whether they belonged to a church or a religious community. The respondents who were members of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland were asked additional questions about whether they had considered leaving the Church and whether they had joined the Church at some point (instead of being a member since birth). The respondents who did not belong to the Evangelical Lutheran Church were asked whether they had ever considered joining the Church, whether they had left the Church and when, and why they had left. Participation and desire to participate in congregational and spiritual life was charted (e.g. the frequency of attending church service, reading the Bible). Satisfaction with the activities of the Parish on the whole was surveyed as well as perceptions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church. Religious education and upbringing received by the respondents was investigated by asking whether they were taught an evening prayer as a child at home, who had given them religious instruction, whether they had attended confirmation classes and what the effect of the classes had been on their spiritual and religious life and their attitudes toward the Church and the Parish. Some questions charted participation and willingness to participate in different forms of voluntary work, and reasons for not doing voluntary work. Finally, the respondents were asked to what extent they believed in different Christian doctrines and in some paranormal phenomena. Background variables included the respondent's age, gender, household composition, economic activity, and education level as well as how long R had lived in the capital area, and whether they had children.