Sadly, the trend of fatal police shootings in the United States seems to only be increasing, with a total 1,173 civilians having been shot, 248 of whom were Black, as of December 2024. In 2023, there were 1,164 fatal police shootings. Additionally, the rate of fatal police shootings among Black Americans was much higher than that for any other ethnicity, standing at 6.1 fatal shootings per million of the population per year between 2015 and 2024. Police brutality in the U.S. In recent years, particularly since the fatal shooting of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri in 2014, police brutality has become a hot button issue in the United States. The number of homicides committed by police in the United States is often compared to those in countries such as England, where the number is significantly lower. Black Lives Matter The Black Lives Matter Movement, formed in 2013, has been a vocal part of the movement against police brutality in the U.S. by organizing “die-ins”, marches, and demonstrations in response to the killings of black men and women by police. While Black Lives Matter has become a controversial movement within the U.S., it has brought more attention to the number and frequency of police shootings of civilians.

The rate of fatal police shootings in the United States shows large differences based on ethnicity. Among Black Americans, the rate of fatal police shootings between 2015 and December 2024 stood at 6.1 per million of the population per year, while for white Americans, the rate stood at 2.4 fatal police shootings per million of the population per year. Police brutality in the United States Police brutality is a major issue in the United States, but recently saw a spike in online awareness and protests following the murder of George Floyd, an African American who was killed by a Minneapolis police officer. Just a few months before, Breonna Taylor was fatally shot in her apartment when Louisville police officers forced entry into her apartment. Despite the repeated fatal police shootings across the country, police accountability has not been adequate according to many Americans. A majority of Black Americans thought that police officers were not held accountable for their misconduct, while less than half of White Americans thought the same. Political opinions Not only are there differences in opinion between ethnicities on police brutality, but there are also major differences between political parties. A majority of Democrats in the United States thought that police officers were not held accountable for their misconduct, while a majority of Republicans that they were held accountable. Despite opposing views on police accountability, both Democrats and Republicans agree that police should be required to be trained in nonviolent alternatives to deadly force.

As of November 17, 277 Black people were killed by the police in the United States in 2024. This compares to 201 Hispanic people and 445 white people. The rate of police shootings of Black Americans is much higher than any other ethnicity, at 6.2 per million people. This rate stands at 2.8 per million for Hispanic people and 2.4 per million for white people.

As of December 31, the U.S. police shot 1,173 people to death in 2024. In 2023, 1,164 people were shot to death by police in the United States. Police treatment Since as early as the 18th century, police brutality has been a significant issue in the United States. Black Americans have been especially marginalized by police officers, as they have faced higher rates of fatal police shootings compared to other ethnicities. Disparities also exist in perceptions of police treatment depending on ethnicity. A majority of Black Americans think that Black and White people do not receive equal police treatment, while more than half of White and Hispanic Americans think the same. Police reform The upsurge in Black Lives Matter protests in response to the killing of Black Americans as a result of police brutality has created a call for police reform. In 2019, it was found that police killings decreased by a quarter in police departments that implemented a policy that requires officers to use all other means before shooting. Since the killing of George Floyd in May 2020, 21 states, including New York and California, have passed bills that focused on police supervision.

The killing of Tyre Nichols in January 2023 by Memphis Police Officers has reignited debates about police brutality in the United States. Between 2013 and 2024, over 1,000 people have been killed by police in every year. Some of the most infamous examples include the murder of George Floyd in May 2020, and the shooting of Breonna Taylor earlier that year. Within this time period, the most people killed by police in the United States was in 2023, at 1,353 people. Police Violence in the U.S. Police violence is defined as any instance where a police officer’s use of force results in a civilian’s death, regardless of whether it is considered justified by the law. While many people killed by police in the U.S. were shot, other causes of death have included tasers, vehicles, and physical restraints or beatings. In the United States, the rate of police shootings is much higher for Black Americans than it is for any other ethnicity and recent incidents of police killing unarmed Black men and women in the United States have led to widespread protests against police brutality, particularly towards communities of color. America’s Persistent Police Problem Despite increasing visibility surrounding police violence in recent years, police killings have continued to occur in the United States at a consistently high rate. In comparison to other countries, police in the U.S. have killed people at a rate three times higher than police in Canada, and 60 times the rate of police in England. While U.S. police have killed people in almost all 50 states, as well as the District of Columbia, New Mexico was reported to have the highest rate of people killed by the police in the United States, with 8.03 people per million inhabitants killed by police.

In the United States, more men than women are shot to death by the police. As of October 22, the U.S. police shot 904 men and 44 women to death in 2024. In 2023, the police shot 1,107 men and 48 women to death.

The Black Lives Matter movement evolved as a protest against police brutality against unarmed Black men. This book extends beyond police brutality to revolutionize the national conversation about racial injustice and inequality and advocate for freedom and justice for all Black Americans. This multi-contributor anthology addresses a range of hot button issues and racial disparities that disproportionately impact the Black community. This call to action will challenge you to confront your long-held values and beliefs about Black lives and confront your own white privilege and fragility as you examine racial justice and equality in a revolutionary way. The data are composed of essay/transcripts. Click on the "request access" option next to each file, to request access to the data.

As of October 22, police in the United States had shot 23 unarmed people to death in 2024. The most common weapon for a victim of a fatal police shooting to be carrying is a gun. In 2023, 717 people carrying a gun were shot and killed by the U.S. police.

As of November 25, 251 people aged 45 years and over were fatally shot by U.S. law enforcement officers in 2024. 310 people in the same age group were shot to death by police in 2023, and 263 in 2022.

Data on police personnel (police officers by gender, civilian and other personnel), police-civilian ratio, police officers and authorized strength per 100,000 population, authorized police officer strength and selected crime statistics. Data is provided for Canada, provinces, territories and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) headquarters, training academy depot division and forensic labs, 1986 to 2023.

Standardized regression coefficients and 95% confidence intervals for associations between random intercept factors for pro-police attitudes and time-varying covariates.

In the year ending March 2020, an estimated 773,000 people in England and Wales were sexually assaulted. These types of crimes have lasting effects on victims’ mental health, including depression, anxiety, and post-traumatic stress disorder. There is a large body of literature which identifies several factors associated with the likelihood of the victim reporting a sexual assault to the police, and these differences may be due to rape myth stereotypes which perpetuate the belief that rape is only “real” under certain conditions. Less is known, however, about the effect these rape myths and stereotypes have on the investigation process itself and the subsequent police outcomes assigned to sex offences. This study aimed to address this gap, providing a profile of all RASSO (rape and serious sexual offences) committed over a 3-year period in one English police force, the police outcomes of these offences, and whether any offences, suspect, or victim variables were associated with different outcomes, in particular the decision to charge or cases where victims decline to prosecute. In line with previous research, the majority of victims were female while the majority of suspects were male, and the most frequent victim–suspect relationship was acquaintance, followed by partner/ex-partner. Charge outcomes were more likely in SSOs and less in rape offences, more likely with stranger offences and less likely than offences committed by partners/ex-partners and relatives, and some non-white suspects were more likely to be charged than suspects of other ethnicities, including white suspects. Victim attrition was more likely in cases where the suspect was a partner or ex-partner and least likely where the suspect was a stranger, more likely in SSOs than in rape cases, and more likely when the victim ethnicity was “other”. Law enforcement should be aware of the potential biases, both relating to rape myths and stereotypes and to the biased treatment of victims and suspects based on demographic characteristics, and work to eliminate these to ensure a fairer and more effective RASSO investigative process.

In the 2022/23 reporting year, the police in England and Wales were more than 3.4 times likely to use force against black people, when compared to white people. People of mixed, Asian and other ethnic groups were however likely to have force used against them by police forces.

This special topic poll, fielded April 1-5, 2000, queried residents of New York State on the prospective Senate race between First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton and New York City Mayor Rudolph Giuliani in 2000, and on a range of other political and social issues. Respondents were asked to give their opinions of President Bill Clinton, New York State governor George Pataki, Hillary Clinton, Rudolph Giuliani, and civil rights activist Al Sharpton. Regarding the upcoming Senate race, respondents were asked how much attention they were paying to the upcoming election, for whom they would vote, whether that decision was firm, and who they thought would win. Respondents were also asked which of the potential candidates cared more about people like the respondent, whether the candidates cared about the needs and problems of Black people, and whether the candidates were trying to bring together or divide various groups of New Yorkers. Respondents were asked whether they approved or disapproved of the way Giuliani was handling his job as mayor, and the way he was handling crime, education, and race relations. Regarding Mrs. Clinton, respondents were asked whether they approved of the way she was handling her role as First Lady. Opinions were also elicited on whether Hillary Clinton and Giuliani were spending more time explaining what they would do as senator or attacking each other. Respondents were asked to rate the performance of the New York City police department, whether the police should interfere in individuals' freedoms to make the city safer, and if the respondent had ever been insulted by an officer, felt in personal danger from a police officer, or felt safer because of a police officer. Other questions focused on whether racial profiling was widespread in New York City, whether racial profiling was justified, whether respondents had personally been racially profiled, and if the police favored whites over Blacks or Blacks over whites. In relation to the police shooting death of Patrick Dorismond, an unarmed Black male, outside of a Manhattan bar, respondents were asked how closely they had been following the shooting, how common brutality by the New York City police department against minorities was, how the policies of the Giuliani administration affected the amount of police brutality in New York City, whether the officer involved in the Dorismond shooting should face criminal charges, and whether the public comments made by Giuliani, Hillary Clinton, and Sharpton regarding the shooting made the situation better or worse. Background information on respondents includes voter registration and participation history, political party, political orientation, marital status, religion, education, age, sex, race, Hispanic descent, and family income.

In 1980, the National Institute of Justice awarded a grant to the Cornell University College of Human Ecology for the establishment of the Center for the Study of Race, Crime, and Social Policy in Oakland, California. This center mounted a long-term research project that sought to explain the wide variation in crime statistics by race and ethnicity. Using information from eight ethnic communities in Oakland, California, representing working- and middle-class Black, White, Chinese, and Hispanic groups, as well as additional data from Oakland's justice systems and local organizations, the center conducted empirical research to describe the criminalization process and to explore the relationship between race and crime. The differences in observed patterns and levels of crime were analyzed in terms of: (1) the abilities of local ethnic communities to contribute to, resist, neutralize, or otherwise affect the criminalization of its members, (2) the impacts of criminal justice policies on ethnic communities and their members, and (3) the cumulative impacts of criminal justice agency decisions on the processing of individuals in the system. Administrative records data were gathered from two sources, the Alameda County Criminal Oriented Records Production System (CORPUS) (Part 1) and the Oakland District Attorney Legal Information System (DALITE) (Part 2). In addition to collecting administrative data, the researchers also surveyed residents (Part 3), police officers (Part 4), and public defenders and district attorneys (Part 5). The eight study areas included a middle- and low-income pair of census tracts for each of the four racial/ethnic groups: white, Black, Hispanic, and Asian. Part 1, Criminal Oriented Records Production System (CORPUS) Data, contains information on offenders' most serious felony and misdemeanor arrests, dispositions, offense codes, bail arrangements, fines, jail terms, and pleas for both current and prior arrests in Alameda County. Demographic variables include age, sex, race, and marital status. Variables in Part 2, District Attorney Legal Information System (DALITE) Data, include current and prior charges, days from offense to charge, disposition, and arrest, plea agreement conditions, final results from both municipal court and superior court, sentence outcomes, date and outcome of arraignment, disposition, and sentence, number and type of enhancements, numbers of convictions, mistrials, acquittals, insanity pleas, and dismissals, and factors that determined the prison term. For Part 3, Oakland Community Crime Survey Data, researchers interviewed 1,930 Oakland residents from eight communities. Information was gathered from community residents on the quality of schools, shopping, and transportation in their neighborhoods, the neighborhood's racial composition, neighborhood problems, such as noise, abandoned buildings, and drugs, level of crime in the neighborhood, chances of being victimized, how respondents would describe certain types of criminals in terms of age, race, education, and work history, community involvement, crime prevention measures, the performance of the police, judges, and attorneys, victimization experiences, and fear of certain types of crimes. Demographic variables include age, sex, race, and family status. For Part 4, Oakland Police Department Survey Data, Oakland County police officers were asked about why they joined the police force, how they perceived their role, aspects of a good and a bad police officer, why they believed crime was down, and how they would describe certain beats in terms of drug availability, crime rates, socioeconomic status, number of juveniles, potential for violence, residential versus commercial, and degree of danger. Officers were also asked about problems particular neighborhoods were experiencing, strategies for reducing crime, difficulties in doing police work well, and work conditions. Demographic variables include age, sex, race, marital status, level of education, and years on the force. In Part 5, Public Defender/District Attorney Survey Data, public defenders and district attorneys were queried regarding which offenses were increasing most rapidly in Oakland, and they were asked to rank certain offenses in terms of seriousness. Respondents were also asked about the public's influence on criminal justice agencies and on the performance of certain criminal justice agencies. Respondents were presented with a list of crimes and asked how typical these offenses were and what factors influenced their decisions about such cases (e.g., intent, motive, evidence, behavior, prior history, injury or loss, substance abuse, emotional trauma). Other variables measured how often and under what circumstances the public defender and client and the public defender and the district attorney agreed on the case, defendant characteristics in terms of who should not be put on the stand, the effects of Proposition 8, public defender and district attorney plea guidelines, attorney discretion, and advantageous and disadvantageous characteristics of a defendant. Demographic variables include age, sex, race, marital status, religion, years of experience, and area of responsibility.

Between 2015 and 2022, 38 percent of police killings of Black people in the United States were committed while the victim was fleeing, the highest percentage of any ethnicity. Over the same time period, 22 percent of police killings of Asian Americans occurred while the victim was fleeing - the lowest percentage of any ethnicity.

Against the background of the worldwide protests against police violence and racism after the violent killing of the African-American George Floyd in the USA, this survey examines how racism is perceived in Germany and what experiences people with a migration background have had with racism in Germany. For this purpose, both people with and without a migration background are interviewed. The study asks about the prevalence of racist prejudices in the everyday life of the interviewees, about experiences with racism in different areas of life, about the feeling of security, recognition and well-being in German society and about trust in politics, political institutions and the police. In addition, respondents are asked how they assess the current use of politics in combating racism and in which areas more should be done.
1. Social participation and recognition: life satisfaction; fair share in life; factors for success in society (open); assessment of personal acceptance as an equal citizen, of personal possibilities to influence German politics and justice in Germany; trust in institutions (judiciary, federal government, media, police, authorities); attachment to the community/city of residence, the region, the federal state, Germany, the country of origin and the country of origin of the parents; personal feeling of security in Germany.

1. Living together in Germany: frequency of contact with people from a different ethnic background; assessment of living together with people from different ethnic backgrounds; reasons for problems in living together with people from different ethnic backgrounds in Germany (open); treatment of people from a different ethnic background compared to people from a German background (worse, same treatment or better).

2. Problem perception of racism in Germany: agreement with various statements about racism (most people in Germany do not differentiate according to the colour of someone´s skin, there is now too much talk about racism in Germany, which makes the problem bigger than it actually is, the racism debate is characterised by hysteria and oversensitivity, meanwhile there is also racism against white Germans in Germany, I´m not sure if I don´t sometimes act racist by mistake, racism nowadays only occurs in isolated cases, an action or statement can also be racist if it wasn´t meant that way at all, people from different cultures enrich Germany); perception of racism in Germany as a problem; perception of the frequency of violence against people with a different ethnic background as a problem in Germany; assessment of racism in Germany in comparison to other European countries and in comparison to the USA; assessment of racism in Germany today in comparison to the 1990s; future expectations with regard to the increase or decrease of racist prejudices and racist behaviour.

3. Definition of racism: assessment of racist situations (e.g. asking a non-white person where he/she originally comes from, addressing a person with a different ethnic background in simple German, etc.); groups of people affected by racism (people with a different skin colour, people who do not speak German without an accent, women with headscarves, people who visibly wear religious symbols or who belong to a non-Christian religion, people whose name sounds non-German); racist behaviour according to groups of people (everyone/individuals, majority of the population, educational institutions, police, media, parties, people whose name sounds non-German). (people with a different skin colour, people who do not speak German without an accent, women with headscarves, people who visibly wear religious symbols or belong to a non-Christian religion, people whose name sounds non-German); racist behaviour by groups of people (each individual, majority of the population, educational institutions, police, media, political parties, right-wing extremist individuals or groups); frequency of racist behaviour by groups of people; perception of racism in different areas of life (at work, in shops or in the service sector, in the housing market, in public, in leisure time, in the health or care sector, by offices or authorities, on the internet or in social networks, at school or kindergarten, by the police); assessment of the appropriateness of racial profiling.

4. Experiences of discrimination: question about the original country of origin; suspected reasons for the question about origin (appearance, accent, name, headscarf, clothing, because of accompanying persons, because of statements in conversation); appearance as a reason (hair, beard, face, skin colour, eyes or eye colour, headscarf, other item of clothing, other (open); personal experience of racially motivated discrimination according to areas of life and in the personal environment or by unknown third parties.

5. Anti-racist measures: opinion on renaming street names that contain terms perceived as racist or are named after racist perpetrators of...

In 2023/24, the police in England and Wales fatally shot two people, compared with three in the previous reporting year, and six in 2016/17. During the same reporting year, the police used firearms twice, compared with 13 times in 2018/19. In general, the police in England and Wales and the rest of the UK do not have a tradition of carrying firearms, with the country having some of the strictest gun laws in the world. In 2023/24, out of around 147,746 police officers, just 5,861 were licensed to carry firearms in England and Wales. Comparisons with the United States Among developed economies, the United States is something of an outlier when it comes to police shootings. In 2023, it is estimated that the police in the United States fatally shot 1,163 people. There are also significant disparities based on a person's ethnicity. Between 2015 and March 2024, the rate of fatal police shootings among Black Americans was six per one million people, 2.7 per million people for Hispanic Americans and 2.4 per million people for white Americans. Gun violence overall is also far more prevalent in the United States, with 42 percent of American households owning a firearm as of 2023. Gun homicides rare in England and Wales Of the 602 homicides that took place in England and Wales in 2022/23, just 29 were committed by a person using a firearm. By far the most common method of killing was using a knife or other sharp instrument, at 244 homicides, or around 41,4 percent of them. Compared with twenty years ago, homicides in England and Wales have declined; there were 1,047 in 2002/03. After that reporting year, homicides fell significantly, to a low of just 533 in 2014/15, but this trend reversed, and by 2016/17, there were more than 700 homicides recorded. Although there have been some fluctuations, particularly during 2020/21 at the height of COVID-19 lockdowns, the number of homicides has generally remained at these levels in the years since.

The study on internal security was conducted by dimap on behalf of the Press and Information Office of the Federal Government. During the survey period from 15.07.2024 to 28.07.2024, the population aged 16 and over in Germany was surveyed in telephone interviews (CATI) on the following topics: general security situation in Germany, personal perception of security and views on various aspects of security. Respondents were selected using a multi-stage random sample based on the RDD method, including landline and mobile phone numbers (dual-frame sample).
General security situation in Germany: feeling of security in Germany; development of internal security in Germany in the last ten years; reasons for a perceived deterioration in internal security (open).

Personal safety: general feeling of safety in the personal environment at present and in comparison to ten years ago; description of the residential area (houses in good condition, residential environment (e.g. streets, bus stops, green spaces) in good condition, frequent police presence, etc.); feeling of safety during the day in various places (in the apartment or house, in the neighborhood or in the district). ); feeling of safety during the day in various places (in the apartment or house, in the neighborhood or district, in public squares, at train stations, in underpasses and bus stops, on public transport, when traveling by car); feeling of safety in the evening or at night in the aforementioned places; personal experience and Victims among relatives and acquaintances in the last ten years with regard to various crimes (e.g. car/bicycle stolen, cheated during an online purchase, burglary at home, harassed or mobbed on the street, etc.); assessment of the problem in Germany due to youth violence, violence in the family, unjustified police violence, organized crime (e.g. mafia, clans,), crime committed by migrants, left-wing extremism, right-wing extremism, Islamism, cyber attacks, white-collar crime and disinformation campaigns on the Internet; increase or decrease in politically motivated acts of violence in Germany over the last ten years.

Views on security: when in doubt, freedom is more important than security vs . In case of doubt, security is more important than freedom; willingness to give up certain freedoms in favor of more security (that the protection of personal data on the Internet is temporarily (split: permanently) suspended, longer waiting times due to stricter controls at airports, the use of security checks at train stations as previously only at the airport, the use of security checks at schools and universities as previously only at the airport, comprehensive video surveillance in public spaces, comprehensive use of facial recognition software, more presence of private security services, e.g. in supermarkets and public buildings, police checks on the street even without concrete suspicion, checks at German borders); opinion on video surveillance in public places in relation to personal sense of security; assessment of various political measures to protect citizens from crime and violence as sensible vs. excessive (Increased police presence on the streets and at train stations, expansion of video surveillance on public streets and squares, consistent and rapid deportation of foreign criminals, deportation of foreign criminals to non-secure countries of origin such as Syria or Afghanistan, recruitment of additional public prosecutors and judges, more state subsidies for private protective measures against burglars, e.g. alarm systems, stricter penalties for burglars, acceleration of criminal proceedings, ban on switchblade knives in pedestrian zones, shopping centers, public transport and around kindergartens and schools (split: ban on switchblades); trust in institutions (police, constitutional protection, public prosecutors, courts); advocating the use of internet surveillance and data retention by state authorities for the following purposes: Fending off cyber attacks, solving crimes, preventing the spread of anti-democratic content, preventing the spread of hate comments; messenger services should be obliged to automatically search private chats for depictions of sexualized violence.

Demography: sex; age; federal state; Berlin West/East; size of location; highest level of education; party sympathy; respondent born in Germany; parents born in Germany (migration background).

Additionally coded were: Respondent ID; weighting factor.